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#       THE  STATE  OF  RELIGION       J 


LIBRAEY 

OF   TOE 

Theological   Seminary 

PRINCETON,    N.  J. 


Case, 


Shelf, 
Booh, 


'">...-*-. 


Sec! 


a.  I 


if 

1 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


http://www.archive.org/details/lifeoflutherembrOObowe 


Eff.  3UUTH 


THE 

LIFE   OF  LUTHER, 

EMBRACING 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF 
THE  EARLY  PROGRESS 

OF    THE 

'Reformation. 

BY 

ALEXANDER  BOWER. 


Quantus  vir  Lutherus,  quantis  dotibus  excellat,  quanta 


animi  foititudine  et  constantia,  quanta  doctrinae  efficacia. 

Calvin.  Ep.  ad  fiullinger. 


PHILADELPHIA  : 


PUBLISHED  AND  SOLD  BY  JAMES  HOGAN,  Jr. 

NO.    255,    MARKET-STREET. 

J.  Anderson,  Printer. 

1824. 


INTRODUCTION. 


IN  contemplating  the  Reformation  effected  by 
Luther,  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  our  admi- 
ration should  be  more  excited  by  the  magnitude  of 
the  event,  or  by  the  appearance  of  total  inadequacy 
in  the  means.  On  the  one  hand,  we  see  a  hierarchy 
of  absolute  dominion ;  on  the  other,  a  humble  and 
unknown  individual.  The  doctrine  of  the  former 
rested  on  the  steadfast  belief  of  many  ages,  and  was 
supported  by  the  concurrence  of  powerful  sovereigns ; 
that  of  the  latter  arose  from  solitary  meditation  in 
an  obscure  corner,  and,  during  many  years,  could 
boast  of  no  other  temporal  support  than  toleration. 
Yet  it  was  ordained,  in  this  memorable  contest, 
that  strength  should  yield  to  weakness,  and  that  the 
humble  should  triumph  over  the  lofty.  To  trace 
the  course  by  which  Providence  was  pleased  to  ac- 
complish this  wonderful  revolution,  is  the  task  pro- 
posed in  the  following  pages — a  task  which  involves 
the  relation  of  events  of  the  highest  interest  to  the 
members  of  the  Protestant  communion,  and  not  un- 
profitable, we  may  hope,  in  regard  to  the  improve- 
ment of  our  personal  conduct.  If  we  examine  his- 
tory with  a  view  to  conclusions  of  practical  utility. 


vi  INTRODUCTION. 

we  shall  find  no  part  of  it  better  calculated  to 
awaken  a  sense  of  the  vanity  of  power,  and  to  warn 
us  how  far  impatience  and  pride  may  be  rendered 
instrumental  to  their  own  humiliation. 

In  endeavouring  to  discover  the  means  employed 
by  Providence  to  effect  this  sudden  change,  our  at- 
tention is  directed  chiefly  to  two  things — the  state 
of  the  times,  and  the  character  of  him  who  was 
made  the  principal  agent  in  the  cause.  In  regard 
to  the  former,  the  revival  of  learning,  recent  as  it 
was,  had  operated  sufficiently  to  render  the  under- 
standings of  men  equal  to  the  comprehension  of  an 
improved  doctrine.  The  progress  of  civilization, 
though  not  rapid,  was  sufficient  to  demonstrate  the 
grossness  of  many  of  the  practices  of  the  Romish 
church.  The  season  for  crushing  the  advocates  of  a 
new  creed  by  treachery  and  assassination  was  past. 
Germany  and  a  considerable  part  of  Europe  were  in 
a  condition  to  appreciate  and  to  welcome  that  in- 
formation, which,  a  century  before,  would  have  been 
branded,  by  general  consent,  as  a  dangerous  and 
damnable  heresy.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that 
the  prince,  under  whose  protection  Luther  was 
destined  to  act,  took  greatly  the  lead  of  the  majority 
of  his  cotemporaries  in  discretion  and  sound  judg- 
ment. 

In  the  personal  character  of  Luther  we  discern 
many  qualities  calculated  to  enable  him  to  discharge 
with  success  the  important  duty  to  which  he  was 


INTRODUCTION.  vii 

called.  A  constitutional  ardour  for  devotion,  a 
boundless  thirst  of  knowledge  and  a  fearless  zeal  in 
communicating  it,  were  prominent  characteristics 
of  this  extraordinary  man.  At  the  age  when  others 
indulge  sanguine  expectations  of  success  in  life, 
Luther  withdrew  from  the  flattering  prospect,  and 
secluded  himself  in  the  recesses  of  a  monastery. 
Here,  on  discovering  a  copy  of  the  Bible,  he  for- 
sook all  other  employments  and  became  immersed 
in  the  study  of  the  neglected  volume.  Called  after- 
wards to  teach  others  from  the  pulpit  and  the  pro- 
fessor's chair,  he  soon  departed  from  the  beaten 
track,  and  promulgated  his  discoveries  without  the 
slightest  fear  of  civil  or  ecclesiastical  power.  An 
unwearied  perseverance  in  theological  research  led 
him  to  detect  farther  errors,  and  to  relinquish,  step 
by  step,  many  of  his  early  opinions.  In  all  situa- 
tions Luther  is  the  same, — pursuing  indefatigably 
the  knowledge  of  the  word  of  God,  and  never 
scrupling  to  avow  his  past  mistakes  whenever  the 
confession  could  facilitate  the  inquiries  or  confirm 
the  faith  of  others.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  head  of 
the  church  and  the  chief  of  the  German  empire 
combined  to  threaten  and  proscribe  him — he  braved 
with  equal  courage  the  vengeance  of  either  power, 
and  continued  to  denounce,  with  an  unsparing  hand, 
the  prevalence  of  corruption. 

These   are   the   leading   features   of  the   subject 
which  I  have  endeavoured  to  elucidate.     In  addition 


viii  INTRODUCTION. 

to  the  narrative,  I  have  attempted  occasional  obser- 
vations on  Luther's  theological  and  controversial 
writings.  Along  with  these  I  have  interspersed 
some  remarks  on  the  general  state  of  education  and 
knowledge  in  that  age.  On  all  points  of  conse- 
quence a  reference  is  made  to  a  specific  authority; 
but  the  extent  of  labour  bestowed  on  research,  I 
wish  estimated  rather  by  an  examination  of  the  book, 
than  by  any  previous  enumeration  on  my  part. — It 
remains  that  I  express  my  acknowledgments  to  those 
friends  who  have  taken  the  trouble  to  superintend 
my  work  in  its  progress  to  publication,  and  have  be- 
stowed on  it  that  attention  which  distance  from  the 
place  of  printing,  and  the  pressure  of  other  avoca- 
tions put  out  of  my  power. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508. 

Luther's  birth  and  parentage — his  education — Observations 
on  the  state  of  the  universities — Death  of  Alexius — Luther 
goes  into  a  monastery — Observations  on  monastic  institu- 
tions— Luther's  distress  of  mind — Discovers  a  copy  of  the 
Bible — His  eagerness  in  studying  it — Savonarola,  Kempis, 
and  others      --------------         17 

CHAPTER  II. 

PROM    THE    YEAR    1508    TO    1517- 

Luther  appointed  a  professor  at  Wittemberg — visits  Rome — - 
exchanges  the  philosophical  for  the  theological  chair  at 
Wittemberg — Observations  on  the  scholastic  philosophy  ; 
the  Platonists,  the  Aristotelians,  Positivi,  Sententiarii,  Mys- 
tici — Progress  of  Luther's  studies — Begins  to  question  and 
to  oppose  prevailing  tenets     ---------        35 

CHAPTER  III. 

YEAR    1517- 

Strength  of  the  church — Account  of  "  Indulgences  " — Tetzel, 
quaestor  for  the  sale  of  "  Indulgences " — Luther  opposes 
the  sale  of  "  Indulgences  " — his  offer  of  a  public  disputa- 
tion— his  letter  to  the  archbishop  of  Mentz — Tetzel's 
threats— Tetzel's  book  burned  by  the  Wittemberg  students    51 

B 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

YEAR    1518. 

Luther  anxious  to  avoid  a  rupture  with  the  pope — his  letters 
to  several  persons — A  friendly  disputation  held  at  Heidel- 
berg— Luther  is  opposed  by  Eckius  a  Dominican  ;  and  by 
Prierio,  a  Dominican — Leo  X.  dilatory  in  resisting  Luther 
— Influence  of  the  elector  Frederick  of  Saxony — Mission 
of  the  legate  Cajetan  to  Augsburg — Luther  summoned  to 
Rome — Frederick  consents  that  Luther  shall  appear  at 
Augsburg— his  journey  thither — his  interviews  with  Caje- 
tan— his  subsequent  letters  to  Cajetan — Cajetan's  com- 
plaint to  Frederick  —  Luther's  disquietude  —  Frederick's 
answer  to  Cajetan — Luther  appeals  to  a  general  council  71 

CHAPTER  V. 

YEAR    1519- 

Death  of  the  emperor  Maximilian — Proceedings  of  Miltitz, 
the  papal  nuncio — Circulation  of  Luther's  writings — The 
Franciscan  Minorites — Public  disputation  at  Leipsic  with 
Eckius— Duke  George  of  Saxony— Luther's  farther  publi- 
cations j  increased  occupation       --------117 

CHAPTER  VI. 

YEAR    1520. 

Luther's  letters  to  Charles  V.  and  others— Miltitz  the  nuncio 
— Letter  from  Luther  to  Leo  X. — Leo  proceeds  against 
Luther ;  issues  a  bull  against  him ;  and  applies  to  Fre- 
derick against  him — Protection  offered  to  Luther  in  Fran- 
conia — Luther  continues  to  publish — Popular  discontents 
at  the  bull— Luther  burns  a  copy  of  the  bull  and  of  the 


CONTENTS.  xi 

canon  law — Observations  on  the  canon  law — Remarks 
by  Erasmus — Extension  of  the  controversy — Leo's  reiter- 
ated application  to  the  elector  Frederick     138 

CHAATER  VII. 

YEAR    1521. 

Observations  on  the  policy  of  the  papal  court — Proposed  re- 
ference to  crowned  heads — Francis  I. — Charles  V. — Lu- 
ther excommunicated  by  the  pope  ;  apprized  that  he  would 
be  summoned  to  the  Diet  at  Worms ;  determines  to  accept 
the  summons;  aware  of  the  danger  of  going  thither ;  pro- 
ceeds to  Worms ;  called  before  the  diet — His  conference 
with  the  princes  of  the  empire — His  interviews  with  others 
— The  majority  of  the  diet  hostile  to  him — Luther  carried 
to  the  castle  of  Wartburg  ;  his  situation  and  conduct  there 
— He  continues  to  write  and  publish — Henry  VIII.  of 
England  writes  against  him — Luther's  answer — Death  of 
Leo  X. 168 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

YEARS    1522    AND    1523. 

Luther  occupied  in  translating  the  Bible — Observations  on 
that  work — Objections  of  the  Catholics  to  his  translation 
— Precipitate  conduct  of  his  friends  at  Wittemberg — Lu- 
ther returns  to  Wittemberg — Explains  his  tenets  to  his 
friends — His  differences  with  Carolostad — Continues  to 
publish — Opposition  of  duke  George  of  Saxony — Election 
of  pope  Adrian  VI. — His  character — Adrian's  acknow- 
ledgment of  corruption  in  the  church — The  "  Centum  Gra- 
vamina"— Ferdinand  of  Austria — Christiern  of  Denmark 
— Henry  VIII.  of  England — Progress  of  the  Reformation 


W  CONTENTS. 

— Flight  of  the  nuns  from  the  convent  at  Niinptschen — 
The  Bohemian  sectaries — Duke  George  of  Saxony — Louis, 
king  of  Hungary — Martyrdom  of  two  Protestants  at  Brus- 
sels— Luther's  occupations  and  anxiety — Cochlaeus,  an  op- 
ponent of  Luther — Fisher,  bishop  of  Rochester    -    -     -      195 

CHAPTER  IX. 

YEARS    1524    AND    1525. 

Election  of  pope  Clement  VII. — Cardinal  Campegio — Diet 
of  Nuremberg — Diet  of  Ratisbon  and  consequent  proceed- 
ings— Progress  of  the  Reformation  in  Prussia — Vehemence 
of  Carolostad — Luther  finally  leaves  his  monastery — Eras- 
mus writes  against  Luther — Luther's  reply — Death  of  the 
elector  Frederick  of  Saxony — War  of  the  peasants — Lu- 
ther's marriage — Henry  VIII.  of  England      -    -     -    -       230 

CHAPTER  X. 

PROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537- 

Rapid  progress  of  the  Reformation — Distinction  between  the 
biography  of  Luther  and  the  farther  history  of  the  Protes- 
tants— Luther  occupied  in  translating  the  Bible — His  far- 
ther publications — Reforms  the  Saxon  church — Diet  of 
Spires  in  1529 — The  Reformed  give  in  their  celebrated 
u  Protest" — Zwinglius  and  Ocolampadius  hold  a  disputa- 
tion with  Luther — Luther's  subsequent  publications — Arti- 
cles of  Torgau — Diet  of  Augsburg — The  "  Augsburg  Con- 
fession " — Luther's  occupations  at  Cobourg — Co-operation 
of  the  Protestant  princes — Death  of  Luther's  mother ;  of 
Zwinglius  and  Ocolampadius ;  of  the  elector  John  of  Saxo- 
ny— Conduct  of  duke  George  of  Saxony — Paul  III.  elected 
pope — Verger,  the  papal  nuncio,  sent  to  Luther — Their 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

interview  described — Death  of  Erasmus — Articles  of  Smal- 
cald 252 

CHAPTER  XI. 

FROM    THE    YEAR    153?   TO    1546. 

Luther's  illness  in  1537 — Recovers  and  resumes  his  functions 
— Publishes  two  editions  of  his  translation  of  the  Bible — 
His  other  publications — Death  of  duke  George  in  1539 — 
Conferences  at  Worms  and  Ratisbon  in  1540  and  1541 — 
Decay  of  Luther's  health  in  1545 — His  irritation  of  mind 
— He  withdraws  from  Wittemberg — Is  prevailed  on  to  re- 
turn— His  journey  to  Eisleben ;  occupations  there;  last 
illness  ;  death  and  funeral — His  character — Observations 
on  his  works ;  on  his  private  life — His  widow  and  chil- 
dren      276 


APPENDIX. 

NOTES. 

Calumnies  about  Luther's  birth         _-.-__._  301 

Hutten  and  Buchannan  on  the  ignorance  of  the  monks      -  301 
University  degrees — Lombard's  book  of  sentences       -     302,  30S 

Luther's  situation  as  a  monk      ---------  303 

Commentators  on  Scripture  who  preceded  him      -     -     -     -  303 

A  monk's  exposition  of  the  doctrine  of  justification      -     -  304 

Extemporary  preaching -     -     _     .  304 

Particulars  relative  to  Savonarola         --___._  305 

Thomas  a  Kempis     ------  306 

Gerson      ---------  306 

Taulerus      ---------  306 

Gabriel  Biel        307 

« Cammeracensis     -------  307 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

Particulars  relative  to  Origen      ------___  308 

Abelard       ------.._  308 

Thomas  Aquinas      -------  308 

Dunscotus        ----....  309 

Reuchlin,  surnamed  Capnion       -     -  309 

Luther's  avowal  of  early  attachment  to  the  pope        -     -     -  310 

Lorenzo  Pucci,  cardinal  datary       --------  310 

Discrepancy  between  Luther  and  Guicciardini      -     -     -     -  311 

Abuses  in  the  Catholic  church         ------._  311 

Definition  of  the  word  "  suffrage"      -----_-.  312 

Staupitz,  provincial  of  the  Augustinians  in  Saxony        -     -  312 

The  Dominican  order         --_---._.__  313 

Spalatin,  secretary  to  the  elector  Frederick         ...    -  313 

Leipsic  disputation  in  the  year  1519       -------  314 

Maimbourg's  history    ------------  314 

Luther's  letter  to  the  pope  in  1520         -----..315 

Practice  of  burning  obnoxious  books         --.___  315 
Profligacy  of  Leo  X.      ------------315 

Bohemian  sectaries     ------------  316 

Different  opinions  about  the  circumstances  of  Luther's  pa- 
rents        317 

Cochlaeus 317 

Luther's  fondness  for  Music     ----------318 

Relics  of  Luther 319 

His  will 320 


APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

EXTRACTS    AND    MISCELLANEOUS    OBSERVATIONS. 

Biographical  notice  of  Ocolampadius       ------  321 

Zwinglius •---  323 

Bucer 324 

Henry  VIII. — Observations  on  his  book  against  Luther     -  325 


CONTENTS.  xv 

Cajetan's  letter  to  Frederick  on  Luther's  appearance  before 

him  at  Augsburg      ------------  327 

Luther's  rejoinder  to  that  letter    ---------  330 

Centum  Gravamina — an  extract  with  a  notice  of  the  prin- 
cipal topics         -------------  342 

Augsburg  confession — extracts  from  it  with  a  summary  of  its 

contents 347 

Luther's  preface  to  the  first  volume  of  his  works  published 

in  1545 351 

Melancthon's  preface  to  the  second  volume     -----  359 

Observations  on  Luther's  character,  by  Camerarius     -     -  373 

Leo's  bull  against  Luther  in  1520 374 

Luther's  treatise  on  monastic  vows       -------  381 

preface  to  his  translation  of  the  Old  Testament       -  389 

Particulars  relative  to  Carolostad,  Spalatin,  Justus  Jonas, 

and  Cruciger 392 

Funeral  verses  on  Luther         ----------  394 

Melancthon's   observations   on  the  conference  at  Worms, 

held  in  1540 396 

Letter  from  Melancthon  to  Luther,  containing  an  account 

of  the  conference  of  Smalcald  in  1540     ------  401 

Letter  from  Melancthon  to  Luther  on  the  subject  of  the  con- 
ference at  Ratisbon  in  March  1541       ------  403 


THE 


»©«♦■ 


CHAPTER  I. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508. 

THE  year  of  Luther's  birth  has  not  been  deter- 
mined with  complete  certainty,  ^is  mother,  when 
questioned  by  Melancthon,  was  accustomed  to  an- 
swer, that  she  was  certain  as  to  the  day,  (the  tenth 
of  November)  but  not  in  regard  to  the  year.  His 
brother,  James  Luther,  however,  has  related,  and 
with  the  appearance  of  accuracy,  that  he  was  born 
in  the  year  1483.  The  place  of  his  birth  was 
Eisleben  or  Eislebon,  an  obscure  town  in  the  count/ 
of  Mansfeld,  and  electorate  of  Saxony.  He  was 
baptized  on  the  following  day  and  called  Martin, 
after  the  saint  to  whom  that  day  is  dedicated  in  the 
Roman  calendar.  The  names  of  his  parents  were 
John  Luther  and  Margaret  Lindeman.  His  father 
was  employed  in  the  mines,  and  being  remarkable 
for  assiduity,  rose,  in  the  course  of  vears,  from  an 

c 


18  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

humble  station  to  the  possession  of  some  property, 
and  discharged  with  respectability  the  functions  of 
a  local  magistrate.  In  his  days  of  extended  reputa- 
tion Luther  did  not  cease  to  pay  a  tribute  of  respect 
and  affection  to  his  father.  He  inscribed  to  him 
his  celebrated  book  on  "  Monastic  Vows,"  composed 
in  the  year  1521,  a  time  when  his  fame  had  become 
diffused  throughout  Europe.* 

The  foundation  of  that  devotional  ardour  which 
formed  the  prominent  feature  of  Luther's  character 
appears  to  have  been  laid  by  the  careful  tuition  of 
his  mother.  "  In  matre  Mar  gar  eta,  cum  cceterce 
erant  virtutes,  turn  verb  prcecipue  lucebat  pudi- 
citia,  timor  Dei  et  invocatio;  intuebanturque  in 
earn  cceterce  mulieres  ut  in  exemplar  virtutum."^ 
The  impressions  of  maternal  care  received  confir- 
mation at  the  school  of  Eisleben,  where  Luther 
was  placed  under  the  care  of  a  pious  teacher  of  the 
name  of  George  Omilius.  Notwithstanding  the 
corruption  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  its  indif- 
ference or  rather  opposition  to  the  prog  ess  of  a 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  it  was  customary  to 
teach  the  youth  catechisms  containing  the  elemen- 
tary principles  of  Christianity.  At  the  age  of 
fourteen,  Luther  was  removed  to  a  school  at  Mag- 
deburg, along  with  a  youth  of  the  name  of  John 
Reineck,  who  eventually  rose  to  distinction,  and 
with  whom  Luther  continued  during  life  in  habits 
of  close  intimacy.  After  remaining  a  year  at  Mag- 
deburg, he  was  sent  to  a  school  of  great  repute  at 
the  town  of  Issenach  or  Eisenach,  and  placed 
under  the  protection,  it  is  said,   of  his  mother's 

*  See  Appendix  A. 

t  Melancthon  Praef.  T.  ii.  Luther.  Oper. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  19 

relations.*  Here  the  foundation  of  his  future  emi- 
nence was  laid.  The  charge  of  educating  youth 
was,  in  that  age,  entrusted  to  the  Romish  clergy, 
or  rather  to  the  different  monastic  Orders  establish- 
ed in  that  communion.  There  prevailed  among 
these  Orders  a  considerable  degree  of  competition 
and  rivalship  ;  for  by  presiding  over  seminaries  of 
education,  and  by  displaying  zeal  in  teaching,  op- 
portunities were  afforded  them  of  disseminating  their 
own  particular  tenets. 

The  school  at  Issenach  was  conducted  by  Fran- 
ciscans, and  the  name  of  Luther's  master  was  John 
Trebonius.  Rude  and  tedious  as  was  the  mode  of 
teaching  in  that  age,  it  is  probable,  that  in  regard  to 
this  seminary,  some  diminution  of  difficulty  was  pro- 
duced by  the  care  of  Trebonius,  and  the  lessons  held 
forth  in  the  instructive  writings  of  Erasmus.  "Erasmi 
scriptis,  jam  invitata  erant  juventutis  studia  ad 
LatincB  et  Grcecce  linguce  cognitionem.  Monstrato 
jam  dulciore  genere  doctrines,  multi,  bonis  et  liberis 
ingeniis  prcediti,  abhorrere  a  barbarica  et  sophistica 
doctrina  monachorum  incipiebant."f  At  this  early 
age  Luther,  we  are  told,  applied  to  the  study  of 
grammar  with  all  the  ardour  which  characterized 
his  subsequent  exertions.  His  exercises  were  su- 
perior to  those  of  his  schoolfellows,  and  afforded, 
by  their  animation  and  fluency,  an  assurance  of  his 
future  eloquence.  This  was  strikingly  exemplified 
in  the  composition  of  Latin  verses,  which  formed 
the  subject  of  emulation  between  him  and  his  young 
associates,  t 

*  Seckend.  L.  i.  20. 

t  Melancthon,  Praef.  in  Oper.  Luther. — Wittemberg,  154G. 

|  Prasf.  Melch.  ad.  Seckend.  p.  21. 


20  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Having  gone  through  with  much  applause  the 
ordinary  course  at  school,  Luther  repaired  to  the 
university  of  Erfurt  in  the  beginning  of  1502. 
The  state  of  universities  in  that  age  was  worse,  if 
possible,  than  that  of  the  schools ;  the  mode  of 
teaching  philosophy  being  much  more  liable  to  cor- 
ruption than  the  simpler  process  of  explaining  the 
elements  of  language.  Though  the  writings  of  the 
Greek  and  Roman  authors  had  been,  by  this  time, 
introduced  into  circulation  by  means  of  the  art  of 
printing,  the  general  taste  was  formed  on  very  dif- 
ferent models.  The  highest  honours  that  learning 
could  bestow  had  for  ages  been  connected  with 
proficiency  in  a  refined  and  subtile  logic,  which 
consisted  of  little  else  than  an  accumulation  of 
metaphysical  quibbles.  The  writings  of  Aristotle 
were  believed  to  contain  all  the  science  that  human 
genius  was  capable  of  acquiring.  No  latitude  was 
allowed  to  the  exercise  of  the  inventive  powers  in 
the  cultivation  of  other  departments  of  knowledge. 
Even  the  studies  of  the  Peripatetic  school  were  pro- 
secuted under  incalculable  disadvantages  from  per- 
verted translations  of  the  works  of  its  founder,  and 
from  commentaries  still  more  intricate  than  the 
originals.  Year  after  year  was  spent  by  the  student 
in  acquiring  a  familiarity  with  the  complicated 
rules  of  the  school  logic  ;  while  physics  and  ethics 
were  regarded  only  as  convenient  materials  for  the 
exercise  of  syllogistic  ingenuity.  Instead  of  aiming 
to  arrive  at  truth  by  the  patient  course  of  inductive 
reasoning,  the  ambition  of  the  age  was  to  seek  dis- 
tinction b}'  a  dexterous  application  of  syllogism  to 
the  solution  of  all  inquiry. 

Luther  being  directed,  like  the  other  pupils,  to 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  21 

labour  in  this  unprofitable  field,  became  remarkable 
in  it,  as  in  the  languages,  for  close  assiduity  and 
rapid  progress.  His  teacher  of  logic  was  an  en- 
thusiast in  that  science.  He  was  named  Iodocus, 
and  in  compliance  with  the  fashion  of  the  age  as- 
sumed the  additional  title  of  "  Doctor  Issenacensis.r 
Not  content  with  promulgating  his  doctrines  from 
the  professorial  chair,  this  indefatigable  advocate  of 
Aristotle  ventured  afterwards  to  publish  a  work  en- 
titled "  Summa  Philosophise  Naturalis."  This 
took  place  in  1517,  by  which  time  Luther  was 
rising  fast  into  reputation,  and  had  begun  to  expose 
the  absurdity  of  the  scholastic  theology.  It  hap- 
pened that  Iodocus  did  not  long  survive  his  pub- 
lication ;  and  Luther  appears  to  have  apprehended 
that  the  tranquillity  of  his  latter  years  had  been 
disturbed  by  the  rude  attacks  which  his  favourite 
science  had  received  from  the  hands  of  his  former 
pupil.* 

Though  obliged  to  waste  a  great  deal  of  time  in 
the  construction  of  barbarous  syllogisms,  Luther 
found  means  to  prosecute  the  study  of  Latin,  and 
to  read  Virgil,  Livy,  Cicero,  and  other  classics. 
His  preceptor  in  this  department  was  of  the  name 
of  Grieff,  or  with  the  addition  of  the  termination 
common  in  these  days  of  classical  pedantry,  Gry- 
phius.  Whether  Luther  began  to  learn  Greek 
when  at  Erfurt  or  afterwards,  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained. In  most  universities  Greek  and  Hebrew 
were  unknown.  At  the  university  of  Wittemberg, 
Melanethon  was  the  first  professor  of  Greek.  His 
appointment  took  place  at  a  date  considerably  sub- 

*  See  Appendix  B. 


22  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

sequent  to  the  time  we  are  treating  of,  viz.  in  1518, 
and  Luther,  though  then  occupying  the  station  of  a 
professor,  did  not  scruple  to  avail  himself  of  the 
classical  attainments  of  his  friend  and  colleague,  to 
extend  his  knowledge  of  the  Greek  language.* 

Luther  took  the  degree  of  master  of  arts  in 
1503.f  The  reputation,  which  he  had  acquired  by 
the  successful  prosecution  of  his  studies,  induced 
his  relations  to  urge  him  to  embrace  the  profession 
of  the  law,  a  sure  road,  as  they  imagined,  to  the 
attainment  of  wealth  and  honour.  He  was  pre- 
vailed on  to  make  a  beginning  in  that  study,  but 
his  serious  and  ardent  cast  of  mind  soon  tended  to 
lead  him  in  a  different  course.  That  alteration  of 
his  pursuits  which  the  course  of  inclination  would 
have  produced  in  the  progress  of  years,  was  acce- 
lerated by  the  occurrence  of  a  most  extraordinary 
circumstance.  In  the  year  150.4,  walking  out  one 
day  with  a  young  friend  of  the  name,  it  is  said,  of 
Alexius,  they  were  overtaken  by  a  dreadful  thunder- 
storm, and  Alexius  was  struck  dead  at  his  side. 
The  fall  of  a  friend  whom  he  ardently  loved,  and 
the  awful  scene  around  him,  raised  in  Luther's 
mind  a  succession  of  serious  meditations.  He  saw, 
or  he  thought  he  saw,  in  a  stronger  light  than  ever, 
the  vain  and  fleeting  nature  of  all  terrestrial  enjoy- 
ments, and  determined  at  once  to  withdraw  himself 
from  their  pursuit.  Prompt  in  all  his  resolutions, 
he  vowed  upon  the  spot  that,  if  God  were  pleased 
to  deliver  him  from  the  danger  of  his  situation,  he 
would  enter  a  monastery,  and  spend  the  remainder 

*  Grsecum  praeceptorem,  illo  salvo,  alium  non  desidero.  Lib.  i. 
Ep.  57.  Luth.  Praaf.  Seckend.  p.  43. 
t  See  Appendix  C. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  23 

of  his  life  sequestered  from  the  world  and  its  temp- 
tations. It  was  in  vain  that  his  parents,  unwilling 
that  he  should  relinquish  the  fair  prospect  before 
him,  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from  this  sudden 
determination.  He  persisted  in  his  purpose,  and 
regarded  the  impression  of  his  mind  as  a  special 
command  of  the  Almighty. 

The  power  of  social  attachment  was  strongly  felt 
by  Luther,  and  it  required  a  commanding  impulse 
to  make  him  take  a  step  which  was  to  separate  him 
from  his  companions  and  friends.  His  vow  to  be- 
come a  monk  had  been  made  in  secret,  and  com- 
municated to  none  but  his  parents.  From  his 
youthful  associates  he  was  aware  that  he  should 
meet  with  nothing  but  dissuasion ;  his  cheerfulness 
of  temper  and  playfulness  of  humour  possessing 
attractions  which  they  would  be  unwilling  to  re- 
linquish. To  these  agreeable  qualities  he  added  a 
fine  voice  and  great  taste  for  music ;  an  accomplish- 
ment which  not  only  rendered  him  acceptable  in 
society,  but  supplied  a  soothing  resource  in  those 
accesses  of  low  spirits  to  which  persons  of  his 
ardent  temperament  are  occasionally  subject.  Dear, 
however,  as  was  the  society  of  his  companions,  he 
accounted  it  indispensable  to  part  from  them,  and 
took  farewell  by  calling  them  together  one  evening 
when  he  entertained  them  with  music,  and  broke 
to  them  his  determination  as  conclusive  and  irre- 
vocable. 

It  was  in  1505  that  Luther  entered  the  Augus- 
tinian  monastery  at  Erfurt.  From  what  cause  he 
was  induced  to  give  a  preference  to  that  Order 
neither  himself  nor  any  of  his  friends  have  ex- 
plained :  a  silence  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  the 


24  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

knowledge  of  the  cause  might  have  tended  to  elu- 
cidate several  parts  of  his  history.  His  connection 
with  the  Augustinians  gave  a  colouring  to  his  re- 
ligious opinions,  and  formed  his  creed  in  regard  to 
some  leading  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  before  he  had 
an  opportunity  of  access  to  the  fountain  head  ;  for 
he  had  not  yet  seen  a  copy  of  the  Scriptures. 

It  may  not  be  foreign  to  our  subject,  to  say  a 
few  words  on  monastic  institutions  generally.  They 
have  existed,  in  one  form  or  another,  in  all  countries 
and  climates  ;  but  more  particularly  in  India, 
Egypt,  and  Syria.  The  introduction  of  the  Pla- 
tonic philosophy  into  the  Christian  schools  of  divi- 
nity appears  to  have  greatly  contributed  to  their 
establishment.  Some  of  the  early  Christians  adopt- 
ed the  favourite  theory  of  the  Platonists,  that  the 
body  is  an  incumbrance  to  the  soul,  and  that  it  is 
in  consequence  of  this  union  that  our  faculties  are 
confined  within  a  narrow  compass.  It  was  a  natural 
transition  to  suppose  that  the  more  the  body  was 
mortified  the  greater  was  the  approximation  to  per- 
fection, and  that  those,  who  voluntarily  submitted 
to  a  life  of  austerity  and  self-denial,  were  the  fa- 
vourites of  heaven.  The  first  enthusiasts  of  this 
description  were  Paul  of  Thebes  and  Antony  of 
iEgypt  in  the  third  century.  These  men  were  ac- 
customed to  practise  excessive  austerity,  and  had, 
in  the  next  century,  a  number  of  imitators,  though 
a  considerable  time  elapsed  before  the  followers  of 
monastic  habits  were  associated  into  a  body.  The 
first  Order  was  that  of  the  "  Caenobites,"  or  bre- 
thren of  the  "  common  life,"  as  the  word  implies, 
who  lived  together  in  fixed  habitations ;  the  second 
were  hermits  (e^juraw)  who  lived  in  solitude ;  and 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  25 

the  third,  anchorites  (ava^w^V*/)  who  professed  to 
carry  the  practice  of  monkish  austerities  to  excess. 
So  far  these  names  were  indicative  merely  of  the 
mode  of  life  ;  but,  in  process  of  time,  the  monks  in- 
corporated themselves  into  particular  societies,  under 
the  protection  of  certain  saints.  It  was  in  the  fifth 
century  that  the  monks  came  to  be  considered  in 
the  light  of  ecclesiastics,  and  to  call  for  the  erection 
of  appropriate  buildings.  During  the  dark  ages 
their  importance  gradually  increased,  and  in  the 
eleventh  century  the  Pope  declared  them  exempted 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  sovereign  of  the  country 
which  they  inhabited. 

Luther,  ardent  in  all  his  undertakings,  was  im- 
patient to  conform,  in  the  fullest  manner,  to  the 
regulations  of  his  new  profession.  On  assuming 
the  monastic  garb,  he  returned  his  clothes  to  his 
father's  house,  and  sent  also  his  annulus  magisterii, 
or  ring  conferred  on  him  when  he  was  made  Master 
of  Arts.  His  zeal  for  the  patron  of  his  Order, 
however  it  had  been  acquired,  was  so  great  that  he 
at  one  time  entertained  a  wish  to  exchange  his  name 
of  Martin  for  that  of  Augustine.  Non  solum  acer- 
rimo  studio  doctrinam  Ecclesice  discit,  sed  etiam 
summa  disciplince  severitate  se  ipse  regit,  et  om- 
nibus exercitiis  lectionam,  disputationwn,  jejuni- 
orum,  precum,  omnes  longe  superat* — The  Order 
of  the  Augustinians  was  founded,  or  rather  new 
modelled,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  by  pope  Alex- 
ander VI.  They  followed  the  rules  of  the  bishop 
of  Hippo,  from  whom  their  name  was  taken,  and 


*  Melancthon — Prspf. 


26  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

whose  writings  were  of  course  esteemed  oracular.* 
Of  the  profound  ignorance  of  monks  in  regard  to 
whatever  bore  a  relation  to  classical  literature,  we 
may  form  some  idea  from  the  tenour  of  their  cur- 
rent maxim ;  "  Quanto  melior  Grammaticus,  tanto 
pejor  Theologus."f 

On  entering  the  monastery,  Luther  left  behind 
him  all  his  books,  with  the  exception  of  Virgil  and 
Plautus.J  His  preference  of  the  former  is  easily 
accounted  for  by  his  characteristic  gravity,  and 
though  the  motive  of  his  attachment  to  the  writings 
of  Plautus  is  less  obviously  connected  with  his  pre- 
dominant feelings,  we  may  safely  conclude  that  the 
wit  and  good  sense  of  that  author  must  have  been  the 
source  of  the  favourable  impression.  It  is  also  to  be 
kept  in  mind,  that  at  this  period  of  the  Reformer's 
history,  neither  his  principles  nor  the  manners  of  the 
age  were  calculated  to  produce  that  disgust  at  inde- 
cent allusions  which  he  so  strongly  felt  after  becom- 
ing acquainted  with  the  Scriptures.  || 

Luther  on  embracing  the  monastic  profession 
was  very  imperfectly  acquainted  with  the  routine  of 
the  discipline.  In  these  solitary  retreats,  according 
to  his  anticipation,  no  intrusion  of  worldly  cares 
was  permitted,  and  life  was  wholly  devoted  to  the 
service  of  God.     But  he  soon  found  that  the  por- 

*  See  Rodolph.  Hospinian  de  Monachis,  L.  vi.  a  work  which 
contains  a  great  deal  of  very  curious  information,  printed  at 
Geneva,  1669.  Also  Gabriel  d'Emilianne's  History  of  the  Mo- 
nastic Orders.  London  1693.     And  Mosheim  passim. 

+  Hollinger  de  Necessit.  Reform,  p.  6.  To  attain  a  proper  idea 
of  the  depravity  of  the  monks  before  the  Reformation,  see  the 
u  Fasciculus  Rerum  expetendarum." 

$  Seckend.  p.  21.  ||  See  Appendix  D. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  27 

tion  of  humiliating  drudgery  was  not  inconsider- 
able, and  that  the  senior  members  made  it  devolve, 
with  an  unsparing  hand,  on  the  noviciates.  This 
drudgery  consisted  in  the  performance  of  menial 
and  other  degrading  offices.  It  is  a  standing  rule 
in  these  societies  to  be  independent,  either  in  reality 
or  in  appearance,  of  all  external  assistance.  At  one 
time  Luther  was  obliged  to  stand  as  porter  at  the 
monastery  ;  at  another  he  was  ordered  to  go  through 
the  town  to  beg.  As  the  monks  professed  the  most 
abject  poverty,  the  avowal  that  they  lived  by  beg- 
ging was  accounted  no  degradation.  The  rudeness 
of  the  age  conduced,  in  some  respects,  to  lessen  the 
mortification  ;  but  after  making  every  allowance,  it 
must  have  been  difficult  for  an  independent  mind, 
like  Luther's,  to  reconcile  itself  to  the  practice  of 
such  an  abject  employment.*  Certain  it  is  that  his 
former  cheerfulness  was  now  succeeded  by  frequent 
fits  of  melancholy.  His  impressions  respecting  his 
doom  in  a  future  state  were  of  the  most  gloomy 
cast.  Ignorant  as  yet  of  those  truths  of  Christi- 
anity which  alone  can  afford  relief  in  such  a  situa- 
tion, he  was  under  the  necessity  of  seeking  support 
in  the  advice  of  others.  He  disclosed  his  case 
accordingly  to  Staupitz,  the  head  of  his  Order  in 
Germany.  Staupitz,  who,  as  we  shall  find  in  the 
sequel,  was  a  man  of  superior  understanding,  spared 
no  pains  to  restore  his  mind  to  tranquillity.  He 
recommended  submission,  and  told  him  that  such 
trials  could  not  fail  to  turn  out  for  his  good,  adding, 
it  is  said,  that  God  was  to  make  use  of  him  for  the 
accomplishment  of  important  purposes.!     He  went 

*  See  Appendix  E.  t  SeckendorfT,  p.  19- 


28  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

farther,  and  prevailed  on  the  prior  of  the  monastery 
to  exempt  Luther  from  the  task  of  degrading  ser- 
vices, and  to  allow  him  time  for  the  prosecution  of 
his  studies,  which  until  then  had  been  discouraged 
in  the  convent. 

The  general  ignorance  of  classical  literature  at  the 
time  of  the  Reformation  is  clearly  illustrated  in 
Villers'  Essay  on  the  Spirit  and  Influence  of  the 
Reformation  of  Luther.  This  work  is  ably  trans- 
lated into  English,  and  will  be  found  to  contain  the 
best  exposition  of  the  political,  religious,  and  literary 
state  of  Europe  in  the  16th  century  which  has  yet 
been  published.  The  faculty  of  theology  at  Paris 
went  at  this  time  (see  Villers,  p.  93)  the  length  of 
declaring  before  the  parliament  assembled,  that  "re- 
ligion was  undone  if  the  study  of  Greek  and  Hebrew 
was  permitted."  The  language  of  the  mendicant 
monks  was  still  more  singular :  Conrad,  of  Heres- 
bach,  a  grave  author  of  that  age,  relates  the  follow«- 
ing  words  from  the  mouth  of  a  monk — "  They  have 
invented  a  new  language,  which  they  call  Greek : 
you  must  be  carefully  on  your  guard  against  it : 
it  is  the  mother  of  all  heresy.  I  observe  in  the 
hands  of  many  persons  a  book  written  in  that 
language,  and  which  they  call  the  New  Testa- 
ment. It  is  a  book  full  of  daggers  and  poison. 
As  to  the  Hebrew,  my  dear  brethren,  it  is  certain 
that  whoever  learns  it  becomes  immediately  a 
Jew." 

It  was  in  1507  (2d  May)  and  in  Luther's  twenty- 
fourth  year,  that  he  entered  into  orders  and  cele- 
brated his  first  mass.  This  date  is  the  more  re- 
markable, because  he  discovered  about  the  same 
time  a  Latin  copy  of  the  Bible  lying  in  the  library 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  29 

of  the  monastery.  He  eagerly  laid  hold  of  this 
neglected  book,  and  persevered  in  studying  it  with 
so  much  diligence,  that  he  was  able  in  a  short  time 
to  refer  with  ease  and  promptitude  to  any  particular 
passage.  In  the  present  day,  we  can  with  difficulty 
conceive  how  a  copy  of  the  Bible  could  remain  un- 
noticed by  the  whole  of  a  religious  fraternity,  or 
that  a  person  so  respectably  educated  as  Luther, 
should  be  unapprized  that  the  whole  of  the  Scrip- 
tures was  not  read  to  the  people  in  the  public  ser- 
vice of  the  church.  It  was  with  no  small  surprise 
that  he  discovered  that  there  were  many  passages 
in  the  New  Testament  that  were  not  thus  read. 
The  most  striking  of  these  Luther  committed  to 
memory,  and  treasured  up,  with  equal  diligence, 
many  parts  of  the  Prophetic  Scriptures.*  The 
History  of  Hannah  and  Samuel  made,  we  are  told, 
a  strong  impression  on  him.f  Samuel  had  been 
dedicated  to  God  from  his  infancy ;  and  Luther,  in 
the  fervour  of  his  devotional  zeal,  seems  to  have  re- 
gretted that  an  equally  early  consecration  had  not 
fallen  to  his  own  lot.J 

In  this  zealous  prosecution  of  his  studies,  he  had 
little  opportunity  of  deriving  assistance  from  the 
labours  of  others.  The  writings  of  the  Fathers, 
with  the   exception   of  those  of  Augustine,   were 

*  Seckendorff,  p.  21.  f  1  Sam.  ch.  i.  2.  Melchior  Adam. 

|  So  minutely  have  anecdotes  relative  to  Luther  been  recorded, 
that  the  copy  of  the  Bible  which  he  found  is  said  to  have  been 
bound  in  red  morocco.  He  read  it  over  and  over  with  such  fixed 
attention  as  to  impress  on  his  mind  a  local  recollection  of  many 
remarkable  passages.  The  same  was  the  case  with  him  in  regard 
to  the  voluminous  writings  of  Saint  Augustine ;  a  circumstance, 
which  contributed  a  good  deal  to  facilitate  references  in  his  fre- 
quent controversies. 


30  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

wholly  unknown  to  him.  His  knowledge  of  Greek 
was  very  imperfect,  and  with  Hebrew  he  was  en- 
tirely unacquainted.*  Besides,  the  only  copy  of 
the  Scriptures  as  yet  in  his  possession  was  the  Latin 
vulgate.  Erasmus  had  not  yet  published  his  edition 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  since  the  days  of 
Jerome,  no  very  eminent  example  had  been  given 
of  the  application  of  sound  criticism  to  the  sacred 
canon. f  Deprived  thus  of  information  from  the 
researches  of  others,  Luther  would  often  spend  a 
whole  day  in  meditating  on  a  few  particular  pas- 
sages. To  this  he  was  prompted  equally  by  thirst 
of  information,  and  the  disquieted  state  of  his  mind. 
Before  his  acquaintance  with  the  Bible,  he  had, 
like  other  persons,  been  satisfied  with  the  current 
doctrines,  and  had  never  thought  of  examining  a 
subject  in  which  he  suspected  no  error.  Now,  how- 
ever, he  was  sufficiently  advanced  to  perceive  that 
his  early  creed  must  be  abandoned,  without  having 
gone  far  enough  to  find  another  in  its  place.  His 
former  melancholy  returned,  and  continued  to  do 
so  at  intervals,  until  his  views  of  divine  truth  ac- 
quired clearness  and  consistency.  During  his  state 
of  uncertainty,  when  reflecting  on  the  wrath  of  God 
and  on  the  extraordinary  examples  of  punishment 
recorded  in  Scripture,  he  was  sometimes  struck  with 
such  terror,  as  almost  to  faint  away.  "  I  have 
seen  him,"  says  Melancthon,  "  so  much  agitated 
by  eagerness  of  temper  when  engaged  in  a  dispute 
on  doctrine,  as  to  find  it  necessary  to  throw  himself 
on  a  bed  in  an  adjoining  chamber,  where  he  would 
fall   down   in   prayer,   and  frequently  repeat  these 

*  See  Appendix  F.  t  Seckend.  p.  21. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  31 

words  :  "  He  hath  concluded  all  in  unbelief,  that  he 
might  have  mercy  upon  all." 

In  those  agitations  of  mind,  Luther's  resort  was 
to  the  works  of  Augustine,  who  was  in  his  eyes  an 
oracle  of  equal  price  as  Jerome  in  those  of  Erasmus. 
When  we  consider  that  these  Fathers  had  long  been 
raised  to  the  rank  of  saints,  while  their  writings 
were  regarded  as  on  a  level  Avith  the  Scriptures,  we 
shall  find  little  cause  of  surprise  at  the  extent  of  the 
predilection,  however  extravagant,  of  Erasmus  and 
Luther.  It  required  the  lapse  of  another  century, 
and  the  labour  of  future  reformers,  to  show  the 
comparative  unimportance  of  the  authority  of  the 
early  ecclesiastical  writers.  This  was  first  done 
with  success  by  the  celebrated  French  protestant 
John  Daille,  in  his  valuable  treatise  concerning  the 
use  of  the  Fathers,  published  in  1631 ;  since  which, 
it  has  been  generally  understood  that  the  proper  de- 
fence of  Christianity  is  to  be  sought  in  the  Scrip- 
tures alone. 

Luther,  absorbed  in  study,  and  averse  to  con- 
sume time  in  the  uninstructive  routine  of  Romish 
ceremonies,  became  unmindful  of  the  forms  of  the 
monastery.  He  would  read  and  write  with  such 
ardour  for  days  together,  as  to  overlook  the  hours 
prescribed  for  divine  service  by  the  canons.  He  was, 
on  the  other  hand,  rigid  in  the  observance  of  the 
penance  enjoined  to  his  profession.  Under  the  ab- 
surd impression  that  uncommon  virtue  is  attached 
to  abstinence,  the  Catholic  priest  and  his  people  are 
directed,  on  pain  of  excommunication,  to  celebrate 
mass  fasting.  Those  who  act  up  to  the  letter  of  the 
law,  make  it  a  rule  to  abstain  from  food  from  mid- 
night to  noon.     Luther,  strictly  conscientious,  was 


32  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

accustomed  to  read  mass  in  the  course  of  his  duty 
without  partaking  of  nourishment ;  and  it  appears, 
that  he  was  sometimes  induced  to  try  his  power  of 
abstinence  so  far  as  to  fast  for  three  days  suc- 
cessively, an  experiment  unavoidably  attended  with 
the  most  debilitating  effects.  These,  joined  to  ex- 
cess of  sedentary  application,  brought  on  an  illness 
which  had  nearly  assumed  a  fatal  aspect.  The  ter- 
rors of  divine  wrath,  and  the  horrors  of  perpetual 
punishment,  bewildered  his  imagination,  and  de- 
spair had  nearly  overpowered  him,  when  the  sooth- 
ing interpretations  of  an  old  brother  of  the  Order 
brought  consolation  to  his  distracted  mind.  This 
venerable  monk  conversed  with  him  at  great  length, 
taking  as  his  text  the  article  in  the  creed  ;  "I  be- 
lieve in  the  remission  of  sins  ;"  and  impressing  him 
with  the  conviction  that  "justification  was  of  grace 
by  faith."*  The  perusal  of  a  discourse  of  Bernard, 
on  the  "  Annunciation,"  tended  farther  to  confirm 
Luther  in  the  reception  of  this  doctrine.  It  became 
a  favourite  subject  with  him  in  his  future  writings, 
and  his  opinion  of  it  is  explained  at  large  in  his 
Commentary  on  the  "  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,"  a 
work  which  he  was  accustomed  to  prefer  to  all  his 
other  publications.  In  this  point,  as  in  many  others, 
his  belief  was  founded  on  the  reasoning  of  his  ad- 
mired Augustine. 

It  is  but  fair  to  the  Augustinians  to  remark  that, 
amid  the  general  ignorance  of  the  age,  they  were 
not  altogether  so  inattentive  to  the  study  of  divinity 
as  the  other  religious  Orders.  This  is  proved  by 
several  circumstances.     At  the  reformation  of  the 

*  See  Appendix  G. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1483  TO  1508.  33 

theological  faculty  or  college  at  Paris,  towards  the 
beginning  of  the  16th  century,  the  Augustinian 
monks  were  selected  to  furnish  the  college  of  di- 
vinity with  a  Scriptural  bachelor.*  Luther,  too, 
found  in  his  Augustine  superior,  Staupitz,  a  zealous 
adviser  of  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  in  preference 
to  any  other  pursuit.  In  the  technical  language 
of  the  times,  Staupitz  recommended  to  him  to  be- 
come a  good  "  Textualis  et  Localis"  by  which  he 
meant  the  acquisition  of  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  texts  of  Scripture,  and  an  expertness  in  quoting 
them.  Stimulated  by  this  advice,  and  by  his  own 
ardour,  Luther  did  not  confine  himself  to  solitary 
study,  but  frequently  preached  and  did  other  duty 
for  the  clergymen  settled  in  the  neighbouring  vil- 
lages. This  exercise  answered  the  double  purpose 
of  instructing  the  people,  and  of  giving  him  that 
facility  in  public  speaking  which  is  to  be  attained  by 
practice  only.f 

The  more  we  examine  the  theological  works  pub- 
lished before  the  time  of  Luther,  the  less  will  be 
our  surprise  at  his  hesitation  and  embarrassment  in 
respect  to  points  of  faith  which  are  now  put  out  of 
all  doubt.  These  works  were,  in  general,  of  a  class 
much  fitter  to  perplex  than  instruct.  The  least  de- 
fective publications  of  recent  date  were  the  writings 
and  sermons  of  the  unfortunate  Savonarola,  and  the 

•  Each  of  the  mendicant  Orders  had  been  formerly  called  on 
for  a  Scriptural  bachelor  ;  but  at  the  Reformadon  the  call  was 
confined  to  the  Augustinians ;  a  compliment  sufficiently  indica- 
tive of  their  superior  information.  Luther  was  a  Scriptural 
bachelor,  (Mosh.  vol.  hi.  p.  458,  note  q.)  and  so  was  Melancthon. 
Seckend.  p.  43. 

t  See  Appendix  H. 

E 


34  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

well  known  book,  "De  Imitatione  Christi,"  ascribed 
to  Thomas  a  Kempis.  In  justice  to  the  works  of 
Taulerus  too,  it  must  be  admitted  that,  though  in- 
terspersed with  mystical  jargon,  they  had  been  in- 
strumental in  cherishing  a  spirit  of  devotion,  and  in 
diffusing,  on  the  subject  of  Christianity,  notions 
somewhat  less  inaccurate  than  had  hitherto  been 
current.  They  had  been  of  service  likewise,  by  at- 
tracting attention  to  the  works  of  Augustine  and 
Bernard.*  But  these  books,  taken  all  together, 
formed  feeble  guides  in  the  wide  field  of  theology  to 
an  anxious  and  inquiring  mind. 

*  See  Appendix  I. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  35 


CHAPTER  II. 


FROM  1508  TO  1517. 


THE  discovery  of  the  art  of  printing  had,  by  this 
time,  promoted  considerably  the  revival  of  learning. 
Among  the  German  princes,  the  more  enlightened 
became  strongly  impressed  with  the  advantages 
attendant  on  the  establishment  of  respectable  semi- 
naries of  education.  At  a  Diet  held  at  Worms, 
in  1495,  it  had  been  agreed  among  the  electors  that 
each  should  become  the  founder  of  a  university. 
Luther's  sovereign,  Frederick,  elector  of  Saxony, 
surnamed  the  Sage,  was  fully  alive  to  the  advantages 
of  erecting  such  an  establishment  in  his  territory. 
He  had  fixed  its  site  at  Wittemberg,  and  was  at 
this  time  anxiously  employed  in  the  selection  of 
able  teachers.  Staupitz,  being  consulted  in  regard 
to  the  scholars  among  the  Augustinians,  had  no 
hesitation  in  bearing  a  flattering  testimony  to  the 
attainments  of  Luther.  The  consequence  was  the 
appointment  of  Luther  to  an  academical  chair  in  the 
university  of  Wittemberg,  in  1503,  at  the  early  age 
of  twenty-five. 

The  department  which  Luther  was  called  to  fill 
was  the  professorship  of  logic.  He  was  fitted  for  it 
as  well  by  his  general  erudition,  as  by  an  expertness 
at  the  scholastic  philosophy,  acquired  by  the  habit  of 
reading  public  lectures  at  Erfurt.  Now  that  it  be- 
came the  regular  object  of  his  official  duty,  he  im- 


36  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

mersed  himself  in  the  study  of  it  with  redoubled 
ardour,  and  became  such  a  proficient,  as  to  be  able 
almost  to  recite  by  heart  the  logical  commentaries 
of  Gabriel  and  Cammeracensis.*  To  this  thorough 
acquaintance  with  his  subject,  he  joined  the  advan- 
tage of  a  prompt  elocution.  Nothing  fell  from  him 
with  an  air  of  indifference ;  all  was  clear  and  ani- 
mated, and  he  soon  became  not  only  an  able  but  a 
highly  popular  professor. 

His  labours  in  the  philosophical  chair,  ardent  as 
they  were,  had  by  no  means  the  effect  of  rendering 
him  inattentive  to  ecclesiastical  affairs.  A  circum- 
stance, which  soon  after  occurred,  showed  the  extent 
of  his  reputation  among  his  Augustinian  brethren. 
A  dispute  having  taken  place  in  regard  to  matters  of 
discipline,  between  the  vicar  general  of  the  Augusti- 
nians  in  Saxony  and  seven  of  the  convents  subject 
to  his  jurisdiction,  Luther  was  considered  a  fit  per- 
son to  proceed  to  Rome,  and  procure  a  satisfactory 
settlement  of  the  point  in  question. f  Unacquainted 
with  the  habits  of  the  Romish  dignitaries,  and  a 
stranger,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  corrupt  ways  of 
the  world,  Luther  imagined  that  on  visiting  the  holy 
city,  the  residence  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  he  was 
about  to  become  a  witness  of  the  exercise  of  every 
Christian  virtue.  How  great  then  was  his  surprise 
on  beholding  the  luxury,   licentiousness,   and  de- 

*  See  Appendix  K. 

"S"  Ulenberg,  Vit.  Luther,  p.  9.  This  author  may  be  relied  on  in 
the  present  case,  although,  in  general,  his  hostility  to  Luther  leads 
him  into  misrepresentation.  He  says  of  the  Reformer,  erat  acri 
quidem  etfelici,  sed  vehementi,  pertinaci  atque  impetuoso  ingenio. 
For  a  character  of  Ulenberg,  see  Claude's  Defence  of  the  Refor- 
mation, p.  102.  Ed.  1673. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  37 

bauchery,  which  pervaded  all  ranks.  "  I  have  seen," 
he  says,  "  the  pope  and  the  pope's  court,  and  I 
have  had  opportunity  of  personally  observing  the 
morals  of  the  Roman  clergy. — I  celebrated  mass 
there,  and  I  had  occasion  to  see  it  celebrated  by 
others,  with  so  much  indecency  that  I  am  still 
unable  to  think  of  it  without  disgust. — I  have  seen 
courtesans  place  themselves  at  the  very  altar,  laugh- 
ing and  behaving  in  the  most  irreverent  manner. 
I  have  heard  them  say  over  the  bread  and  wine  at 
the  altar :  '  Bread  thou  art,  and  thou  shalt  re- 
main bread  ;  wine  thou  art,  and  thou  shalt  remain 
wine.'  " — The  Italian  clergy  were  accustomed  to  say 
mass  with  so  much  haste  and  indifference,  that  be- 
fore Luther  came  to  the  Gospel  part  of  the  service, 
they  had  found  means  to  run  through  the  whole, 
and  ridiculed  him  openly  for  the  devotional  air 
with  which  he  performed  it.  Disgusting  as  were 
these  scenes,  their  practical  influence  on  Luther's 
future  conduct  was  of  the  most  beneficial  kind. 
They  contributed  more  than  any  thing  to  open  his 
eyes  to  papal  delusion,  and  he  used  often  afterwards 
to  exclaim,  "  That  he  would  not,  for  the  value  of  a 
thousand  florins,  have  missed  the  instruction  afforded 
him  by  the  journey  to  Rome."  We  must,  notwith- 
standing, keep  in  mind  that  his  dislike  was  con- 
fined, at  this  early  period,  to  the  conduct  of  indi- 
viduals: the  time  was  not  yet  come  for  the  adoption 
of  a  similar  feeling  towards  the  institutions  of  the 
church.  Distant,  however,  as  it  was,  several  of  his 
friends  had  already  ventured  to  predict  that  he 
would  one  day  confound  the  doctors,  and  lay  the 
foundation  of  a  new  creed.  They  founded  their  ex- 
pectation on  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  Scrip- 


38  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

ture,  and  on  his  deriving  from  it  "  principles  which 
neither  Sophists,  Scotists,  Albertists,  nor  Thomists, 
could  controvert."  In  truth  it  was  his  acquaintance 
with  the  sacred  volume  which  gave  him,  as  we  shall 
see  hereafter,  a  decided  advantage  over  his  antago- 
nists. "  This  kind  of  knowledge  was  so  rare,"  sajs 
Mosheim,*  "  that  when  Luther  arose,  there  could 
not  be  found,  even  in  the  university  of  Paris,  which 
was  considered  as  the  first  and  most  famous  of  all 
the  public  schools  of  learning,  a  single  person  qua- 
lified to  dispute  with  him,  or  oppose  his  doctrine, 
upon  a  scripture  foundation." 

On  returning  from  Rome,  Luther  took  the  de- 
gree of  Doctor  in  Divinity.  This  title  was  conferred 
on  him  under  flattering  circumstances ;  the  elector 
Frederick  voluntarily  engaging  to  defray  the  ex- 
pense, and  the  Augustinians  using  much  entreaty  to 
prevent  his  declining  the  proffered  honour.  The 
possession  of  this  literary  distinction  was  eventually 
conducive  both  to  his  personal  safety  and  to  the 
success  of  the  Reformation.  It  conferred  on  him 
the  right  of  teaching  publicly,  as  well  as  privately; 
a  right  which  he  never  failed  to  urge  when  his  op- 
ponents wished  to  prevent  him  from  delivering  pub- 
lic discourses.  Frederick  now  condescended  to 
hear  him  preach,  and  was  much  struck  with  the 
strength  and  soundness  of  his  doctrine.  Audivit 
Fredericus  concionantem  ;  et  vim  ingenii,  et  nervos 
orationis  ac  remm  bonitatem  expositarum  in  con- 
cionibus,  admiratus  est.-f 

Divinity  continuing  Luther's  favourite  study,  the 
elector  was  pleased  to  accede  to  his  wish  of  direct- 

*  Vol.  iii.  p.  298.  t  Melancth.  Pfcef. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  39 

ing  his  attention  to  it  exclusively,  and  permitted 
him  in  1512,  to  exchange  the  philosophical  for  the 
theological  chair  in  the  university.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  conceive  any  thing  more  erroneous  or 
perverted  than  the  mode  of  teaching  divinity  in 
those  days.  The  plain  doctrines  and  precepts  of 
the  Gospel  were  little  known  ;  and  divinity,  like 
morals  and  physics,  was  considered  a  mere  praxis, 
on  which  to  found  a  display  of  logical  dexterity. 
The  influence  of  this  vitiated  routine  affected  Luther, 
as  well  as  his  cotemporaries,  and  has  been  found  to 
leave  its  traces  on  a  later  age. — It  may  not  be  unin- 
structive  to  trace,  at  some  length,  the  rise  and  pro- 
gress of  the  singular  alliance  which  so  long  existed 
between  Christianity  and  the  Greek  philosophy.  If 
we  go  back  to  its  commencement,  we  find  that 
Platonism  was  the  system  first  connected  with  our 
religion.  Origen,  the  author  of  this  extraordinary 
conjunction,  was  born  in  Alexandria,  about  the 
year  185,  and  was  taught  his  philosophic  creed  by 
the  Platonists  of  that  degenerate  school.  Applying 
the  habit  of  system-making  to  religion,  he  became 
the  first  who  attempted  to  reduce  the  tenets  of 
Christianity  into  a  connected  scheme.  Before  the 
time  of  this  philosopher  no  other  arrangement  than 
that  of  the  New  Testament  had  been  thought  of.  In 
the  labours  of  Origen,  the  execution  is  more  open  to 
reprehension  than  the  intention.  Partial  to  the 
creed  of  the  latter  Platonists,  he  was  unwilling  to 
account  any  part  of  it  irreconcileable  to  the  Chris- 
tian doctrine,  and  accordingly  undertook  the  ardu- 
ous, or  rather  impracticable  task,  of  establishing 
their  harmony  and  coincidence.  No  doubt  of  the 
divine  authority  of  both  seems  ever  to  have  entered 


40  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

his  mind ;  and  the  influence  of  his  name,  joined  to 
the  great  popularity  of  the  Alexandrian  academy, 
soon  made  it  fashionable  to  incorporate  their  doc- 
trines with  the  religion  of  Jesus.* 

The  Platonic  philosophy  bore,  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted, a  nearer  resemblance  to  Christianity  than 
any  other  system.  The  study  of  it  had  a  tendency 
to  excite  meditation  on  the  nature  of  the  Deity,  and 
on  the  relation  between  the  Supreme  Being  and  the 
human  mind.  But  the  latter  Platonists  went  in- 
finitely beyond  the  outline  prescribed  by  their 
founder,  and  carried  their  credulity  so  far,  as  to 
imagine  that  every  difficulty  or  mystery  in  Chris- 
tianity might  be  solved  by  means  of  a  reference  to 
his  writings.  It  was  in  this  manner  that  they  at- 
tempted to  explain  the  nature  of  the  Trinity,  of 
the  person  of  Christ,  of  the  Incarnation,  and  of 
other  doctrines  of  equal  obscurity.  The  author 
of  the  works  attributed  to  Dionysius  the  Areo- 
pagite,  (but  which  were  in  reality  written  towards 
the  end  of  the  fifth  century,)  carried  the  matter 
still  farther,  and  sought  in  Platonic  principles  an 
explanation  of  the  Scripture  appellations  of  God,  as 
well  as  of  the  nature  of  the  hierarchy,  and  many 
other  questions  equally  remote  from  the  compass  of 
Greek  philosophy. 

After  the  lapse,  however,  of  three  centuries,  a 
time  approached  when  the  popularity  of  the  alliance 
between  Christianity  and  Platonism  was  about  to  be 
shaken ;  and  the  latter  was  to  yield  its  place  to  the 
Peripatetic  doctrine.  In  the  sixth  century,  Boethius 
began  to  apply  the  principles  of  Aristotle  to  an  ex- 

*  See  Appendix  L. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  41 

planation  of  Christian  tenets,  and  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, John,  of  Damascus,  both  published  an  abridg- 
ment of  Aristotle's  philosophy,  and  made  use  of  it 
in  a  work  in  which  he  attempted  to  reduce  all  ques- 
tions in  theology  to  a  system.  The  circumstance  of 
Origen  being  deemed  a  heretic  by  the  church,  was 
a  powerful  argument  for  gradually  exchanging  the 
Platonic  for  the  Aristotelian  doctrine,  and,  by  the 
eleventh  century,  the  analytics  of  Aristotle  became 
very  generally  taught.  John  the  Sophist,  Rosceline, 
and  Anselm,  were  the  first  who  gave  extensive  po- 
pularity to  that  method.  They  were  succeeded  by 
the  famous  Abelard,  Gilbert,  and  others,  who  read 
public  lectures  on  the  Aristotelian  logic. — Otho,  of 
Freisinghen,  is  considered  to  have  been  the  first  who 
introduced  it  into  Germany. 

But  it  may  be  fairly  suspected  that  neither  the 
plausible  character  of  the  Aristotelian  logic,  nor 
the  zeal  of  its  advocates,  could  have  rendered  its 
adoption  so  general,  if  the  church  of  Rome  had  not 
stood  in  need  of  its  aid.  Its  abstract  and  subtile 
nature  presented  a  very  convenient  medium  for  the 
defence  of  the  absurdities  of  the  Catholic  creed. 
The  obscurities  of  transubstantiation  were  trans- 
formed into  plausible  doctrines  by  the  magic  of  the 
mood  and  figure  of  the  founder  of  the  Pagan 
Lyceum.  In  the  days  of  Luther,  the  teachers  of 
divinity  might  be  divided  into  three  classes,  accord- 
ing as  they  had  adopted  the  respective  tenets  of  the 
Positivi,  the  Sententiarii,  or  the  Mystici. — The 
Posilivi  had  several  additional  appellations,  being 
called  Biblici,  or  Bible  Doctors,  Dogmatici  or 
Didactic  Divines,  and  Veteres  or  Ancients.  Their 
method  appears  to  have  been  liable  to  fewer  objec- 

F 


42  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tions  than  that  of  the  others.  Though  in  their  illus- 
trations of  religious  doctrines,  they  unfortunately 
disregarded  the  aid  of  learning  or  reflection,  they 
not  unfrequently  made  reference  to  Scripture  for  the 
confirmation  of  their  tenets.  An  undue  reverence 
for  tradition  indeed  led  many  of  them  astray ;  yet 
we  can  perceive  in  their  attempts  to  explain  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  the  outline  of  a  plan  which, 
in  a  less  ignorant  age,  would  have  led  to  instructive 
conclusions. 

The  "  Sententiarii"  were  by  far  the  most  numer- 
ous and  popular  of  these  sects.  Their  name  was 
derived  from  the  deference  which  they  showed  to 
the  "  Magister  Sententiarum,"  the  noted  Peter 
Lombard,  archbishop  of  Paris,  in  the  middle  of 
the  twelfth  century,  author  of  the  four  books  of 
"  Sentences."  This  work  consisted  of  a  compila- 
tion of  passages,  extracted  from  the  writings  of  the 
Fathers,  and  was  an  attempt  both  to  reconcile  their 
contradictions  and  to  correct  the  errors  already  in- 
troduced by  the  scholastic  philosophy.  Though 
now  an  object  of  contempt,  this  production  was  so 
thoroughly  adapted  to  the  standard  of  the  age,  that 
it  was  soon  received  as  a  text-book  throughout 
European  seminaries,  and  the  task  of  commenting 
on  it  became  a  favourite  object  of  rivalship.  From 
its  contradiction,  in  various  respects,  to  the  system 
of  theology  defended  by  the  school  logic,  the 
Sententiarii  were  at  first  cautious  of  taking  the  latter 
as  the  vehicle  of  their  speculations ;  but  the  magic 
of  the  Aristotelian  name,  and  the  influence  of  the 
celebrated  Abelard,*  proved  superior  to  all  objections. 

*  See  Appendix  M. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  43 

The  explanation  of  the  "  Sentences,"  and  the  culti- 
vation of  the  school  logic  went,  by  a  happy  coin- 
cidence, hand  in  hand ;  while,  to  complete  the  de- 
lusion, the  adherents  of  this  creed  thought  proper 
to  overlook  all  reference  to  the  authority  of  the 
Scriptures. 

The  Mystici,  or  Mystics,  differed  considerably 
from  either  of  the  preceding.  Their  great  rule  was 
to  loosen  the  stress  laid  on  the  externals  of  religion, 
and  to  direct  the  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
love  of  God.  They  were  in  general  persons  of 
warm  temper  and  upright  intentions,  exemplary  in 
their  morals,  but  strongly  actuated  by  enthusiasm. 
Although  Luther,  in  'his  lectures  on  divinity,  does 
not  appear  to  have  adhered  to  any  of  these  sects,  we 
may  safely  infer,  that  from  constitutional  feeling  he 
was  attached  to  the  Mystics ;  while  his  plan  of 
literary  research  approached  to  that  of  the  Biblical 
Doctors. 

Divinity  having  now  become  the  object  of  Luther's 
professional  duty,  as  well  as  of  his  choice,  he  im- 
mersed himself  in  the  study  of  it  with  redoubled 
ardour.  It  was  in  his  eyes  the  "  nucleus  nucis" 
the  "  medulla  tritici  et  ossium."* 

The  first  subject  on  which  he  delivered  lectures 
was  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  a  choice  probably 
founded  on  a  desire  to  explain  to  his  pupils  his  con- 
ception of  the  Doctrine  of  Justification.  His  next 
exercise  was  an  illustration  of  the  Book  of  Psalms, 
in  which  he  chiefly  followed  the  exposition  of 
Augustine.  As  he  advanced  in  his  researches,  he 
became,  as  is  usual,  more  conscious  of  his  deficien- 

*  Seckend.  p.  !<?• 


44  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

cies.  He  now  felt  the  necessity  of  acquiring  a 
knowledge  of  Hebrew.  One  of  the  most  eminent 
restorers  of  learning,  John  Reuchlin,  surnamed 
Capnion,*  had  already  enforced  the  necessity  of  a 
knowledge  of  this  language  to  all  who  aimed  at  pro- 
ficiency in  Biblical  criticism  ;  but  he  had  been  op- 
posed by  the  whole  host  of  scholastic  philosophers. 
Luther,  however,  thought  differently,  and  spared 
no  pains  to  drink  deep  of  Scripture  knowledge  at 
the  fountain  head.  Nor  did  he  fail  to  direct  a  por- 
tion of  his  time  and  labour  to  the  study  of  Greek, 
although  it  does  not  appear  that  he  was  anxious  to 
make  much  farther 'progress  in  that  language  than 
was  necessary  to  a  thorough  pjquaintance  with  the 
New  Testament.  We  have  no  evidence  of  his  giving 
much  attention  to  the  perusal  of  Greek  classics  ; 
but  his  omission  of  this  branch  of  study  is  to  be  at- 
tributed more  to  the  absorption  of  his  mind  in  theo- 
logical pursuits,  than  to  an  imperfect  knowledge  of 
the  language,  his  acquaintance  with  which  is  attested 
by  very  competent  judges. f 

In  proportion  as  Luther's  views  became  extended, 
his  antipathy  to  the  Aristotelian  philosophy  in- 
creased. This  is  apparent  from  his  letters  to  Spa- 
latin  in  1514  and  1516 ;  and  a  letter  to  John 
Langus,  a  zealous  Aristotelian,  written  February  8, 
1516,  contains  this  whimsical  declaration.     "  If," 


*  See  Appendix  N. 

t  Ipse  etiam  Lutherus  Grsecae  et  Hebraicae  linguae  studiis  se 
dedere  coepit,  ut  cognita  sermonis  proprietate  et  phrasi,  et 
hausta  ex  fontibus  doctrina,  dexterius  judicare  possit.  Melanct. 
Preef. 

Lutherus  harum  linguarum  (Grsecarum  et  Hebraicarum)  rudis 
non  est.     Erasmi  Adagia.  Op.  torn.  iii.  p.  933. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  45 

said  Luther,  "I  did  not.  know  that  Aristotle  was  a 
man,  I  would  not  be  ashamed  to  say  he  was  the 
devil."  Yet,  though  Luther  was  aware  of  the  fallacy 
of  the  school  logic  in  the  investigation  of  truth,  the 
influence  which  it  continued  to  have  on  his  habits 
exhibited  a  remarkable  proof  of  the  strength  of 
early  impressions.  It  is  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
turn  for  disputation  created  by  a  scholastic  educa- 
tion, that  we  are  to  attribute  the  subsequent  occur- 
rence of  dissensions  between  him  and  his  friends,  as 
well  as  some  remarkable  tenets  bequeathed  by  him 
to  his  followers,  and  maintained  by  Protestant  sects 
to  the  present  day. 

The  gradual  and  almost  imperceptible  progress 
towards  change  in  the  mind  of  Luther,  prevented 
any  suspicion  from  being  excited  by  his  early  dis- 
coveries of  fallacy  in  the  Romish  creed.  His 
official  superior,  Staupitz,  had  no  hesitation  in  ap- 
pointing him  his  vicar,  to  examine  into  the  state  of 
the  monasteries  in  Saxony,  and  to  exercise  in  his 
absence  a  general  superintendence.  In  this  capacity 
Luther  had  occasion  to  visit  nearly  forty  Augustini- 
an  monasteries,  which  gave  him  a  very  favourable 
opportunity  of  disseminating  instruction,  as  well  as 
of  laying  the  foundation  of  that  personal  attachment 
to  himself,  which  was  so  fully  displayed  in  his  sub- 
sequent troubles.  No  man,  however,  was  less 
solicitous  to  make  a  study  of  ingratiating  himself 
with  the  world.  Of  this  some  idea  may  be  formed 
by  an  extract  of  a  letter  addressed,  June  8,  1516, 
to  Spalatin,  in  which,  speaking  of  his  sovereign,  the 
elector,  he  says,  "  Many  things  please  your  prince, 
and  are  wonderfully  esteemed  by  him,  which  dis- 
please and  are  an  abomination  to  God.     1  do  n^ 


46  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

deny,  that  in  the  transaction  of  the  ordinary  affairs 
of  life  he  is  the  most  prudent  of  men  ;  but  in  things 
which  relate  to  God,  or  the  salvation  of  the  soul,  I 
esteem  him,  as  well  as  Pfeffinger,*  almost  seven 
times  blind." 

Luther  discovered  equal  candour  in  acknowledg- 
ing his  slow  progress  in  attaining  the  knowledge 
which  produced  his  change  of  religious  opinion.  In 
the  preface  to  his  works,  written  a  short  time  before 
his  death,  he  thus  expressed  himself:  "  I  was  at 
first  alone,  and  certainly  unskilful,  and  unfit  for  the 
management  of  so  great  affairs.  I  mention  these 
things,  that  he  who  shall  read  my  works  may  keep 
in  mind  that  I  was  one  of  those  who  (as  Augustine 
writes  of  himself)  profited  by  writing  and  teaching, 
and  not  one  of  those,  who  from  nothing  are  said  to 
become  suddenly  very  great  divines,  though  they 
have  neither  laboured,  attempted,  nor  experienced 
any  thing ;  but,  by  one  glance  at  Scripture,  are 
said  to  make  themselves  perfectly  masters  of  its 
spirit." 

The  following  passage  is  from  the  same  preface, 
and  is  extremely  characteristic  of  Luther's  vehe- 
mence :  "  Let  the  reader  know  that  I  was  formerly 
a  monk,  and  that  when  I  engaged  in  the  cause  of 
Reformation,  I  was  a  most  frantic  papist ;  so  in- 
toxicated, nay,  so  drenched  in  the  dogmas  of  the 
pope,  that  I  was  quite  ready  to  put  to  death,  if  I 
had  been  able,  or  to  co-operate  with  those  who 
would  have  put  to  death  persons  who  refused 
obedience  to  the  pope  in  any  single  article.  Thus,  I 
was  not  ice  and  coldness  itself,   in  defending  the 

*  Pfeffinger    was   chamberlain    and    minister    to    Frederick. 
Seckend.  p.  20. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  47 

papacy,  like  Eckius  and  his  associates,  who  appeared 
to  me  to  act  more  from  selfishness  (ventris  caiisu), 
than  from  conviction.  Even  to  this  day  they  seem 
to  me  to  do  the  same,  and  to  make  a  mockery  of 
the  pope  like  Epicureans.  I,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  in  thorough  earnest,  being  dreadfully  afraid  of 
the  day  of  judgment,  and  desirous,  from  my  inmost 
soul,  to  be  saved."* 

It  would  gratify  a  laudable  curiosity  to  be  able  to 
trace  with  accuracy  Luther's  progressive  advance 
in  knowledge  and  change  of  views  ;  but  until  1517, 
when  he  declared  himself  in  open  hostility  to  the 
church  of  Rome,  our  materials,  in  this  respect,  are 
scanty.  Few  of  his  early  letters  have  been  pre- 
served. Among  those  which  remain,  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  was  written  the  year  before  the 
period  which  we  have  mentioned.  It  was  addressed 
to  Spalatin,  his  steady  friend  and  advocate  at  the 
court  of  Saxony.  It  bears  date  October  19, 
1516,  and  contains  observations  on  the  works  of 
the  Fathers,  but  more  particularly  on  the  mode  of 
studying  or  interpreting  the  Scriptures  attempted 
in  the  preceding  year  by  Erasmus. 

"  The  reasons,"  says  Luther,  "  which  induce 
me  to  oppose  Erasmus,  a  very  learned  person,  are 
the  following.  In  interpreting  what  the  Apostle 
says  with  respect  to  the  righteousness  of  works,  or 
of  the  law,  or  one's  own  righteousness,  he  under- 
stands the  ceremonial  and  figurative  observances  en- 
joined by  the  Mosaic  law.  And  again,  although 
he  admits  the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  he  seems  un- 
willing  to  allow    that  the  apostle  treats   of  that 

*  See  Appendix  O. 


48  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

subject  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  Now,  whoever  has  read  what  Augustine 
has  written  against  the  Pelagians,  especially  in  his 
treatise  on  the  "  Spirit  and  Letter  ;"  his  discourse  on 
the  "  Merit  and  Remission  of  Sins,"  and  his  argu- 
ments against  two  letters  of  the  Pelagians,  and 
against  Julian,  must  perceive  how  little  he  indulges 
in  his  own  sentiments ;  rather  expressing  what 
Cyprian,  Nazianzen,  Rheticitis,*  Irenaeus,  Hilary, 
Olympius,  Innocent,  and  Ambrose  have  defended. 
Perhaps  Erasmus  does  not  rightly  understand  the 
meaning  of  the  apostle,  but  Augustine  is  worthy 
of  more  credit  than  he  has  been  willing  to  grant 
him.  Indeed  I  do  not  hesitate  to  dissent  so  far 
from  Erasmus,  that,  in  regard  to  interpreting 
Scripture,  I  prefer  Augustine  as  much  to  Jerome,  as 
he  prefers  Jerome  to  Augustine.  Not  that  I  am  com- 
pelled to  approve  of  what  Augustine  has  delivered, 
in  consequence  of  my  profession  as  a  monk  of  his 
Order,  or  that  I  valued  his  works  much  before  I 
had  an  opportunity  of  perusing  them  ;  but  because 
I  perceive  that  Jerome  has  devoted  the  whole  of  his 
attention  to  the  historical  meaning  of  Scripture. 
It  is  a  singular  circumstance  that  he  expounds 
Scripture  much  more  happily  when  he  treats  of  it 
incidentally,  as  in  his  letters,  than  when  he  at- 
tempts a  formal  exposition,  as  in  his  Opuscula. 
Tho  righteousness  of  the  law  or  of  works  does  not 
consist  in  the  observance  of  ceremonies,  but  rather 
in  obeying  all  that  the  Decalogue  enjoins.  Actions 
performed   independently   of    the    faith    of   Christ 

*  Rheticius  was  bishop  of  Autun,  and  flourished  about  the  year 
320.  Vid.  Trethem.  de  Script.  Eccles.  ap.  Bibliothec.  Ecclesiast. 
Fabric,  p.  18.     See  also  Cave's  Hist.  Lit. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1508  TO  1517.  49 

such  as  were  done  by  the  Fubricii,  Reguli,  and 
other  persons,  who  are  held  in  estimation  among 
men,  but  whose  motives  were  not  influenced  by  the 
Gospel ;  such  works,  I  say,  had  no  more  relation 
to  what  in  the  Scripture  is  called  righteousness, 
than  apples  have  to  figs.  I  oppose  the  doctrine  of 
Aristotle,  who  says  that  by  doing  justly  we  are 
'■justified?  unless  that  term  be  used  in  a  peculiar 
sense.  The  just  perform  good  works,  but  it  is  first 
necessary  that  the  state  of  the  person  be  changed ; 
the  works  follow  of  course — Abel  was  accepted 
l>efore  his  offerings — but  of  this  elsewhere.  I  am 
now  to  beg  that  you  will  discharge  the  duty  of  a 
friend  and  of  a  Christian,  and  inform  Erasmus  of 
what  I  have  written.  I  hope,  and  am  anxiously 
desirous,  that  his  authority  may  become  celebrated; 
I  am  at  the  same  time  afraid  lest,  by  means  of  the 
same  authority,  many  may  be  induced  to  adopt  the 
manner  of  defending  the  literal  method,  that  is  the 
dead  letter,  of  which  Lyra's  commentary  is  full, 
and  almost  all  commentators  since  the  days  of 
Augustine."* 

This  letter  is  interesting  as  containing  an  ex- 
position of  Luther's  sentiments  on  a  most  im- 
portant doctrine  in  opposition  to  the  church,  before 
he  had  any  thought  of  commencing  the  work  of 
Reformation.  The  time,  however,  was  now  arriving, 
when  that  opposition,  though  confined  to  mere  opi- 
nion, was  about  to  create  him  enemies.  Saxony 
was  at  that  time  divided  into  two  principalities, 
governed  by  two  distinct  branches  of  the  House  of 
Saxony.     Frederick,  as  representative  of  the  elder 

*  Seckend.p.  23. 
G 


50  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

branch,  held  the  rank  of  elector ;  George,  head  of 
the  younger  branch,  was  the  hereditary  ruler  of  an 
extensive  territory,  comprehending  Dresden,  Leip- 
sic,  and  several  other  cities  of  importance.  He  had 
the  title  of  duke,  and  was  extremely  different,  both 
in  his  religious  creed  and  in  general  disposition,  from 
his  relation  Frederick.  Having  heard  of  Luther's 
fame,  and  having  prevailed  on  Staupitz  to  send  him 
to  Dresden  to  preach,  the  Reformer,  instead  of  se- 
lecting inoffensive  topics,  had  the  boldness  to  deliver 
his  real  sentiments  on  the  "  assurance  of  faith  and 
predestination."  Not  satisfied  with  declaring  tenets 
at  open  variance  with  those  of  the  bigotted  court  of 
Dresdon,  he  held  a  public  disputation  in  that  city 
with  the  sect  of  Thomists,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
July,  1517,  the  nature  of  which,  in  connection  with 
his  previous  discourse,  made  a  lasting  impression  on 
the  duke  and  those  around  him.  We  shall  in  the 
sequel  have  frequent  occasion  to  recur  to  the  conduct 
of  this  prince,  and  to  notice  his  inveterate  hostility 
to  Luther  and  the  Reformation. 


YEAR  1517.  51 


CHAPTER  III. 

YEAR  1517. 

WE  are  now  arrived  at  that  part  of  Luther's 
history  when,  from  a  state  of  obscurity,  he  ven- 
tured to  come  forward  as  the  antagonist  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  church.  We  shall  find  him  pro- 
mulgating his  opinions  from  the  outset  with  a 
boldness  which  attracted  the  attention  of  all  Ger- 
many, yet  nothing  was  farther  from  his  wish  than 
to  proceed  to  the  extremity  of  a  quarrel  with  the 
See  of  Rome.  He  was  in  many  respects  not  only 
a  sincere  but  a  zealous  Catholic.  Besides,  the 
power  of  the  church  was  so  transcendent  as  to 
render  almost  ridiculous  any  deliberate  project  of 
opposition  on  the  part  of  an  individual.  To  ques- 
tion the  foundation  of  her  authority  had  been 
hitherto  accounted  not  only  an  aggression  on  the 
laws  of  civil  society  but  rebellion  against  the  will 
of  God.  The  papal  decrees  were  ratified,  it  was 
believed,  in  heaven;  nay,  the  presence  of  the 
Almighty,  it  was  affirmed,  attended  his  church 
and  protected  her  from  error.  She  was  thus  con- 
sidered to  possess  the  right  of  demanding  unlimited 
submission  to  her  decrees.  The  antiquity  of  her 
doctrine  was  deemed  incontrovertible  evidence  of 
its  truth ;  and  above  all,  it  was  accounted  the  duty 
of  every  Christian  to  maintain  the  "  unity  of  the 
faith."     The  memory  of  those  who  had  attempted 


52  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

to  propagate  new  doctrines  was  held  in  detestation, 
and  even  Luther,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  was  re- 
tarded in  his  bold  career  by  the  dread  of  incurring 
the  name  of  schismatic. 

In  addition  to  this  powerful  hold  over  public 
opinion,  the  leaders  of  the  church  possessed  the 
command  of  more  direct  weapons  of  offence.  Ex- 
communication and  capital  punishment  had,  in 
former  ages,  been  employed  with  fatal  success  in 
crushing  the  spirit  of  innovation.  The  Bohemians 
were  now  silent.  The  Waldenses  and  Albigenses 
were  contented  to  live  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Alps, 
purchasing  the  liberty  of  free  worship  by  seclusion 
from  the  rest  of  the  world.  Nor  was  there  any 
reason  to  expect  that  the  ecclesiastical  rulers  of  the 
sixteenth  century  would  be  more  disposed  than 
their  predecessors  to  forego  an  appeal  to  decisive 
extremities.* 

If  we  look  to  the  personal  character  of  the 
Pontiffs,  who  preceded  the  aera  of  the  Reformation, 
we  find  that  the  multiplied  crimes  of  Julius  and 
Borgia  had  degraded  them  in  the  eyes  of  the  well- 
informed  part  of  the  European  community  ;  but 
the  disgrace  attached  infinitely  less  to  the  office 
than  to  the  individual.  Many  persons  were  to  be 
found,  and  among  the   rest  Luther,  who  bowed  de- 

*  The  history  of  the  Waldenses  is  comparatively  little  known 
among  us.  Many  curious  particulars  respecting  them  are  to  be 
found  in  the  History  of  the  Evangelical  Churches  of  the  vallies 
of  Piedmont,  by  Samuel  JMorland.  Morland  was  Cromwell's 
Commissioner  Extraordinary  for  the  affairs  of  those  vallies. 
He  deposited  the  originals  from  which  he  derived  his  materials 
in  the  public  library  of  the  university  of  Cambridge.  His  his- 
tory was  published  at  London,  in  1G58,  and  is  dedicated  to  the 
Protector. 


YEAR  1517.  53 

voutly  to  the  See  of  Rome,  without  entertaining 
much  respect  for  the  character  of  its  occupants.  By 
this  time  too  the  papal  chair  had  begun  to  recover 
from  the  stain  consequent  on  the  conduct  o/  these 
unprincipled  pontiffs.  Leo  X.  had  been  advanced 
to  the  purple,  and  brought  with  him  all  the  fame  of 
the  House  of  Medici,  along  with  the  reputation  at- 
tached to  the  liberal  patronage  of  literature  and  the 
arts.  He  thus  secured  the  praises  of  that  class  in 
society  who  were  most  likely  to  disseminate  his 
popularity  ;  and,  his  vices  remaining  concealed  from 
the  public  eye,  the  Reformation  had  to  struggle 
with  the  odium  of  opposition  to  a  respected  pontiff. 
All  these  circumstances  concur  to  show,  that  had  it 
not  been  for  the  interference  of  an  over-ruling  Pro- 
vidence, the  Reformation  could  not  possibly  have 
taken  place. 

The  coffers  of  the  church  of  Rome  being  emptied 
by  a  course  of  extravagant  dissipation,  Leo  had 
recourse  to  the  sale  of  "  Indulgences."  Indulgen- 
ces, such  as  they  were  now  represented,  may  be 
defined,  "  remissions  of  any  sin  whatever  on  pay- 
ment of  a  sum  of  money  according  to  a  fixed  table  of 
rates."  This  extraordinary  traffic  was  defended  on 
the  pretended  authority  of  Scripture,  and  by  a  re- 
ference to  the  conduct  of  the  Apostles,  whose  suc- 
cessors the  heads  of  the  Romish  church  think 
proper  to  style  themselves.  Though  a  commerce 
something  similar  had  subsisted  at  a  very  early 
period,  the  year  1100  may  be  looked  on  as  the  date  v 
of  the  commencement  of  Indulgences,  such  as  they 
continued  at  the  sera  of  the  Reformation.  The 
frenzy  of  recovering  the  Holy  Land  had  at  that 
time  seized  the  Christian  world,  and  it  was  the 


54  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

custom  to  regard  the  persons  engaged  in  these  ex- 
travagant enterprises,  as  the  most  effectual  labourers 
for  the  glory  of  God.  While  the  military  com- 
batants .were  actuated  by  enthusiasm,  the  ecclesias- 
tical leaders  looked  to  the  more  substantial  con- 
siderations of  increase  of  authority  and  revenue. 
Pope  Urban  II.  went  the  length  of  granting  Ple- 
nary Indulgences,  or  the  remission  of  all  sins,  to 
those  who  should  embark  in  the  attempt  of  re- 
covering the  holy  sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  in- 
fidels. His  successors  found  it  necessary  to  alter 
and  extend  the  conditions  of  obtaining  this  most 
acceptable  boon.  Many  persons  willing  to  embark 
in  the  holy  warfare  were  unable  to  quit  their  homes 
and  their  families.  The  alternative  in  that  case  was 
to  furnish  a  substitute,  an  arrangement  which  the 
church  of  Rome  admitted  as  a  title  to  the  grant  of 
an  "  Indulgence." 

When  the  warfare  against  the  Turks  ceased  to 
interest  the  majority  of  Europe,  one  of  the  chief 
classes  of  persons  to  whom  the  church  con- 
ferred Indulgences,  was  the  zealots  who  showed 
themselves  vehement  in  the  persecution  of  dis- 
senters, or,  to  use  the  clerical  term,  heretics.  Next 
came,  in  the  time  of  Boniface  VIII.  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Jubilee,  or  periodical  resort  of  Christians 
to  Rome.  The  advantages  to  the  church  of  such 
an  institution  are  sufficiently  obvious.  It  had  a 
direct  tendency  to  establish  the  supremacy  of  the 
Roman  patriarch,  and  to  bring  an  influx  of  wealth 
into  the  Holy  City.  The  regular  term  of  the  stay 
there  was  thirty  days,  with  a  conditional  limitation 
to  fifteen,  if  the  devotee  had  come  from  a  very 
great  distance.     The  profligate  Boniface  published 


YEAR  1517.  55 

Indulgences  to  all  who  should  repair  to  Rome  in 
the  year  1300,  and  every  fiftieth  year  from  that 
time.  The  scheme  having  succeeded,  Clement  VI. 
gave  notice  in  1342,  that  Indulgences  would  be 
dispensed  in  1350.  Succeeding  popes  continued 
the  gainful  expedient,  and  two  of  them  thought 
proper  to  abridge  the  duration  of  the  interval  be- 
tween the  Jubilees,  Urban  VI.  having  reduced  it 
to  thirty-three  years,  and  Paul  II.  to  twenty-five. 
The  revolution  of  the  Jubilee  in  1500  took  place 
under  Alexander  VI.  who  went  beyond  his  prede- 
cessors in  this  kind  of  traffic,  as  well  as  in  other 
iniquity.* 

From  the  history  of  "  Indulgences,"  we  now 
proceed  to  say  a  few  words  about  their  nature  and 
supposed  efficacy.  Here  we  very  soon  find  our- 
selves on  disputed  ground.  Generally  speaking, 
Indulgences  were  understood  as  remissions  of  pe- 
nance. At  first  they  proceeded  from  bishops  only ; 
but  afterwards  penitentiary  priests,  and,  in  course 
of  time,  confessors  of  all  descriptions  were  in- 
vested with  the  power  of  this  important  distribu- 
tion. It  was  understood  that  the  remissions  were 
derived  less  from  ecclesiastical  authority  than  from 
the  merits  of  the  saints.  These  merits,  in  as  far 
as  they  exceeded  what  was  necessary  for  the  salva- 

*  Of  Alexander  VI.'s  bull  about  Indulgences,  Felix  Faber,  p. 
monk  of  Ulra,  writes,  "  The  Pope  hath  sealed  this  bull  with  a 
leaden  seal,  because  he  is  high  priest  of  the  Christian  world. 
Peter's  head  is  engraven  on  the  seal,  to  intimate  that  by  his 
keys  heaven  is  opened  to  them  who  pay  due  regard  to  the  bull. 
The  head  of  Paul  is  also  upon  it,  to  signify  that  by  the  sword 
of  Paul  those  who  disregard  the  bull  shall  be  driven  to  hell, 
&c."  This  monk's  commentary  may  be  seen  at  length  in 
Seckend.  p.  9. 


56  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tion  of  the  saints,  were  collected,  as  our  credulous 
forefathers  believed,  into  a  coffer  of  which  the  pope 
kept  the  key,  and  was  enabled  to  dispose  as  he 
thought  proper.  As  the  merits  of  the  saints  amounted 
only  to  a  finite  sum,  it  was  found  politic  to  add  to 
the  stock  the  infinite  merits  of  our  Saviour.  This 
being  once  declared,  the  merits  of  the  saints  were 
accounted  by  many  persons  like  a  few  small  drops, 
while  those  of  Christ  formed  an  immense  ocean. 
The  buyer  of  an  Indulgence  was  understood  to  re- 
ceive a  portion  of  these  superabundant  merits,  suf- 
ficient to  constitute  either  a  pardon  for  his  own  sins, 
or  the  release  of  a  deceased  relation  from  the  pains 
of  purgatory. 

Four  hundred  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the 
popes  had  begun  the  distribution  of  "  Indulgences." 
In  resorting  to  their  sale,  Leo  is  said  to  have  been 
actuated  by  the  advice  of  Cardinal  Lorenzo  Pucci.* 
In  taking  this  step,  Leo  committed  no  innovation, 
but  he  discovered  a  strange  inattention  to  the  altered 
state  of  society  and  the  increased  diffusion  of  know- 
ledge. Plethoric  in  constitution  and  fond  of  ease 
and  pleasure,  he  was  little  disposed  to  contemplate 
the  unfavourable  side  of  things,  or  to  apprehend 
mischief  from  the  indecent  urgency  with  which  the 
business  was  conducted.  As  if  it  had  not  been 
enough  to  extend  the  purchase  of  pardons  to  the 
living,  these  ecclesiastical  charms  were  declared  ca- 
pable of  relieving  from  purgatory  the  souls  of  the 
dead.  Indulgences  were  also  issued  to  eat  flesh, 
eggs,  milk,  cheese,  and  butter  upon  fast  days,  and 
the  liberty  of  choosing  one's  own  confessor  was 

*  See  Appendix  P. 


VKAR  151T.  57 

granted  on  payment  of  a  stipulated  compensation. 
The  papal  briefs  for  this  purpose  were  expedited  in 
1514  and  1515,  but  the  sale  of  the  Indulgences  did 
not  commence  till  1516  and  1517. 

In  support  of  such  collections,  it  was  customary 
for  the  court  of  Rome  to  address  itself  to  some  of 
the  strongest  feelings  of  a  Christian  community. 
On  the  present  occasion,  the  ostensible  motives  were 
the  expense  of  carrying  on  the  war  against  the 
Turkish  infidels,  and  of  finishing  in  a  style  of  mag- 
nificence the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome.  The 
money,  however,  went  to  neither  purpose,  but  was 
lavished  in  gratifying  the  luxury  of  the  court  of 
Rome  and  of  its  dependents.  It  is  even  reported 
that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  expected  produce 
of  the  Indulgences  was  mortgaged  by  anticipation. 
The  sum  to  be  levied  from  Saxony  and  the  neigh- 
bouring part  of  Germany  was  appropriated,  we  are 
told  by  Guicciardini,*  (though  others  say  differently) 
to  the  pope's  sister,  Magdalen,  as  a  compensation 
for  the  expense  which  Leo  had  occasioned  to  her 
family,  on  being  obliged,  in  the  time  of  Alexander 
VI.  to  take  refuge  in  Genoa.  Magdalen's  husband 
was  Franceschetto  Cibo,  a  natural  son  of  Innocent 
VIII.  who,  in  consequence  of  this  alliance  with  the 
House  of  Medici,  had  created  Leo  a  cardinal  at  the 
early  age  of  fourteen,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation 
of  his  future  greatness.  Magdalen,  reckoning  with 
confidence  on  the  collection  of  a  large  sum  from  the 
Indulgences,  appointed  as  her  deputies,  Arcemboldi, 
a  person  remarkable  for  his  avarice,  and  Albert, 
archbishop  of  Mentz  and  Magdeburg.     The  latter 

*  See  Appendix  Q. 

H 


58  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

employed  as  his  quaestor,  as  such  officers  were 
called,  one  John  Tetzel,  a  Dominican  monk,  whose 
character  was  notoriously  immoral.  He  had  been 
capitally  convicted  of  adultery,  and  sentenced  to  be 
thrown  headlong  into  the  river  Inn,  but  pardoned 
by  the  emperor  at  the  intercession  of  the  elector 
Frederick. 

Of  the  different  monastic  fraternities  of  the  church, 
none  at  this  time  wrere  more  active  than  the  Domi- 
nicans. The  Inquisition  had  been  instituted  by 
their  founder,  and  now  continued  under  their  direc- 
tion. The  individuals  composing  the  Order  were 
remarkable  for  a  strong  esprit  de  corps,  so  that  al- 
together their  popularity  and  power  were  great. 
The  sale  of  Indulgences  having  been  intrusted  chiefly 
to  them,  the  earliest  opponents  of  the  Reformation 
appeared,  as  we  shall  find  in  the  sequel,  among  their 
ranks.  Tetzel  seems  to  have  been  selected  for  the 
traffic  in  Indulgences  in  Saxony,  on  account  of  his 
activity  and  popular  address,  recommendations 
however  which  were  greatly  outweighed  by  his 
demerits.  He  was  not  only  grossly  ignorant,  but 
petulant  and  presumptuous  in  the  extreme.  In  ex- 
tolling the  efficacy  of  the  Indulgences,  he  ventured, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  to  go  to  a  length  which 
could  hardly  have  been  tolerated  in  the  darkest  of 
the  Gothic  ages.  In  his  harangues  it  was  not  un- 
usual for  him  to  make  the  disgusting  affirmation, 
"  that  had  any  one  debauched,  were  it  possible,  the 
mother  of  our  Saviour,  the  Indulgence  would  be 
adequate  to  the  conveyance  of  absolution."*  No 
wonder    that    such    impious    declamations    roused 

*  See  Appendix  R. 


VEAR  1517. 

Luther  iVom  a  state  of  solitary  meditation  to  active 
opposition.  It  appears,  on  his  own  authority,  that 
he  was  engaged,  at  the  time  of  the  commencement 
of  Tetzel's  operations,  in  studying  divinity  for  the 
instruction  of  his  class,  and,  in  particular,  the  doc- 
trine of  repentance.*  He  candidly  confesses  that, 
on  beginning  to  question  the  sale  of  Indulgences, 
he  knew  nothing  of  their  origin  or  history.  Other 
members  of  the  church  were,  he  adds,  in  general 
as  ignorant  as  himself,  the  Indulgences  deriving 
their  weight  solely  from  the  authority  of  usage. 
His  researches  accordingly  originated,  less  in  a  de- 
sire of  effecting  a  change  in  the  distribution  of  In- 
dulgences, than  from  an  eagerness  to  ascertain  their 
real  nature.  As  he  could  not,  to  borrow  an  expres- 
sion of  his  own,  obtain  information  from  the  dead, 
meaning  the  writings  of  lawyers  and  divines,  he 
determined  to  apply  for  instruction  to  the  living, 
and  to  form  his  opinion  by  the  answer  of  the 
church.f 

Luther  seems  to  have  laid  great  stress  on  Tetzel's 
overbearing  and  disgusting  manner.  This,  no  doubt, 
was  calculated  to  provoke  him  extremely,  but  we 
are  informed  by  Myconius,J  a  cotemporary  and 
friend  of  Luther,  that  there  was  another  and  a  more 
direct  reason.  In  addition  to  the  duty  of  teaching 
his  class  and  preaching,  Luther  occasionally  heard 
confessions.  In  the  exercise  of  this  function,  in  the 
year  1517,  some  persons  came  to  him  to  confess, 
and  though  guilty  of  serious  crimes,  refused  to  un- 
dergo the  penance  prescribed  by  him,  because  they 

*  Luther,  i.  100.  t  Luther,  i.  50. 

t  Ap.  Seckend.  p.  17- 


00  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

had  already  received  remission  in  the  shape  of  an 
Indulgence.  Luther,  revolting  at  this  evasion,  flatly 
refused  them  the  absolution  for  which  they  applied. 
As  he  persisted  in  this  negative  determination,  the 
persons  in  question,  considering  themselves  ag- 
grieved, entered  a  serious  complaint  against  him 
with  Tetzel,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  town  of  Interbock.  Tetzel,  con- 
fident of  support  from  his  superiors,  assumed  all  the 
consequence  of  a  plenipotentiary  of  the  court  of 
Rome.  In  an  evil  hour  for  the  papacy,  he  became 
violently  incensed  against  Luther,  and  being  one  of 
the  holy  commission  charged  with  the  extirpation  of 
heresy,  he  threatened  to  subject  Luther,  and  those 
who  might  adhere  to  him,  to  the  horrors  of  the  In- 
quisition. To  keep  the  populace  in  awe  and  prevent 
Luther's  opposition  from  being  imitated,  he  caused 
a  pile  for  burning  heretics  to  be  erected  in  a  con- 
spicuous situation.  But  all  these  threats  were  un- 
availing, and  Luther,  once  roused,  persevered  in  his 
course  with  his  characteristic  intrepidity. 

This  is  the  place  to  refute  an  invidious  imputation 
brought  against  Luther  by  several  Catholic  writers, 
in  respect  to  the  purity  of  his  motives  in  opposing 
the  sale  of  Indulgences.  His  resistance,  they  pre- 
tend, took  its  rise  from  the  vindictive  jealousy  of  the 
Augustine  friars,  on  being  superseded  by  the  Domi- 
nicans in  the  exercise  of  this  lucrative  traffic.  A 
bare  reference  to  Luther's  history,  and  to  his  con- 
stant contempt  for  money,  is  sufficient  to  shake  the 
credibility  of  the  charge.  During  his  life-time  no 
such  insinuation  was  ever  made,  notwithstanding 
his  numerous  controversies,  and  the  calumnious  ex- 
aggerations of  his  enemies.     But  the  foundation  of 


YEAR  1517.  61 

the  whole  is  hollow,  for  the  Augustinians  appear 
never  to  have  been  entrusted  with  the  sale  of  Indul- 
gences in  Germany.  Pallavicini,  and  other  zealous 
advocates  of  the  Vatican,  however  hostile  to  Luther 
in  other  respects,  have  the  candour  to  relinquish  this 
point.  In  the  beginning,  Luther,  so  far  from  being 
actuated  by  irritation  at  the  court  of  Rome,  proceeded 
on  the  belief  that  the  pope  would  approve  and  sup- 
port his  opposition  to  Indulgences.  His  opinion  of 
Leo's  character  was  at  that  time  very  high,  and  had 
been  lately  raised  by  hearing  of  some  censure  ex- 
pressed by  the  holy  father  on  the  indecent  forward- 
ness of  the  preachers  of  Indulgences.* 

The  manner  in  which  Luther  proceeded  affords  a 
convincing  proof  that  he  acted  with  no  deliberate  hos- 
tility to  the  church.  Conformably  to  the  custom  of 
the  age,  in  the  case  of  doubtful  points,  he  came  to 
the  determination  of  stating  his  ideas  in  a  series  of 
propositions,  with  a  view  to  a  public  disputation. 
Accordingly,  on  the  31st  Oct.  1517,  he  published 
ninety-five  propositions,  discussing  copiously  the 
doctrines  of  penitence,  charity,  indulgences,  purga- 
tory, &c.  Having  affixed  these  propositions  to  the 
church  adjacent  to  the  castle  of  Wittemberg,  an  in- 
vitation to  a  public  disputation  on  them  was  sub- 
joined, accompanied  with  a  request,  that  those  who 
were  necessarily  absent  would  transmit  him  their 
observations  in  writing.  The  words  of  this  intima- 
tion deserve  to  be  recorded,  and  were  as  follows : 

Amove  et  studio  elvxidandce  veritatis  hcec  sub- 
scripla  themata  disputabuntur  Wittembergce,  yre- 
sidente  R.  P.  Martino  Luthero,  Eremitano  Augus- 

*  Luther,  praef.  Seckend.  p.  16. 


62  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tiniano,  artium  et  S.  Theologice  Magistro,  ejusdem 
ibidem  ordinario  Lectore.  Quare  petit,  lit  qui  non 
possunt  verbis  prcesentes  nobiscum  disputare,  agant 
id  Uteris  absentes.  In  nomine  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi.     Amen* 

The  practice  of  holding  public  disputations  had 
long  been  common  in  Europe.  Before  the  invention 
of  printing,  these  discussions  presented  almost  the 
only  mode  by  which  a  scholar  could  extend  his  repu- 
tation or  attract  attention  to  his  discoveries.  The 
school-logic  was  the  armour  in  which  these  intel- 
lectual combatants  were  in  the  habit  of  encountering 
each  other.  To  appoint  a  disputation  did  not  neces- 
sarily imply  the  circulation  of  opinions  completely 
formed,  but  was  rather  to  be  considered  a  notice  of 
a  certain  progress  in  inquiry  made  on  the  part  of  an 
individual,  who  was  desirous  of  farther  information. 

Luther's  "  propositions,"  or  "  theses,"  as  they 
were  termed,  consisted  in  a  chain  of  affirmations  and 
deductions  intimately  related  to  each  other.  Though 
apparently  nothing  more  than  a  series  of  abstract 
reasonings,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that,  if  permitted 
to  extend,  they  would  have  a  direct  and  serious  ef- 
fect on  certain  branches  of  church  revenue.  His 
views  of  the  nature  of  repentance  differed  materially 
from  those  on  which  the  sale  of  Indulgences  was 
conducted.  The  current  doctrine  in  regard  to 
"  confession  and  compensation"  proceeded  on  the 
supposition  that  all  previous  guilt  was  cancelled  by 
the  performance  of  these  acts.  Indulgences  were  of 
still  greater  efficacy,  and  were  represented  as  con- 
taining  the    pardon   of   sins   not   yet   committed. 

*  Luther,  i.  51. 


YEAR  1517.  63 

Luther  subjected  these  extravagant  tenets  to  an 
analysis  on  the  principles  of  the  general  doctrine  of 
repentance.  From  the  tenor  of  Christ's  command 
to  repent,  we  ought  not,  he  maintained,  to  contem- 
plate the  discharge  of  a  solitary  act  of  contrition,  but 
the  habitual  and  daily  exercise  of  penitence.  Peni- 
tence administered  under  the  name  of  a  sacrament 
by  a  priest  could,  in  his  opinion,  have  no  exist- 
ence ;  the  true  repentance  enjoined  by  Christ  con- 
sisting in  internal  compunction,  accompanied  by  ex- 
ternal acts  of  mortification.  As  Indulgences  were 
founded  on  the  assumption  that  the  pope  could  for- 
give sin,  Luther  proceeded  to  scrutinize  and  define 
this  part  also  of  the  Catholic  creed.  The  Holy  Fa- 
ther, he  said,  was  neither  able  nor  willing  to  remit 
any  punishment  except  that  which  is  prescribed  by 
the  canons  ;  or  such  as  he  himself  might  have  im- 
posed by  virtue  of  his  personal  authority.  Strictly 
speaking,  the  pope,  he  added,  could  in  himself  be 
the  author  of  no  remission,  but  merely  the  declarer 
of  what  was  granted  by  God.  We  see  here  by 
what  gradual  steps  Luther  began  to  limit  his  im- 
pressions of  the  extent  of  the  papal  prerogative.  So 
little  was  he,  as  yet,  disposed  to  question  the  autho- 
rity of  the  church,  that  he  declared  the  offender,  in 
a  case  of  forgiveness  thus  communicated,  bound  to 
profess  his  submission  to  a  priest,  and  to  consider 
him,  in  that  instance,  as  God's  vicar. 

Luther  assumed  a  more  decided  tone  in  repro- 
bating the  notion  of  benefiting  by  Indulgences  the 
souls  of  the  dead.  By  a  course  of  reasoning,  which 
in  that  day  was  not  accounted  superfluous,  he  main- 
tained that  the  prescriptions  in  the  canon  law  rela- 
tive to  penitence  were  applicable  only  to  the  living  : 


G4  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

that  penance  was  originally  imposed  not  after  abso- 
lution, but  before  it,  and  was  chiefly  intended  as  a 
test  of   the    sincerity  of  the  offender's  contrition. 
"  The  Holy  Spirit  in  the  pope,"  he  said,  "  always 
excepts  in  his  decrees  the  articles  of  death  or  neces- 
sity.    The  punishment  endured  in  purgatory  is  in- 
tended, like  all  other  punishment,  for  the  most  salu- 
tary purposes,  and  before  any  one  can  be  relieved 
from  it,    his  soul  must    increase   in  charity.     His 
Holiness  can  affect  the  souls  in  purgatory,  not  by 
power  but  by  intercession,  and  therefore  does  well 
to  publish  forgiveness  to  souls  by  way  of  suffrage 
only.*     The  indiscriminate  pardon  of  sins  held  out 
by  the  Indulgences  can,  if  granted  at  all,  be  granted 
to  those  only  who  approach  very  near  to  perfection. 
To  hold   forth  to  the  multitude  the  promise  of  a 
general  pardon  must  be  productive  of  the  worst  con- 
sequences.    How  indecent  is  it  in  those  who  are 
employed  to  sell  Indulgences  to  affirm  to  the  igno- 
rant populace,  that  the  soul,  for  whom  they  purchase 
a  pardon,  escapes  from  purgatory  as  soon  as  their 
money  tinkles  in  the  chest !    Let  not  the  public  be 
induced  to  prefer  the   purchase  of  Indulgences  to 
acts  of  charity  ;  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  is  among 
the  first  of  Christian  duties.     If  the  Holy  Father," 
he  added,  "  knew  the  exactions  of  those  mercenary 
preachers,  he  would  rather  that  the  palace  of  St. 
Peter's  should  be  burned  to  ashes,  than  built  with 
the  skin,  flesh,  and  bones  of  his  sheep." 

Such  is  the  outline  of  these  propositions,  the  pub- 
lication of  which  constituted  in  a  manner  the  first 
act  of  the  Reformation.    They  contained  evident  in- 

*  See  Appendix  5. 


YEAR  1517.  65 

dications  of  a  vigorous  understanding,  mixed,  how- 
ever, with  a  strong  bias  to  early  impressions.  While 
they  show  that  Luther  had  closely  studied  Augus- 
tine's doctrine  of  repentance,  they  prove  likewise 
that  he  had  turned  the  subject  attentively  in  his  own 
mind.  Unaided  by  any  other  direction,  he  had  at- 
tained, what  was  very  rare  in  that  age,  a  correct 
conception  of  the  necessity  of  sincere  penitence  to 
the  enjoyment  of  mental  comfort.  But  in  doing 
justice  to  him  in  this  respect,  as  well  as  to  his  know- 
ledge of  the  Scriptures  and  church  history,  we  can- 
not help  being  struck  with  the  extent  of  his  faith  in 
the  doctrine  of  purgatory  and  in  the  power  of  the 
pope.  His  whole  career,  however,  is  an  example  of 
the  slow  steps  by  which  the  mind,  when  left  to  its 
own  resources,  is  destined  to  arrive  at  a  knowledge 
of  truth. 

No  disputants  having  accepted  his  invitation, 
Luther  determined  to  print  and  publish  his  "  Propo- 
sitions." The  novelty  and  boldness  of  the  opinions 
which  they  contained,  along  with  the  rational  founda- 
tion of  his  reasoning,  procured  them  a  very  rapid  cir- 
culation throughout  Germany.  Known  hitherto  only 
in  a  limited  circle  as  a  professor,  the  circulation  of 
his  "Propositions"  made  him  one  of  the  most  public 
men  in  the  empire.  The  respect  which  he  showed 
to  the  authority  of  the  Fathers  recommended  his 
work  to  the  reflecting  and  moderate,  while  the  dis- 
crimination evinced  in  his  definitions  of  the  power  of 
the  pope  was  calculated  to  stagger,  in  some  degree, 
the  belief  of  those  who  had  hitherto  bowed  to  it  as 
infallible.  In  regard  to  that  point  there  was  indeed 
considerable  difference  of  opinion,  but  there  was 
hardly  room  for  any  other  feeling  than  admiration  as 

T 


66  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

to  another — I  mean  the  necessity  of  inward  contri- 
tion and  the  indecency  of  selling  a  general  pardon 
through  the  medium  of  an  Indulgence. 

At  the  time  of  giving  a  challenge  to  a  public  dis- 
putation, Luther  addressed  a  letter  to  Albert,  arch- 
bishop of  Mentz,  who  has  been  already  mentioned 
as  deriving  considerable  profits  from  the  sale  of  In- 
dulgences. This  letter  is  remarkable  as  a  specimen 
of  his  zeal  for  his  tenets,  and  of  his  freedom  in  ad- 
dressing his  superiors.  After  repeating  the  substance 
of  the  "  Propositions,"  he  proceeds  to  tell  the  prelate : 

"  I  do  not  complain  so  much  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  '  Indulgences'  are  published,  (which  I 
have  not  witnessed,)  as  of  the  injurious  effects  which 
they  are  calculated  to  produce  upon  the  multitude, 
who  believe  that,  if  they  purchase  these  pardons, 
they  are  certain  of  their  salvation,  and  exempted  from 
punishment.  Good  God!"  (he  exclaims,)  "the  souls 
intrusted  to  your  care  are  stimulated  to  what  will 
lead  them  to  ruin ;  and  how  hard  must  be  the  ac- 
count which  you  will  have  to  render  to  God  with 
respect  to  all  these.  From  this  cause  I  could  be 
silent  no  longer,  for  no  one  can  be  certain  of  his  sal- 
vation by  any  gift  conferred  upon  him  by  a  bishop. 
It  is  by  the  grace  of  God  alone  that  salvation  can  be 
obtained.  Works  of  piety  and  charity  are  infinitely 
better  than  Indulgences ;  and  yet  they  are  not 
preached  to  the  people  with  so  great  pomp  or  zeal, 
nay  they  are  supplanted  by  the  Indulgences.  The 
first  and  only  duty  of  bishops  is  to  instruct  the  people 
in  the  Gospel,  and  the  love  of  Christ.  Jesus  never 
commanded  Indulgences  to  be  published.  What 
horror  therefore  must  that  bishop  experience,  and 
how  great  his  danger,  if  he  allow  the  sale  of  In- 


YEAR  1517.  G7 

diligences  to  be  substituted  among  his  flock  in  pre- 
ference to  the  doctrines  of  Revelation?  Shall  not 
Christ  say  to  such  persons,  '  Ye  strain  at  a  gnat,  and 
swallow  a  camel?'  What  can  I  do,  most  excellent 
prelate  and  illustrious  prince,  but  intreat  you  by  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  direct  your  attention  to  this 
subject,  to  destroy  the  book  which  you  have  sanc- 
tioned by  your  arms,*  and  impose  upon  the  preachers 
of  Indulgences  a  very  different  method  of  recom- 
mending them,  lest  some  one  should  arise  and  con- 
fute both  them  and  that  book  to  the  great  reproach 
of  your  Highness?  The  consequences  of  this  I  dread 
extremely,  and  yet  I  fear  it  must  happen  unless  a 
speedy  remedy  be  applied." 

It  is  apparent  from  this  letter  that  Luther  was  not 
apprehensive  of  that  insincerity  in  the  character  of 
the  archbishop,  which  in  the  sequel  he  found  cause 
to  suspect.  Still  less  was  he  aware  that  it  would  rest 
with  himself  to  fight  the  battle  with  the  rapacious 
exactions  of  the  church.  Meantime  the  boldness  of 
his  language  began  to  draw  the  attention  of  all  Ger- 
many. His  friends  of  the  Augustinian  fraternity, 
particularly  the  prior  and  sub-prior  of  the  monastery 
of  Wittemberg,  more  alive  to  danger  than  himself, 
and  less  confident  of  a  successful  issue,  beseedbed  S*#£> 
him  to  consult  the  safety  of  the  Order,  and  to  cease 
exposing  himself  to  personal  hazard.  But  Luther 
was  not  to  be  stopped,  and  would  give  no  other  reply 
than  "that  if  the  cause  were  not  of  God  it  would 
fall,  but  if  it  were  of  God,  its  progress  could  not  be 
resisted." 

Tetzel,  whose  passion  far  surpassed  his  prudence, 

*  This  was  a  book  recommending  the  purchase  of  Indulgences, 
on  the  title-page  of  which  were  the  archbishop's  arms. 


68  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

published  soon  after,  at  Frankfort  in  Brandenburg,, 
two  theses  in  opposition  to  those  of  Luther.  His 
ignorance  evidently  disqualifying  him  for  such  com- 
positions ;  they  have  been  generally  ascribed  to  Con- 
rad Wimpina,  professor  of  divinity  in  Frankfort. 
Their  style  is  such  as  sufficiently  to  discover  the 
weakness  of  the  Romish  cause,  and  the  dictatorial 
tone  of  the  Dominican  fraternity.  The  first  thesis 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  six  positions;  the 
second  of  fifty.*  To  mortify  Luther  and  to  make  a 
show  of  respect  for  Tetzel,  no  fewer  than  three 
hundred  monks  were  present  at  the  disputation  on 
the  former  of  these  theses. f  Neither  of  these  pro- 
ductions entered  into  a  thorough  discussion  of 
Luther's  arguments,  but  assuming  a  priori  the 
pope's  infallibility,  asserted,  as  a  necessary  conse- 
quence, that  every  thing  at  variance  with  this  fun- 
damental position  must  be  false.  This  course  of 
reasoning  we  shall  find  frequently  pursued  by  Luther's 
opponents.  The  Catholics  thought  it  unanswerable, 
and  were  not  for  some  time  aware  that  the  day  was 
past  for  proving  the  pope's  infallibility  by  the  wea- 
pons of  syllogism. 

Tetzel,  proceeding  in  his  intemperate  course,  took 
occasion  to  throw  Luther's  work  publicly  into  the 
fire,  an  indignity  which  the  students  of  the  univer- 
sity at  Wittemberg  were  not  long  in  retorting  on 
the  publication  which  bore  his  name.  The  latter  of 
these  transactions  excited  much  surprise  :  an  account 
of  it  is  given  by  Luther  in  the  following  letter,  ad- 
dressed to  his  friends,  John  Langus  and  Iodocus  : — 

*  They  are  to  be  seen  in  Luther,  i.  94 — 98.    Extracts  are  in 
Seckend.  p.  26,  27.     See  also  Sleid.  L.  i.  Sarp.  L.  i. 
t  Scult.  An.  1517- 


FROM  1517.  GO 

"  That  you  may  be  informed  of  what  actually  hap- 
pened respecting  the  burning  of  Tetzel's  proposi- 
tions, the  following  is  the  true  state  of  the  case.  The 
students  are  exceedingly  disgusted  with  the  ancient 
sophistical  mode  of  study,  but  very  much  attached  to 
the  study  of  the  Holy  Bible,  and  perhaps  also  very 
friendly  to  me  and  my  cause.  When  they  were  in- 
formed that  a  person  had  come  from  Halle,  sent  by 
Tetzel,  the  author  of  the  positions,  they  immediately 
went  to  him,  and  threatened  the  man  for  daring  to 
bring  such  things  to  Wittemberg.  Some  bought 
copies  from  him,  others  took  them  by  force,  and 
having  given  notice  of  a  meeting,  invited  every  one 
that  chose  to  be  present  at  the  burning  and  funeral 
of  Tetzel's  positions,  to  come  to  the  market  place  at 
two  o'clock.  They  there  burned  all  the  other  copies, 
to  the  number  of  nearly  eight  hundred.  They  did 
this  without  the  knowledge  of  the  elector,  senate,  or 
rector  of  the  university,  or  indeed  of  any  of  us. 
Such  a  grievous  injury  done  to  the  man  by  our 
students  certainly  vexed  me  as  well  as  every  body 
else.  Though  I  am  nowise  to  blame,  the  abuse,  I 
am  afraid,  will  be  imputed  to  me.  It  has  made  a 
great  noise  every  where,  greater  perhaps  than  was 
necessary;  yet  it  must  be  confessed  they  have  some 
reason  for  being  angry.  What  will  happen  I  know 
not,  unless  that  my  situation,  already  critical,  may 
become  more  so  in  consequence  of  it." 

In  another  letter  Luther  says,  "  I  am  astonished 
that  you  could  believe  me  the  author  of  the  burning 
of  Tetzel's  positions.  Do  you  think  me  so  totally 
destitute  of  common  sense,  that  I,  a  member  of  the 
church,  should,  in  a  place  not  my  own,  attempt  to 
do  so  great  an  injury  to  one  who  holds  so  high  an 


70  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

office  as  Tetzel."* — Luther's  enemies  were,  as  he  had 
foreseen,  exceedingly  disposed  to  throw  the  blame 
on  him,  but,  however  gratified  he  may  have  been  by 
this  testimony  of  the  attachment  of  the  students, 
there  is  no  room  to  suspect  him  of  being  instru- 
mental in  this  indignity  to  the  pope's  agent.  In  a 
subsequent  declaration  from  Tetzel,  the  orthodoxy 
of  his  creed  was  maintained  against  all  opponents 
without  mentioning  by  name  an  individual  so  ob- 
scure as  Luther. f  Tetzel  made  an  appeal  to  the  pre- 
judices of  the  age,  by  declaring  his  readiness  to  un- 
dergo the  ordeal  of  fire  and  water  in  justification  of 
his  tenets  :  and  Luther,  equally  convinced  of  the  or- 
thodoxy of  his  new  opinions,  was  not  slow  in  volun- 
teering a  submission  to  the  same  test.t 

Luther's  compositions  advanced  this  year  with -a 
promptitude  which  gave  an  ample  assurance  of  his 
future  activity.  They  consisted,  in  the  first  place, 
of  his  "  Propositions"  printed  31st  October,  and  of 
a  sermon  in  German,  on  the  subject  of  Indulgences. 
To  these  was  added  a  more  elaborate  work,  a  "  De- 
fence of  his  Propositions,"  which  he  prepared  before 
the  expiration  of  the  year,  but  was  prevented  from 
publishing  for  the  present  by  the  solicitations  of  his 
friends,  particularly  his  diocesan,  the  bishop  of 
Brandenburg.  Enough,  however,  was  sent  forth  to 
awaken  the  minds  of  men,  and  to  excite  that  dispo- 
sition to  doubt  and  scrutinize,  which  generally  pre- 
cedes a  revolution  of  opinion. 

*  Melch.  Ad.  Seckend.  p.  25.  t  Seckend.  p.  26. 

\  Luth.  i.  133. 


YEAR  1518.  71 


CHAPTER  IV. 

YEAR   1518. 

RESOLUTE  as  was  Luther's  character,  a  con- 
siderable time  elapsed  before  he  came  to  an  open 
rupture  with  the  court  of  Rome.  The  year  1518  is 
remarkable  by  furnishing  proofs  of  the  gradual  na- 
ture of  his  change  in  opinion,  and  of  an  anxiety 
that  his  warmth  of  language  should  not  be  construed 
into  direct  and  unqualified  assertion.  The  circula- 
tion of  his  "  Propositions"  had  far  exceeded  his 
calculation,  and  many  persons  were  disposed  to 
assume  their  contents  rather  as  declared  opinions 
than  as  materials  submitted  for  examination.  These 
mistakes  and  the  extraordinary  ferment  produced 
throughout  Germany,  led  him,  as  we  shall  see  by 
and  by,  to  make  to  the  abettors  of  Indulgences  an 
offer  of  a  mutual  cessation  of  controversy.  A 
few  concessions  would  at  this  time  have  satisfied 
him  ;  but,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  the  poor  monk 
was  despised."  The  offer  being  mistaken  by  his 
antagonists  for  an  avowal  of  weakness,  he  was 
obliged  in  self-defence  to  continue  his  polemical 
labours.  Hence  those  farther  investigations  and 
discoveries  which  led  him  to  attack  corruption  at  its 
fountain  head.  But  long  before  this  decisive  result, 
he  composed  various  papers,  which  show  a  solicitude 
to  prevent  the  public  from  carrying  his  notions  too 
far,  as  well  as  to  make  the  church  instrumental  in 


72  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

accomplishing  her  own  reform.  The  first  of  these, 
which  we  shall  notice,  was  addressed  to  the  bishop 
of  Brandenburg  already  mentioned,  whose  name 
was  Jerome  Scultetus.  Luther,  treating  him  with 
the  respect  due  to  an  official  superior,  had  trans- 
mitted him  last  year  a  notice  of  the  substance  of  his 
intended  publication  in  defence  of  his  propositions. 
It  is  in  this  sense  that  we  are  led  to  understand  an 
expression  in  Luther's  first  letter  to  the  pope, 
"  Monui  privatim  aliquot  magnates  ecclesiarum." 
The  prelate,  startled  at  the  boldness  of  the  argu- 
ments, exerted  himself  to  effect  a  delay  in  their 
publication,  and,  with  this  view,  paid  Luther  the 
compliment  of  sending  to  him  an  abbot  of  distinc- 
tion. The  condescension  was  pleasing  to  Luther, 
and  induced  him  to  postpone  his  publication.  But 
his  mind  was  too  strongly  engrossed  by  the  interest 
of  his  subject  to  allow  him  to  relinquish  it,  and  we 
find  him  accordingly  addressing,  June  2,  1518,  a 
letter  to  the  bishop,  which,  under  the  appearance  of 
an  explanation  of  the  controversy,  may  be  regarded 
as  a  kind  of  apology  for  deviating  from  his  cautious 
counsels. 

"  There  lately  appeared,"  he  says,  "  in  our 
neighbourhood,  new  and  unheard  of  opinions  re- 
specting the  nature  of  Indulgences.  The  learned 
as  well  as  the  unlearned  were  astonished  at  them. 
Not  only  my  intimate  friends,  but  many  who  were 
unknown  to  me,  requested  by  letters,  and,  on  oc- 
casion of  personal  intercourse,  applied  verbally  for 
my  opinion  in  regard  to  the  new  doctrines  which 
had  been  published.  For  some  time  1  avoided  any 
open  declaration,  but  at  last,  the  dispute  became  so 


Mil 


YEAR  1518.  73 

violent,  that  I  was  induced  to  go  so  far  as  even  to 
incur  the  danger  of  offending  the  pope. 

"But  what  could  1  do?  it  was  not  in  my  power 
to  determine  any  thing  upon  the  subject,  and  I  was 
afraid  to  contradict  those  whom  I  wished  to  respect. 
They  however  argued  so  plausibly  in  attempting  to 
prove  what  is  false  and  vain,  that,  to  confess  the 
truth,  they  arrested  my  attention,  and  fairly  in- 
volved me  in  the  controversy.  That  I  might  please 
both  parties,  I  judged  it  most  expedient,  neither  to 
assent  to  nor  dissent  from  either,  but  in  the  mean 
time  to  reason  upon  the  subject,  until  the  church 
should  determine  what  our  opinions  ought  to  be.  I 
therefore  published  a  disputation,  and  invited  all 
persons  publicly  to  declare  their  sentiments.  As 
I  knew  several  very  learned  men,  I  requested  them  in 
private  to  open  their  minds  to  me.  I  perceived  that 
neither  the  doctors  of  the  church,  nor  the  canonists, 
generally,  supported  my  opinions.  There  were  only 
a  few  canonists  and  scholastic  doctors  who  seemed 
to  approve,  and  even  they  were  not  very  hearty  in 
their  concurrence." 

After  exposing  the  ridiculous  conduct  of  those 
who  belong  to  the  church,  and  are  yet  unable  to 
contend  with  heretics,  he  thus  proceeds  : 

"  When  I  gave  a  general  challenge  to  dispute 
with  me  upon  the  subject  of  Indulgences,  no  one 
appeared.  I  then  perceived  that  my  published  dis- 
putations were  more  widely  dispersed  than  I  had 
wished,  and  were  every  where  received,  not  as 
matter  of  discussion  but  as  positive  affirmation.  I 
was  therefore  compelled,  contrary  to  my  hope  and 
wish,  to  publish  the  arguments  for  the  propositions, 
and  thus  expose  my  ignorance.  I  thought  it  better  to 

K 


74  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

incur  the  shame  of  being  deficient  in  knowledge 
than  to  allow  those  to  remain  in  error  who  took  for 
granted  that  my  propositions  were  asserted  as  un- 
doubted truths.  Of  the  accuracy  of  some  of  them 
I  myself  was  doubtful,  and  of  several  I  am  ignorant. 
Some  persons  deny  them,  but  I  assert  none  pertina- 
ciously. I  submit  them  all  to  the  holy  church  and 
the  pope." 

After  complimenting  the  bishop  on  that  humanity 
and  humility  in  the  discharge  of  his  high  office, 
which  made  him  almost  as  much  venerated  as  the 
pope,  he  adds : 

"It  is  most  just  that  I  should  lay  first  at  your 
feet  what  I  have  been  employed  in.  I  therefore  en- 
treat you  to  receive  my  trifles,  that  all  may  know 
that  I  assert  nothing  confidently.  I  not  only  give 
you  leave  but  beseech  you  to  blot  out  whatever  you 
think  fit ;  nay,  I  shall  not  be  concerned  if  you 
should  burn  the  whole.  I  declare  once  more,  that 
I  affirm  nothing  confidently ;  on  the  contrary  I 
even  argue  with  fear.  Not  that  I  stand  in  dread  of 
the  bulls  and  threats  of  those,  who,  not  knowing 
what  it  is  to  doubt,  wish  to  circulate  whatever  they 
dream,  as  gospel ;  I  confess  that  their  audacity, 
joined  to  their  ignorance,  induced  me  not  to  give 
way  to  my  own  fears.  Had  not  the  cause  been  of 
so  great  importance,  no  one  should  have  known  me 
beyond  my  own  corner.  If  the  work  be  not  of 
God,  I  do  not  pretend  that  it  should  be  mine  ; 
let  it  come  to  nothing,  and  be  claimed  by  no  one.  I 
ought  to  seek  nothing  else,  than  that  I  should  not 
be  the  occasion  of  error  to  any  one." 

The  respect  which  Luther  had  shown  to  his  dio- 
cesan,  he  determined    not   to  withhold  from    the 


YEAR  151S.  75 

superior  of  his  Order.  To  Staupitz,  his  provincial 
and  benefactor,*  he  enclosed  a  printed  copy  of  the 
defence  of  his  propositions,  requesting  him  to  trans- 
mit them  to  the  pope,  that  the  malicious  insinua- 
tions of  his  enemies  might  be  counteracted. 

"  I  request,"  he  says,  "  that  you  will  send  these 
trifles  of  mine  to  that  most  excellent  pontiff,  Leo  X. 
that  they  may  serve  to  plead  my  cause  at  Rome. 
Not  that  I  wish  you  to  be  joined  with  me  in  the 
danger ;  for  it  is  my  desire  that  these  things  be 
done  at  my  own  hazard.  I  expect  that  Christ,  as 
judge,  will  pronounce  what  is  right  by  the  mouth 
of  the  pope.  To  those  of  my  friends  who  would 
alarm  me  for  the  consequences,  I  have  nothing  else 
to  say  than  what  Reuchlin  said;  '  He  who  is  poor, 
has  nothing  to  fear;  he  can  lose  nothing.'  I  possess 
no  property,  neither  do  I  desire  any. — There  re- 
mains to  me  only  a  frail  body,  harassed  by  con- 
tinual illness,  and  if  they  take  away  my  life  by  open 
violence,  or  stratagem,  they  make  me  but  little 
poorer.  I  am  satisfied  with  the  possession  of  my 
Redeemer  and  Propitiator,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
whom  I  shall  praise  as  long  as  I  exist.  If  any  one 
be  unwilling  to  join  with  me  in  these  praises,  what 
is  that  to  me  ?  Let  him  raise  his  voice  after  his 
own  fashion.  The  Lord  Jesus  will  save  me  for 
ever."f 

This  letter  may  be  regarded  as  a  faithful  picture 
of  the  predominating  feelings  in  Luther's  breast. 
His  anxiety  to  save  his  friends  from  the  danger 
connected  with  his  cause,  his  indifference  to  money, 

*  See  Appendix  T. 

t  Luth.  i.  100.  Extracts  are  made  from  this  letter  by  Melch- 
Ad.  and  Seckend.  p.  33. 


7G  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

the  calmness  with  which  he  comtemplated  death, 
are  the  infallible  indications  of  a  pure  and  con- 
scientious character.  Can  we  require  a  more  con- 
clusive proof,  that  neither  selfish  attachment  to  his 
Order,  nor  enmity  to  the  Dominicans,  had  any 
share  in  stimulating  his  opposition  to  Indulgences  ? 
On  the  day  of  writing  to  Staupitz  he  addressed 
also  a  letter  to  the  pope,  the  tone  of  which  is 
nearly  the  same  as  that  of  the  epistles  which  we 
have  quoted.  The  principal  addition  consists  in  his 
urging  a  claim  to  the  privilege  of  engaging  in  public 
disputations,  on  the  ground  of  being  a  Doctor  in 
Divinity.  His  enemies  had  loaded  him  with  re- 
proaches, and  charged  him  with  depravity  of  morals; 
but  "  were  such  the  case,  is  it  probable,"  he  asks, 
"that  so  illustrious  a  prince  as  Frederick  of  Saxony 
would  have  taken  me  under  his  protection,  or 
allowed  me  to  remain  a  Professor  in  his  uni- 
versity ?"  His  letter  concludes  thus: — " I  prostrate 
myself  at  the  feet  of  your  Holiness,  with  all  that  I 
am  and  have.  Give  the  command  of  life  or  death, 
call  or  recall,  approve  or  disapprove,  as  you  may 
judge  fit :  I  acknowledge  your  voice  to  be  the  voice 
of  Christ,  presiding  and  speaking  in  you.  If  I 
have  deserved  death,  I  will  not  refuse  to  die.  The 
earth  is  the  Lord's  and  the  fulness  thereof."* 

From  this,  as  well  as  from  subsequent  letters,  it 
is  apparent  that  Luther  was  little  acquainted  with 
Leo's  real  character.  On  another  occasion,  much 
about  this  time,  we  find  him  extolling  Leo  as  the 
best  of  pontiffs,  and  affording,  by  his  reputation  for 
integrity   and  learning,   matter  of  exultation  to  all 

*  Luth.  i.  101.     Seckend.  p.  33. 


YEAR  1518.  77 

good  men.  "  But  what,"  he  adds,  "  can  this 
most  delightful  person  do  alone  in  so  great  con- 
fusion ?  One  who  is  worthy  to  have  been  pontiff  in 
better  times,  or  in  whose  pontificate  the  times 
ought  to  have  become  better.  In  our  age,  we  de- 
serve only  such  popes  as  Julius  II.  and  Alexander  VI. 
or  some  atrocious  monsters  similar  to  what  the  poets 
have  created ;  for  even  in  Rome  herself,  nay  in 
Rome  more  than  any  where  else,  good  popes  are 
held  in  ridicule."* 

This  language,  however  different  from  that  which 
Luther  subsequently  held  with  respect  to  Leo,  was, 
we  have  no  reason  to  doubt,  perfectly  sincere.  Leo 
was  at  that  time  the  object  of  admiration  through- 
out Europe,  and  Luther  could  hardly  fail  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  general  predilection. 

Whilst  Luther  was  thus  intent  on  explaining  his 
opinions  and  motives  to  his  superiors,  he  learned 
that  his  Augustinian  brethren  dissented  from  some 
points  in  his  new  doctrine.  He  determined  ac- 
cordingly to  embrace  the  first  favourable  opportu- 
nity of  openly  discussing  the  controverted  topics. 
This  was  afforded  at  the  annual  assembly  of  the 
Order,  held  soon  after  midsummer  at  Heidelberg. 
Luther  previously  published  twenty-eight  theses  on 
divinity  which  he  proposed  to  defend  ;  and  sub- 
joined twelve  corollaries  from  them,  calculated  to 
show  the  power  of  his  arguments  in  opposition  to 
the  Greek  philosophy,  particularly  in  regard  to  the 
doctrines  of  Aristotle,  Plato,  Parmenides,  Pytha- 
goras, and  Anaxagoras.  The  journey  from  Wit- 
temberg  to    Heidelberg  he  performed,    long  as  it 

*  Seckend.  p.  35. 


78  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

was,  on  foot,  a  mode  of  travelling  which  corres- 
ponded with  his  ideas  of  Christian  humility.  He 
was  received  most  kindly  on  his  journey  by  Lau- 
rentius  a  Bibra,  bishop  of  Wurtzburg,  who  was 
decidedly  hostile  to  the  new  plan  of  retailing  In- 
dulgences, but  unfortunately  lived  too  short  a  time 
to  evince  his  friendship  for  Luther.* 

Luther  carried  with  him  a  letter  of  recommenda- 
tion from  the  elector  Frederick  to  the  prince  Palatine, 
a  precautionary  safeguard  which  the  boldness  and 
obnoxious  tendency  of  his  writings  rendered  ad- 
visable. It  deserves  to  be  noticed,  that  the  elector's 
recommendation  was  confined  to  a  private  letter,  that 
Prince  being  too  cautious'  to  declare  himself,  in  the 
face  of  the  church,  the  patron  of  Luther.  From  the 
same  motive,  Luther  had  not  yet  been  admitted  to 
any  personal  communication  with  the  elector,  the 
arrangements  in  his  behalf  having  been  conducted 
by  his  friend  Spalatin. 

The  theses  debated  at  Heidelberg  were  of  a 
much  more  comprehensive  character  than  those 
previously  published  on  the  subject  of  Indulgences. 
The  first  twelve  of  the  twenty-eight  relate  to  the 
nature  of  good  works ;  the  succeeding  four  to  free- 
will. In  those  that  follow,  Luther  deduces  certain 
consequences  from  his  previous  reasoning,  and 
enters  on  a  discussion  of  the  nature  of  good  and 
evil,  the  operation  of  the  law,  and  the  tendency  of 
what  he  terms  false  wisdom.  Crude  and  undefined 
as  his  ideas  are,  they  possess  a  claim  on  our  at- 
tention on  account  of  their  subsequent  operation, 

*  Seckend.  p.  29,  says  of  him,  "Ex  fainilia  equestri  Franconiae 
splendidissima  et  vetustissmia,"  and  adds  significantly, "  non  uno 
adfinitatis  nexu  mihi  juncta." 


YEAR  1518.  70 

the  early  impressions  of  Luther  being  in  many 
cases  discernible  in  the  future  history  of  the  Re- 
formed Church. 

The  respondent  in  this  public  debate  was  M. 
Laurentius  Beyerus,  a  monk  of  his  own  Order. 
Though  two  combatants  only  were  named,  many 
others  entered  the  lists,  and  the  disputation  was 
attended,  as  well  by  the  professors  and  students 
of  Heidelberg,  as  by  many  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  city.  Among  the  doctors  present,  the 
most  eminent  was  Martin  Bucer,  who,  though 
he  had  only  passed  the  rank  of  "  scholar,"  was 
already  possessed  of  sufficient  sagacity  to  dis- 
cover the  errors  of  popery.  Bucer  eagerly  listened 
to  the  controversy,  took  notes  of  what  was  spoken, 
and  applied  for  explanations  to  Luther,  who  was 
much  gratified  with  his  keenness  for  inquiry. 
Bucer,  having  arranged  his  notes,  and  corrected 
them  by  the  explanations  which  he  received  from 
Luther,  published  an  account  of  the  debate,  and 
while  he  commends  highly  the  moderation  of  both 
parties,  passes  a  particular  encomium  on  Luther's 
earnestness  and  diligence.*  Luther's  own  account 
of  it  is  as  follows  : 

"  The  doctors  willingly  admitted  my  disputation, 
and  debated  with  such  modesty  as  to  entitle  them 
greatly  to  my  esteem.  Theology  indeed  seemed 
foreign  to  them ;  nevertheless  they  skirmished  both 
acutely    and    pleasantly,    excepting    the    fifth  and 

*  Bucer  afterwards  became  distinguished  among  the  Reformers. 
For  an  account  of  him  see  Melch.  Ad.  Vit.  Buceri,  et  Scripta  An- 
glicana  fere  omnia  Buceri,  published  at  Basil  in  1577-  Dr.  Bates 
has  inserted  the  account  of  his  death  in  his  Vit.  Select.  Vir.  p. 
2 .00,  &c.  London,  1681. 


80  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

junior  doctor,  who  made  the  whole  meeting  laugh 
by  exclaiming,  "  Were  the  common  people  to  hear 
these  things,  they  would  stone  you  to  death." 

On  an  assembly  thus  open  to  conviction,  Luther 
could  not  fail  to  make  a  powerful  impression,  and  he 
seems  to  have  gained  a  fresh  accession  of  courage 
from  the  result  of  this  debate  ;  for  on  his  return 
home  we  find  him  writing  to  his  former  master, 
Iodocus  Issenacensis,  and  apprizing  him  that  "all 
the  Wittemberg  doctors,  nay  the  whole  university, 
with  the  exception  of  one  licentiate,  (Sebastian,) 
were  now  of  his  way  of  thinking  ;"  adding,  "  that 
many  ecclesiastics  and  respectable  citizens  now 
unanimously  say,  that  they  had  neither  known  nor 
heard  Christ  and  the  Gospel  before." 

The  defence  of  Luther's  disputation  propositions 
was  published  under  the  title  of  "  Resolutiones"  or 
"  Solutions,"  and  was  addressed  to  the  pope.  His 
reasons  for  giving  them  to  the  world  were,  "  that 
he  might  conciliate  his  adversaries,  yield  com- 
pliance with  a  variety  of  solicitations,  and  undeceive 
those  who  thought  him  absolute  and  dogmatical 
in  his  mode  of  assertion."  In  conformity  with  the 
custom  of  the  age,  he  inserted  a  solemn  protesta- 
tion of  his  sincerity  as  a  disputant.  Disputo  ergo 
hie,  et  qucero  veritatem,  testis  lector,  testis  audi- 
tor, testis  vel  ipse  hcereticce  pravitatis  inquisitor.* 
Nor  was  he  behind-hand  with  his  opponents  in 
asserting  in  a  determined  tone,  the  truth  of  his 
tenets,  and  the  heresy  of  whoever  should  differ 
from  him.  Ea  quce  jam  dixi,  protestor  me  non 
dubitare,  sed  paratus  sum  ignem  et  mortem  sus- 

*  Luther,  i.  p.  132.  This  was  Tetzel's  title  as  connected  with 
the  Inquisition. 


YEAR  1518.  81 

nipcre  pro  Mis,  et  Iwereticum  asseram  omnem  qui 
contra  sapuerit* 

The  composition  of  these  "  resolutions"  discovers 
no  ordinary  degree  of  acuteness,  and  fully  warrants 
Luther's  high  reputation  as  a  disputant.  Jt  is  re- 
markable that  though  his  early  predilection  for  Aris- 
totle had  been  by  this  time  exchanged  for  a  very  dif- 
ferent feeling,  the  "  resolutions"  are  completely  in 
the  style  and  manner  of  a  dialectician.  His  argu- 
ments may  be  traced  to  four  distinct  sources :  the 
Scriptures,  in  the  knowledge  of  which  he  far  sur- 
passed his  opponents ;  the  Fathers,  with  whose 
writings  his  acquaintance  was  at  least  equal  to  theirs; 
the  canon  law  ;  and  lastly  the  authority  of  Gerson 
and  other  celebrated  doctors  of  the  church.  Though 
his  chief  stress  was  laid  on  Scripture  and  the 
Fathers,  he  had  not  yet  come  to  the  length  of  dis- 
regarding the  authority  of  clerical  law,  or  the  argu- 
ments of  the  leaders  of  the  schools. 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  this  year  that  the 
respected  name  of  Melancthon  was  added  to  the 
Wittemberg  university,  in  the  capacity  of  Greek 
professor.  This  nomination  is  ascribed  by  Luther 
to  a  wish,  on  the  part  of  the  elector,  to  give  him 
an  associate  in  theological  labours.  It  appears, 
however,  to  have  been  more  directly  the  con- 
sequence of  an  application  from  the  elector  to  the 
celebrated  Reuchlin,  the  restorer  of  Oriental  lite- 
rature in  Germany.  Reuchlin  likewise  recom- 
mended Ocalampadius,  as  Hebrew  professor  ;  but 
that  eminent  scholar  was  already  engaged  to  accept 

*  Luth.  i.  133. 

L 


82  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

an  appointment  of  that  nature  at  the  university  of 
Bazil. 

Meantime  the  disputations  and  writings  of  Lu- 
ther had  abridged  considerably  the  revenue  arising 
from  the  sale  of  Indulgences  in  the  North  of  Ger- 
many.    The  better  part  of  the  Catholic  priesthood 
became   ashamed  of  the  traffic,  while  those  who 
were  less  scrupulous,  durst  not  venture  to  urge  the 
multitude  to  purchase.     But  in  so  very  numerous  a 
body,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  antagonists  to 
Luther  would  long  be  wanting.     The  first  who 
took   the  field  against  him  was  John   Eckius,   a 
Dominican,  and  professor  of  divinity  at  Ingoldstad. 
To  a  book   which  he  published  against  Luther,  he 
gave  the  whimsical  title  of  "  Obelisci,"  in  reference 
to  the    marks   (ft)   used    in   printing    to   indicate 
notes  ;  and  from  a  wish  that  the  public  should  con- 
sider his  performance  as  merely  a  series  of  annota- 
tions.    Luther  and  he  had  formerly  been  on  terms 
of  friendship,  a  circumstance  which  made  the  Re- 
former complain  of  the  illiberality  of  sending  him 
no  previous  notice  of  the  intended  work.     Eckius, 
uneasy  at  the  charge,  affirmed  that  the  book  had 
been    sent  to  press  without  his  knowledge.     His 
remarks,  he  said,  were  originally  communicated  to 
his  bishop  in  a  private  pacquet,  and  had  they  been 
meant  for  publication,  would  have  been  composed 
with  more  pains.     Well  might  he  exert  himself  to 
apologise    for   the    deficiency  of   his    book,  for    a 
poorer    performance  can    hardly  be   imagined.     It 
was  wholly  unworthy  of   the  future  fame  of   the 
author,    and    afforded    a    striking    example  of  the 
weakness  of  the  scholastic  philosophy  in  the  re- 


YEAR  1518.  83 

search  of  truth,  or  refutation  of  error.  The  in- 
fallibility of  the  pope,  the  testimony  of  learned 
doctors,  and  a  string  of  logical  common  places,  con- 
stituted the  basis  of  Eckius'  superstructure. 

An  attack  of  this  nature  could  only  serve  to  add 
fuel  to  Luther's  ardour.  He  speedily  published  an 
answer  under  the  correspondent  title  of  Asterisci 
(**).  But  in  this  as  in  many  other  controversies, 
the  disputants  had  failed  in  fixing  their  first  prin- 
ciples. "  Fateor  hcec  omnia  esse  vera"  says 
Luther,  "  si  scholastica  sunt  vera.  Quod  Eckius 
asserit,  ego  nego ;  et  sic  est  petitio  principii."* 
The  tone  of  Luther's  answer  is,  we  must  confess, 
exceedingly  high,  and  partakes  sometimes  of  a 
scurrility  which  can  be  extenuated  only  by  a  con- 
sideration of  his  constitutional  warmth,  and  of  the 
manners  of  the  age.  "  Were  I  assured,"  he  says, 
"  that  Eckius  was  an  angel  seated  in  the  midst  of 
the  seraphim,  I  should  still  declare  him  an  impious 
enemy  of  charity,  and  a  deceiver  of  the  credu- 
lous, so  long  as  he  shall  teach  that  barren  Indul- 
gences are  good  for  the  people,  and  that  the  pre- 
ference of  charitable  actions  to  the  purchase  of 
Indulgences  savours  of  the  Bohemian  schism." 
After  expressing  himself  very  properly  respecting 
those  who  flattered  the  pope,  he  proceeds  to  place 
the  controversy  on  a  just  foundation.  "  I  request," 
he  says,  "  those  opponents,  who  are  willing  to  do 
me  a  service,  not  to  attempt  to  terrify  me  by  flat- 
tering the  pope,  nor  by  quoting  writers  on  scho- 
lastic theology,  but  to  instruct  me  by  substantial 
arguments  from  Scripture  and  the  Fathers."— Lu- 

*  Luth.i.  154. 


84  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

ther's  answer  appeared  to  the  public  in  the  light  ot 
a  victory,  and  is  said  to  have  brought  him  a  con- 
siderable number  of  converts. 

His  next  antagonist  was  a  person  of  greater  rank. 
Sylvester  de  Prierio,  a  Dominican  like  Eckius, 
and  master  of  the  pope's  palace  at  Rome,  entered 
the  lists,  in  the  persuasion  that  the  refutation  of 
Luther's  heresy  was  one  of  the  easiest  things  ima- 
ginable. In  his  dedication  to  Leo,  Prierio  takes 
occasion  to  say  that  he  did  not  kuow  who  this 
Martin  Luther  was ;  that  the  answer  he  had  com- 
posed was  the  labour  of  three  days  only  ;  that  he 
was  certain  of  victory  ;  and  would  not  fail,  as  soon 
as  he  saw  Luther's  other  works,  to  write  something 
more  worthy  of  attention  than  this  dialogue.  No- 
thing in  fact  can  be  more  insignificant  than  this  pro- 
duction of  Prierio.  Though  called  a  dialogue,  it 
contains  nothing  but  Luther's  theses  and  short  scholia 
by  Prierio,  consisting  of  a  string  of  successive  alle- 
gations on  the  authority  of  St.  Thomas,  the  univer- 
sality of  the  church,  and  that  never-ending  theme,  the 
pope's  infallibility.  He  had  no  more  scruple  than 
Tetzel  in  recommending  Indulgences,  by  asserting 
that  the  soul  flew  to  heaven  as  soon  as  the  "money 
tinkled  in  the  chest."  He  alludes  to  the  power  of 
the  Inquisition,  and  advises  Luther  to  beware  lest 
vengeance,  in  some  shape  or  another,  overtake  him. 
Were  the  pope,  he  adds,  to  present  Luther  with  a 
good  bishopric  and  a  plenary  indulgence  to  repair 
his  church,  he  would  soon  abound  in  more  courteous 
language. 

Luther,  determined  not  to  be  behindhand  with 
Prierio,  wrote  a  rejoinder  in  tivo  days,  retorting  his 
personalities  with  no  sparing  hand,  and  declaring 


YEAR  1518.  85 

his  arguments  so  futile,  that  he  could  disprove 
them  by  writing  whatever  came  uppermost.  "  You 
are  sunk,"  he  said,  "  in  the  darkness  of  Thomas 
Aquinas,  and  must  come  better  armed  to  the 
next  combat  if  you  hope  to  escape  without  dis- 
grace." Nothing,  however,  could  abash  the  con- 
fidence of  Prierio ;  he  replied  in  the  form  of  a 
letter  addressed  to  Luther,  repeating  what  he  had 
previously  advanced,  defending  Thomas  Aquinas 
with  great  zeal,  boasting  of  his  high  office  at  Rome, 
and  taking  no  slight  degree  of  credit  for  the  honour 
paid,  as  he  believed,  to  his  works  at  Leipsic.  He 
called  this  second  essay  "  Epithoma,"  in  honour  of 
the  angelical  doctor,  and  he  concluded  by  appealing, 
with  great  self-complacency,  to  the  decision  of  the 
public.  Prierio's  pertinacity  made  Luther  lose  all 
patience.  He  wrote  an  answer  in  which,  not  con- 
tented with  speaking  of  Prierio  in  a  manner  suffi- 
ciently contemptuous,  he  treated  his  book  in  terms 
which,  to  be  tolerated,  require  rather  more  than  the 
extenuating  medium  of  a  dead  language.  "  Tot 
tantisque  blasphemiis  a  capite  ad  pedes  usque  re- 
fertum,  ut  in  medio  Tartaro  ab  ipsomet  Satana 
editum  libellum  existimem*  The  Dominicans,  it 
appears,  felt  ashamed  of  Prierio's  defence,  for  in  a 
letter  written  to  Langus  about  the  middle  of  Sep- 
tember, Luther  says,  "  the  Dominicans  are  buying 
up  the  copies  of  Sylvester's  dialogue,  and  are  sup- 
pressing it,  but  we  are  re-printing  it  at  Wittem- 
berg." 

The  extravagant  tone  in  which  Prierio  extolled 
the  pope's  power  and  his  superiority  to  a  general 

•Luth.l  189. 


86  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Council,  however  agreeable  to  Leo  or  his  minions 
was  kept  up  with  too  little  disguise.  It  had  been 
the  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome  to  account  such 
superiority  its  prerogative,  but  to  forbear  bringing 
forward  the  invidious  assertion.  The  imprudent 
length  of  Prierio's  assumption  led  Luther  to  reflect 
on  the  extraordinary  consequences  of  which  acqui- 
escence would  be  productive.  And  here  we  meet 
with  the  first  symptom  of  that  alienation  from  the 
church  which  afterwards  became  so  conspicuous  in 
Luther.  "Were  such,"  he  says,  "the  sentiments 
entertained  at  Rome,  happy  are  they  who  have 
separated  from  the  church  and  gone  out  from  the 
midst  of  that  Babylon  !  Cursed  are  they  who  hold 
communion  with  her!  If  the  pope  and  cardinals 
do  not  check  this  mouth  of  Satan  and  compel  him 
to  recant,  I  solemnly  declare  before  them,  that  1 
dissent  from  the  Roman  church  and  renounce  her 
with  the  pope  and  cardinals  as  the  abomination  of 
the  holy  place." 

On  reading  these  bold  expressions,  we  can  hardly 
resist  the  inference  that  Luther  was  actuated  by  a 
confidence  of  support  and  protection.  The  concur- 
rence of  his  brethren  at  Wittemberg,  the  popu- 
larity of  his  preaching,  the  success  of  his  public 
disputations,  and  the  steady  though  cautious  as- 
sistance of  the  elector,  were  all  calculated  to  inspire 
him  in  some  measure  with  courage.  But  the 
length  to  which  he  went  must  have  been  much 
more  the  result  of  his  constitutional  temper  than  of 
a  calculation  of  strength.  Accordingly,  it  was  not 
without  much  doubt  and  disquietude  that  he  ven- 
tured to  maintain  his  early  struggle  with  the  church. 
Looking  back  at  a  future  period  to  these  days  of 


YEAR  1518.  87 

anxiety,  he  exclaims,  "How  many  things  my 
heart  suffered  during  the  course  of  that  first  and 
second  year,  and  how  great  at  that  time  was  my 
unfeigned  humility — I  might  almost  say,  despair. 
Ah!  how  little  is  this  known  to  those  who  fol- 
lowed me,  and  who  were  enabled  to  attack  with 
impunity  the  wounded  majesty  of  the  pontiff."* 

Among  his  other  early  antagonists  was  James 
Hoogstraat,  an  inquisitor  of  Louvain,  who,  without 
bestowing  time  on  the  reasoning  in  Luther's  doctrine, 
advised  Leo  to  cut  him  off  at  once  by  fire  and 
sword. f  Hoogstraat  had  been  the  persecutor  of 
the  famous  Reuchlin,  to  whom  Luther  compares 
himself  in  many  passages  of  his  works.  The  Re- 
former's reply  to  Hoogstraat  was  marked  by  no 
tame  characteristics.  He  exposed  his  ignorance  of 
that  scholastic  phisosophy  of  which  he  pretended  so 
much  knowledge  ;  upbraided  him  with  brutality,  and 
finally  recommended  to  the  pope  to  consult  the  inte- 
rests of  the  church  by  inflicting  punishment  on  this 
inquisitor  of  heretics  who  was  so  illiterate  as  not  to 
know  in  what  heresy  consisted. 

The  writings  of  Luther  and  the  answers  to  them 
having  now  been  some  time  before  the  public  ;  the 
feebleness  of  the  latter  excited  surprise  in  many 
who  had  never  doubted  the  ability  of  the  church 
to  defend  by  argument  whatever  she  assumed  the 
right  to  do.  From  the  increased  diffusion  of  know- 
ledge, and  the  peculiar  political  situation  of  Ger- 
many at  that  time,  the  Catholics  felt  themselves 
unable  to  stop  the  progress  of  heresy  in  the  sum- 

*  Luth.  i.  50.     Seckend.  p.  38. 

t  Sleid.  L.  i.     Melch.  ad.  Sarp.  L.  i.     Seckend.  p.  38. 


88  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

mary  method  of  earlier  days.  It  is  to  this  cause 
chiefly  that  we  are  to  ascribe  what  has  been  called 
the  inactivity,  in  the  first  instance,  of  the  court  of 
Rome  towards  Luther.  It  will  be  in  vain  to  seek 
to  account  for  it  by  a  tolerating  disposition  on  the 
part  of  Leo.  Liberal  as  he  was,  in  the  patronage 
of  literature  and  the  arts,  the  men  who  in  his  court 
cultivated  the  works  of  Greece  and  Rome  durst  not 
indulge  in  those  effusions  of  independence  which 
mark  the  celebrated  writers  of  antiquity.  On  the 
contrary,  the  habit  of  flattering  and  of  showing  an 
unqualified  approbation  of  his  measures  will  be 
found  the  characteristics  of  those  who  surrounded 
him.  It  is  true  that  for  some  time  Leo  paid  very 
little  attention  to  Luther's  opposition.  Considering 
it  below  his  dignity  to  discuss  the  merits  of  a  dis- 
pute carried  on  in  an  obscure  part  of  Germany  he 
was  disposed  to  let  it  be  finished  by  those  with 
whom  it  had  begun.  In  process  of  time  this  con- 
troversy, he  thought,  would,  like  many  others,  fall 
into  oblivion.  Voluptuous  and  averse  from  busi- 
ness, he  was  accustomed  to  devolve  the  laborious 
part  of  his  office  on  Julius,  afterwards  Clement  VII. 
and  had  consequently  not  the  means  of  forming  a 
due  estimate  of  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
Luther.* 

Maximilian,  the  emperor  of  Germany,  though 
ostensibly  attached  to  the  pope,  had  no  disposition 
to  persecute  Luther.  He  was  remarkable  for  mild- 
ness of  temper,  and  having  had  the  curiosity  to 
read  Luther's  theses,  he  is  reported  to  have  said  to 
Pleffinger,    one  of    Frederick's  ministers,    "Your 

*  See  Appendix  U. 


YEAR  1518.  89 

monk's  theses  are  not  to  be  despised.  He  will  give 
the  priests  some  trouble.  Tell  Frederick  that  he 
should  protect  Luther,  as  it  may  happen  that  he  will 
have  need  of  him."* 

The  want  of  cordiality  in  Maximilian  towards 
Leo  arose  from  his  having  discovered  that  the  pon- 
tiff, while  pretending  friendship  for  him,  was  en- 
gaged in  secret  intrigues  with  the  king  of  France. 
"  Had  not  Leo  also  deceived  me,"  said  Maximilian 
on  this  occasion,!  "  he  would  have  been  the  only 
pope  whom  I  could  have  called  an  honest  man. "J 
But  had  the  court  of  Rome  even  been  assured  of  the 
zealous  co-operation  of  Maximilian  against  Luther, 
their  point  would  not  have  been  gained ;  for  the  in- 
fluence and  reputation  of  Frederick  was  such  as  to 
form  a  counterpoise  in  the  Diet  to  imperial  authority 
itself.  Of  this,  ample  evidence  had  been  given  by 
two  questions  which  Frederick  had  lately  been  in- 
strumental in  carrying.  1st.  That  the  pope  should 
not,  under  pretext  of  a  Turkish  war,  exhaust  Ger- 
many by  means  of  Indulgences ;  2dly.  That  no 
kir.g  of  the  Romans  should  be  elected  during  the  life 
of  Maximilian.  Unwelcome  as  the  latter  measure 
was  to  the  emperor's  feelings,  Frederick  still  re- 
mained on  good  terms  with  him,  partly  by  uncom- 
mon discretion  of  behaviour,  and  more  perhaps  from 
the  emperor's  conviction  that  the  preservation  of 
Frederick's  good  will  was  the  most  likely  method 
to  secure  the  transmission  of  the  imperial  title  to  his 
grandson  Charles. 

While   the  influence  of  Leo  with  the  emperor 

*  Seckend.  p.  42.  t  Ibid.  p.  43. 

|  Nisi  me  hie  quoque  papa  fefellisset,  ille  unicus  esset  cnjtis 
bonam  fidem  laudare  posem.     Ibid.  p.  43. 

M 


90  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

was  thus  limited,  it  was,  for  obvious  reasons,  still 
less  powerful  with  Frederick.  It  had  long  been  an 
object  with  the  secular  princes  of  Germany  to  lessen 
the  pecuniary  exactions  of  the  church  of  Rome 
among  their  subjects.  But  the  blind  reverence  of 
the  people  to  the  church  rendered  such  opposition 
a  matter  of  great  delicacy  and  difficulty ;  and  the 
above  mentioned  resolution  of  the  Diet  was  one  of 
the  few  examples  in  which  it  had  been  attempted 
with  success.  A  controversy  which,  like  Luther's, 
tended  to  lessen  the  bigoted  adherence  of  the  people 
to  the  pope,  had,  in  secret,  the  good  wishes  of 
Frederick  and  of  most  of  the  neighbouring  princes. 
This  reason,  however,  from  not  being  avowed,  has 
been  less  generally  regarded  as  a  motive  for  Frede- 
rick's protection  than  the  importance  of  Luther  to 
the  university  of  Wittemberg — not  that  the  last  was 
of  inconsiderable  operation,  for  Luther's  energy,  as 
a  preacher  and  professor,  had  excited  a  strong  in- 
terest in  his  behalf,  on  the  part  both  of  the  students 
and  of  the  people.  There  were  other  circum- 
stances, too,  which  tended  to  fortify  Frederick 
against  the  intrigues  of  the  church.  The  attach- 
ment of  a  scholar,  so  well  known  throughout  Ger- 
many as  Melancthon,  seemed  to  bring  over  the  cause 
of  literature  to  Luther's  side.  Several  persons  in 
Frederick's  confidence  had  become  patrons  of  the 
new  doctrine :  and  it  was  not  the  character  of  the 
court  of  Saxony  to  forsake  a  resolution  which  it  had 
once  adopted.* 

In  this  age  of  civil  and  military  contention,  the 
independence  of  Europe  appeared  to  be  threatened 

*  See  Appendix  V. 


YEAR  1518.  91 

from  the  East.  Selim  I.  son  of  Bajazet  II.  after 
subduing  the  nations  in  Asia,  adjacent  to  the  Turkish 
empire,  seemed  determined  to  turn  the  tide  of 
warfare  towards  Christendom,  and  to  rival  the  ex- 
ploits of  Alexander  and  Caesar.*  The  powerful 
influence  of  religion  was  called  forth  to  stimulate 
the  Mussulmen  to  embark  with  alacrity  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  The  island  of  Rhodes  and 
the  kingdom  of  Hungary  appeared  the  two  vulne- 
rable points.  Leo  feared,  or  affected  to  fear,  for 
the  former,  and  Maximilian  was  seriously  alarmed 
for  the  latter.  Leo  ordered  public  prayers  to  be 
offered  up,  and  exhorted  all  Christian  princes  to 
suspend  their  animosities  and  fly  to  the  succour  of 
religion.  He  thought  proper  also  to  send  to  Ger- 
many, on  a  special  mission,  one  of  his  confidential 
servants,  cardinal  Thomas  de  Vio  de  Gaete,  sur- 
named  Cajetan.f  The  Catholic  writers  represent 
the  formation  of  a  league  against  the  Turks  as  the 
sole  object  of  Cajetan's  mission  to  the  emperor,  as 
well  as  of  his  appearance  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in 
the  capacity  of  pope's  legate.  There  can,  how- 
ever, be  no  doubt,  that  he  had  orders  to  accomplish 
a  settlement  of  Luther's  affair,  and,  if  we  may 
depend  on  the  accuracy  of  the  Reformer's  conjec- 
ture, Cajetan  was  commissioned  also  to  obtain  the 
tenths  decreed  by  the  Lateran  council.  J  The  un- 
expected death  of  Selim  having  put  an  end  to  the 
ostensible  plea  for  the  mission,  and  a  grant  of  the 


*  Guicciard.  L.  xiii. 

t  He  was  one  of  the  thirty-one  cardinals  created  by  Leo  in  one 
morning  in  July  1517-  Vit.  Pontiff,  p.  14.  21. 
\  Seckend.  p.  42. 


92  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tenths  being  found  impracticable,  Cajetan's  principal 
employment  proved  to  relate  to  Luther. 

Cajetan  was  a  man  of  address,  and  zealous  for  the 
support  of  the  pope's  authority  ;  but  his  temper  was 
impatient,  and  he  was  particularly  stimulated  against 
Luther  by  the  indignities  offered  to  the  Dominican 
Order  of  which  he  was  a  member.  During  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Turkish  war  in  the  Diet,  Cajetan  had, 
for  the  sake  of  example,  gone  the  length  of  offering 
the  revenue  of  the  church  for  the  purpose  of  repel- 
ling the  infidels.  A  favourable  impression  was  thus 
made  on  the  emperor.  Other  acts  were  employed 
to  gain  over  particular  members  of  the  Diet.  The 
archbishop  of  Mentz,  who  already  enjoyed  the  un- 
precedented favour  of  possessing  two  archbishopricks 
and  to  whom  the  sale  of  Indulgences  had  been 
originally  committed,  was  now  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  cardinal.  These  manoeuvres  so  far  succeeded 
that  the  emperor,  influenced,  no  doubt,  by  views  of 
policy,  was  made  to  come  forward  as  a  declared 
enemy  to  the  new  doctrine.  He  wrote  or  rather 
signed  a  letter  to  the  pope,  in  which  he  censured 
not  only  Luther's  theses  but  his  public  discourses, 
and  particularly  specified  that  in  regard  to  the  two 
articles  of  Indulgences  and  excommunication,  his 
opinions  were  "  heretical  and  damnable."  Referring 
to  a  very  ancient  decree  of  the  pope's  consistory, 
by  which  doctors  are  prohibited  from  disputing  on 
any  doctrine  unless  it  be  pronounced  doubtful  in  the 
decretals,  he  declared,  in  direct  terms,  the  pope's 
right  to  interpose  his  judgment.  He  next  expressed 
his  confidence  that  whatever  decision  might  be  given 
at  Rome  would  be  in  conformity  to   truth.     He 


YEAR  1518.  93 

beseeched  his  Holiness,  therefore,  to  put  an  end  to 
the  diffusion  of  such  opinions,  because  even  men  in 
power  had  become  patrons  and  defenders  of  Luther's 
errors.  He  concluded  by  promising  to  approve 
whatever  the  pope  should  determine,  and  to  cause  it 
to  be  observed  throughout  the  empire. 

It  requires  but  a  slight  examination  of  this  letter 
to  trace  in  its  tone  and  substance  the  dictation  of 
an  ecclesiastic.  Maximilian,  a  total  stranger  to 
theological  discussions,  is  here  made  to  handle  them 
with  the  familiarity  and  decision  of  a  practised  con- 
troversialist, and  to  allude  to  the  elector  of  Saxony 
with  a  want  of  deference  completely  at  variance  with 
his  usual  temper  and  conduct.  This  remarkable 
epistle  was  dated  from  Augsburg,  5th  August. 

Leo,  stimulated  by  the  Dominicans  and  others, 
seemed  now  to  exchange  his  inactivity  towards 
Luther  for  promptitude  and  decision.  Before  re- 
ceiving Maximilian's  letter,  he  had  summoned 
Luther  to  appear  within  sixty  days  at  Rome.  This 
summons  appears  to  have  been  presented  to  Luther 
on  the  7th  of  August,  and  could  not  fail  to  excite 
in  him  considerable  alarm.  Some  intelligence  of 
the  machinations  going  forward  at  Augsburg  had 
probably  been  communicated  to  him,  but  of  their 
real  extent,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  aware.  There 
was,  however,  little  room  to  hesitate  about  the  fate 
that  would  await  at  Rome  whoever  had  been  so 
daring  as  to  oppose  the  views  of  the  priesthood. 
Still  less  could  he  entertain  a  doubt  of  the  decision 
that  would  take  place  in  his  own  case,  because  the 
two  persons  whom  Leo  had  constituted  his  judges, 
had  already  declared  his  theses  heretical.  These 
were  his  antagonists,  Sylvester  de  Prierio  and  Jerome 


94  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Ghinucci,  bishop  of  Ascoli  and  auditor  of  the 
apostolic  chamber.*  In  this  situation,  Luther  de- 
termined to  have  recourse  to  the  elector,  through 
the  medium  of  his  cordial  friend,  Spalatin.  Both 
being  then  at  Augsburg,  Luther  lost  no  time  in 
transmitting  them  the  summons,  and  in  proposing 
that  Frederick  should  use  his  influence  to  procure 
the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  examine  into 
his  cause  in  some  part  of  Germany.  In  the  mean 
time  his  friends  were  a  good  deal  at  a  loss  for  an 
excuse  for  his  not  repairing  to  Rome.  This  difficulty 
was  solved,  it  appears,  by  a  suggestion  of  his  own, 
that  it  would  be  a  sufficient  apology  "  if  the  elector 
were  to  refuse  a  safe  conduct,  or  to  deny  him  per- 
mission to  leave  Wittemberg." 

The  summons  to  Luther  was  followed,  on  the 
part  of  the  court  of  Rome,  by  a  dispatch  to  Cajetan, 
composed  in  a  style  sufficiently  calculated  to  show 
the  length  to  which  the  church  would  have  been 
disposed  to  carry  the  punishment  of  Luther.  He 
and  his  doctrines  are  described  by  very  abusive 
epithets,  and  the  act  of  publishing  his  opinions 
without  consulting  the  church,  the  mistress  of  the 
faith,  is  termed  rash,  presumptuous,  and  licentious. 
The  cardinal  is  then  informed  that  orders  had  been 
given  that  Luther  should  first  appear  before  him  at 
Augsburg,  where  he  was  to  be  kept  in  safe  custody 
until  matters  should  be  arranged  for  presenting  him 
before  the  apostolic  chair  at  Rome.  If  Luther 
should  recant  his  opinions,  Cajetan  was  empowered 
to  receive  him  into  the  bosom  of  the  church,  but  if 

*  Ghinucci  was  afterwards  nuncio  at  the  court  of  Henry  VIII. 
who  made  him  bishop  of  Worcester.  Paul  III.  created  him  a  car- 
dinal.    Ciacon.  Vit.  Pontif.  p.  1505. 


YEAR  1518.  93 

he  continued  obstinate,  he  and  all  his  adherents 
were  to  be  declared  excommunicated  and  accursed. 
All  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  enjoined, 
at  the  hazard  of  incurring  the  same  penalty,  to 
seize  Luther  and  send  him  to  Cajetan. 

This  high  tone,  however,  was  assumed  only  in 
the  letter  to  the  pope's  agent.  A  dispatch  from  the 
court  of  Rome  to  the  elector  of  Saxony,  written  on 
the  same  day,  is  couched  in  terms  so  very  different 
that  one  could  hardly  think  they  issued  from  the 
same  quarter.  Nothing  is  there  said  of  imposing 
penalties  on  Frederick  in  the  event  of  his  refusing  to 
assist  in  apprehending  Luther — the  high  rank  of  the 
house  of  Saxony,  the  personal  virtues  of  Frederick, 
the  merits  of  his  ancestors,  above  all,  their  zeal  for 
the  holy  see,  formed  the  leading  topics  of  this  polite 
communication.  "  Such  a  prince,"  added  Leo, 
"  was  not  likely  to  constitute  himself  the  protector 
of  a  heretic,  who,  in  the  vain  hope  of  countenance 
from  his  sovereign,  had  let  loose  the  reins  of  his 
pride."  With  that  diplomatic  art  which  so  early 
characterised  the  court  of  Rome,  no  notice  was 
taken  of  the  elector's  avowed  interference  in  behalf 
of  Luther,  but  an  appearance  of  disbelieving  all 
such  reports  was  assumed,  and  a  caution  given  to 
the  elector  to  avoid  any  thing  calculated  to  excite 
suspicions  of  that  nature.  Leo  concluded  by  men- 
tioning that  he  had  committed  the  affair  to  Cajetan, 
and  by  requesting  Frederick  to  lend  his  aid  to  de- 
liver up  Luther  to  him. 

From  the  ordinary  motives  of  statesmen  as  well 
as  from  the  personal  character  of  Frederick,  there  is 
little  doubt  that  his  interest  in  Luther  proceeded  less 
from  zeal  than  from  policy.     His  conduct  on  the 


96  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

present  occasion  has  a  tendency  to  confirm  this 
opinion.  Apprised  of  the  serious  intention  of  the 
court  of  Rome  and  too  cautious  to  declare  himself  in 
opposition  to  her,  Frederick  steered  a  middle  course. 
He  urged  to  the  pope  the  propriety  of  adopting  less 
severe  language,  and  of  consenting  to  refer  Luther's 
examination  to  a  German  tribunal.  All  this* 
however,  was  expressed  in  very  moderate  terms, 
and,  after  conversing  with  Cajetan,  at  Augsburg, 
Frederick,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  became  dis- 
posed to  go  a  step  farther,  and  consented  that  Luther 
should  appear  before  the  legate. 

In  concurrence  with  the  other  measures  of  the 
court  of  Rome  against  Luther,  means  were  now 
adopted  to  render  him  obnoxious  to  his  own  Order. 
Leo  condescended  to  write  to  Gabriel,  a  Venitian, 
grand  vicar  of  the  Order,  exhorting  him  to  exer- 
cise his  official  prerogative,  or,  to  copy  the  literal 
expressions,  to  "  employ  all  his  mind,  study,  labour, 
advice  and  diligence,  in  opposing  the  dissemination 
of  the  new  doctrines."*  "Abuses,"  he  added,  "slight 
in  their  outset,  were  apt  to  become  incurable  by  de- 
lay."— Luther,  on  the  other  hand,  was  by  no  means 
inactive.  Confident  in  the  favourable  disposition  of 
his  brethren  of  the  university,  he  applied  to  them  to 
intercede  for  him  in  a  body  with  the  pope.  To  this 
the  rector,  masters,  and  doctors  of  the  university 
willingly  assented,  and  addressed,  on  the  25th  Sept. 
a  letter  to  Charles  Miltitz,  a  German,  and  chamber- 
lain of  the  pope,  requesting  him  to  exert  his  in- 
fluence with  his  master  to  obtain  for  Luther  a  trial 
in  Germany,  by  judges  free  from  suspicion,  and  in 

*  Sleid.  L.  i. 


YEAR  1518.  97 

a  place  where  he  might  be  assured  of  personal  safety. 
After  bestowing  great  praises  on  Luther's  learning 
and  exemplary  morals,  they  inserted  an  explicit 
denial  of  the  charge  of  impiety  brought  against  his 
doctrine,  alleging,  that  had  this  been  the  case,  they 
would  have  been  the  first  to  expel  him  from  their 
society  and  surrender  him  to  the  power  of  the  law. 
On  the  same  day  they  addressed  a  letter  to  the  pon- 
tiff, in  which,  after  apologising  for  their  freedom  in 
writing  to  so  high  a  quarter,  they  proceed  as  follows  : 
"  Brother  Martin  Luther,  a  faithful  and  accepta- 
ble member  of  our  university,  has  entreated  us,  in  a 
confidence  of  the  success  of  our  intercession,  to 
write  to  your  Holiness,  and  to  afford  him  a  testi- 
monial of  the  soundness  of  his  doctrine  and  cha- 
racter, both  of  which  he  complains  have  been  un- 
justly censured.  He  is  now  summoned  by  com- 
mand of  your  Holiness  to  appear  in  person  at  Rome, 
on  account  of  several  propositions  concerning  In- 
dulgences disputed  among  us ;  but  his  bad  health, 
together  with  the  danger  of  the  road,  prevents  him 
from  undertaking  what  it  is  both  his  duty  and  in- 
clination to  do.  On  this  account  we,  sympathising 
with  the  hardship  of  his  case,  have  not  been  dis- 
posed to  refuse  our  testimonial,  since  he  believes  it 
will  be  useful  to  him."  After  certifying  Luther's 
orthodoxy  and  character,  they  make  the  admission 
that,  "  though  he  had  asserted  nothing  as  certain, 
yet,  taking  the  liberty  allowed  in  disputations,  he  had 
perhaps  laid  down  positions  with  more  freedom  than 
some  of  his  opponents  could  bear."* — Of  this  testi- 
monial no  notice  was  taken  by  the  pope. 

*  Luth.  i.  206.  Sleid.  L.  i.  Seckend.  p.  43 . 

N 


98  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

We  return  now  to  Frederick,  whom  we  find  ac- 
quitting himself  with  much  judgment  and  know- 
ledge of  the  world.  After  finishing  the  business  of 
the  Diet,  he  obtained  from  Cajetan  an  assurance 
that  Luther  should  not  be  compelled  to  proceed  to 
Rome,  and  engaged,  in  return,  that  he  should  pre- 
sent himself  before  the  legate  at  Augsburg.*  This 
course  of  proceeding  was  calculated,  if  not  to  pre- 
vent, at  least  to  delay  a  rupture  between  the  parties. 
It  amounted  to  a  compliance  with  the  pope's  man- 
date as  far  as  regarded  sending  Luther  to  Cajetan ; 
while,  by  the  precaution  of  stipulating  for  the  per- 
sonal liberty  of  the  reformer,  it  prevented  that  com- 
pliance from  being  attended  with  hazardous  con- 
sequences. On  returning  home,  Frederick  gave 
Luther  letters  of  recommendation  to  the  senate  and 
to  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  city  of 
Augsburg.  Aware  of  Luther's  poverty,  the  elector 
furnished  him  with  money  for  the  expedition.  With 
these  aids,  Luther  proceeded  on  his  journey,  which 
was  long  and  tedious.  Notwithstanding  the  pro- 
vision made  for  him  in  the  pecuniary  way,  his  attire 
was  so  unsuited  to  a  public  appearance,  that,  on 
arriving  at  Nuremberg,  he  found  it  necessary  to 
borrow  a  friar's  cowl  from  Linccius,  a  divine  of  his 
own  Order,  whom  he  had  known  from  his  child- 
hood. On  leaving  Nuremberg,  he  continued  his 
progress  to  the  southward,  crossed  the  Danube,  and, 
after  a  fatiguing  peregrination,  entered  Augsburg. 
"  Veni  pedester  et  pauper  Augustam,  stipatus  sump- 
tibus  principis  Frederici"f 

*  Luther.  Peaef.  also  Op.  i.  208.  Sleid.  L.  i.  Seckend.  p.  45. 
t  Luther.  Praef. 


YEAR  1518.  99 

Such  was  the  humble  equipage  of  the  man  whose 
cause  now  occupied  the  attention  of  Germany.  "I 
had  attacked,"  says  Luther,  "  what  neither  bishop 
nor  divine  had  in  times  past  dared  to  touch.  The 
public  awaited  the  issue  with  minds  full  of  suspense 
but  favourably  disposed  towards  me,  because  their 
eyes  were  at  last  becoming  open  to  the  imposture 
and  oppressive  exactions  of  the  church  of  Rome." 

By  the  elector's  advice  he  had  ventured  to  come 
without  any  public  safe-conduct,  a  step  which,  at  a 
future  period,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  consider  im- 
prudent. Cajetan  was  a  Dominican  and  an  in- 
quisitor ;  the  papal  court,  moreover,  had  enjoined 
Luther's  attendance  at  Rome,  and  was  accustomed, 
in  the  execution  of  its  decrees,  to  consider  that  the 
end  justified  the  means. 

Luther  arrived  at  Augsburg  on  Friday,  October  3, 
and  repaired  to  the  Ausgutinian  convent,  where  he 
delivered  the  elector's  letter ;  but  he  took  up  his 
lodging  with  the  Carmelite  friars,  in  consequence 
either  of  the  advice  of  his  Augustinian  friends,  or, 
as  is  more  likely,  of  his  personal  acquaintance  with 
the  prior  of  the  Carmelites.  He  was  prepared  to 
consider  Cajetan  in  the  light  only  of  a  controversial 
disputant,  and  was  ignorant  of  his  being  invested 
with  a  power  to  judge,  and  if  he  proved  incorrigible, 
to  proceed  against  him.  He  determined,  however, 
not  to  appear  before  Cajetan  if  he  should  ascertain 
that  he  had  been  previously  condemned  by  the  pope. 

Luther's  arrival  in  the  city  did  not  long  remain 
unknown.  The  first  person  whom  he  saw,  on  the 
part  of  the  legate,  was  one  Urban,  surnamed  "De 
longa  Serra,"  an  Italian  belonging  to  the  legate's 
mission.     Urban,  without  acknowledging  any  au- 


100  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

thority  from  Cajetan,  conversed  very  freely  on  the 
subject  of  Luther's  journey,  and  seemed  desirous  of 
removing  all  suspicion  in  regard  to  his  personal 
safety.  He  omitted  nothing  to  induce  Luther  to 
appear  without  hesitation  before  the  legate.  The 
Augustinians,  however,  dissuaded  Luther  from  tak- 
ing that  step  without  obtaining  a  letter  of  protection 
from  the  emperor,  who  was  then  at  Augsburg.  Ca- 
jetan, whatever  was  his  object,  seems  to  have  been 
very  desirous  that  Luther  should  appear  before  him 
without  a  safe-guard.  "  On  the  third  day  after  my 
arrival  at  Augsburg,"  says  Luther,  "  Urban  re- 
turned and  expostulated  with  me  for  not  going  to 
the  cardinal,  who  would  receive  me  very  graciously. 
I  answered,  that  I  was  under  the  necessity  of  fol- 
lowing the  advice  of  the  excellent  men  to  whom 
Prince  Frederick  had  recommended  me,  and  whose 
opinion  it  was,  that  I  ought  not,  on  any  account, 
to  appear  before  the  cardinal,  without  a  protection 
from  the  emperor,  or  some  public  pledge  of  personal 
safety.  When  that  is  obtained,  and  application  is 
now  making  for  it  to  the  emperor's  council,  I  am 
willing  immediately  to  present  myself  before  him. 
Urban,  under  some  agitation,  said,  "  What,  do  you 
imagine  that  Prince  Frederick  would  take  arms  in 
your  defence?"  I  answered  that,  "I  did  not  wish 
any  such  thing."  "  But,"  replied  he,  "  under 
whose  protection  can  you  be  safe?"  I  made  answer, 
"  Under  the  protection  of  heaven."  He  then  asked, 
if  "  I  had  the  pope  and  cardinals  in  my  power, 
what  I  would  do  to  them  ?"  To  which  I  answered, 
"  That  I  would  show  them  all  reverence  and 
honour."  On  this  he  took  a  hasty  leave  and  paid 
me  no  more  visits." 


YEAR  1518.  101 

Maximilian  being  absent  on  a  hunting  excursion, 
some  days  elapsed  before  obtaining  the  protection 
from  him.  Luther  in  the  interval  (Monday,  Octo- 
ber 11,)  took  up  the  pen  and  wrote  to  his  friend 
Melancthon  : — 

"There  is  nothing  new  or  unusual  going  on  here, 
unless  that  the  city  is  full  of  the  rumour  of  my  name, 
and  that  every  one  is  desirous  of  seeing  Erostratus 
the  incendiary.* — Continue  to  behave  manfully  and 
to  lead  the  youth  in  the  right  path.  I  am  willing 
to  be  sacrificed  for  them  and  for  you,  if  such  be 
God's  will.  I  choose  rather  to  die  and  to  lose  what 
I  should  deeply  lament — your  delightful  conversa- 
tion, than  to  recant  what  I  have  said,  and  become 
the  occasion  of  casting  disrepute  on  the  most  com- 
mendable studies.  Italy  is  plunged  in  Egyptian 
darkness — all  are  ignorant  of  Christ  and  of  the 
things  that  are  Christ's. — Yet  these  are  the  men  who 
are  to  remain  our  masters  in  faith  and  morals  !" 

The  imperial  protection  was  now  granted  to 
Luther,  and  an  official  notice  of  it  sent  to  Cajetan. 
This  however  was  merely  the  fulfilment  of  a  form, 
Cajetan  having  been  privy  to  the  discussion  on  the 
subject  in  the  emperor's  council. f  Luther,  having 
received  his  safe-guard,  proceeded  to  wait  on  the 
legate,  who  received  him  very  politely,  and  said 
that  he  had  no  intention  to  enter  into  argument,  but 
hoped  to  settle  their  differences  by  private  and  unre- 
served conversation.  This  condescending  tone  was 
assumed  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  Luther's  acquies- 
cence to  the  demands  which  he  was  about  to  make  : 

*  Erostratus  set  fire  to  the  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus  upon 
the  day  that  Alexander  the  Great  was  born. 
i  Epist.  Cajat.  ad  Frider.  ap.  Luth.  I.  220. 


102  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

and  in  the  complete  confidence  of  victory  if  they 
should  proceed  to  argue.  He  began  by  desiring,  in 
the  pope's  name,  that  Luther  should  do  three  things : 
first,  abjure  his  past  errors;  second,  abstain  from  in- 
culcating them  in  future ;  and,  third,  abstain  from 
all  errors  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  the  church.  Luther  was  on  the  point 
of  remarking  that  had  he  been  disposed  to  recant, 
he  might  as  well  have  done  it  at  Wittemberg,  and 
spared  himself  the  trouble  of  the  journey.  He  con- 
fined himself,  however,  to  requesting  Cajetan  to  in- 
form him  in  what  point  his  errors  lay,  as  he  was  not 
conscious  of  any.  On  this  the  legate  found  great 
fault  with  his  conduct  in  two  respects  :  the  first,  and 
that  on  which  he  laid  the  chief  stress,  was  his  op- 
position to  the  sale  of  Indulgences,  and  consequently 
to  the  bull  of  Pope  Clement  VI.  which  he  imagined 
Luther  had  not  seen.  But  Luther  soon  informed 
him  that  he  had  carefully  perused  not  only  that  bull, 
but  another  published  by  Sixtus  IV.  without  being 
able  to  assent  to  them,  as  they  contained  many 
things  contrary  to  Scripture.  Cajetan,  relying  on 
his  scholastic  learning,  referred  to  the  authority  of 
Thomas  Aquinas  in  support  of  the  bull.  This 
Luther  resisted,  insinuating  that  Cajetan  seemed  to 
prefer  the  authority  of  Aquinas  to  that  of  Scripture. 
Cajetan,  conscious  of  his  acquaintance  with  Scrip- 
ture, and  ill  prepared  for  contradiction  from  a  per- 
son in  Luther's  humble  station,  had  recourse  to  di- 
rect and  confident  assertion,  maintaining  that  his 
Holiness  was  not  only  supreme  head  of  the  church, 
but  superior  in  authority  to  a  General  Council.  He 
referred  to  the  rejection  and  dissolution  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Basil,  and  passed  a  severe  censure   on  Gerson 


YEAR  1518.       ,  103 

and  his  followers,  by  whom  chiefly  the  measures  of 
that  Council  were  directed.  Luther  had  not  ex- 
pected the  legate  to  proceed  so  far  in  his  assertion  of 
papal  prerogative.  He  appealed,  in  reply,  to  the 
declaration  of  the  university  of  Paris,  the  most  emi- 
nent seminary  at  that  time  in  Europe,  and  with 
whom  the  superiority  of  a  General  Council  to  the 
pope  had  been  a  favourite  doctrine.  On  this  the 
legate  observed  with  warmth,  "The  Parisians  shall 
see  what  punishment  awaits  them." — Videbunt 
pcenas  suas* 

The  second  point  of  debate  related  to  the  necessity 
of  faith  in  those  who  take  the  sacrament.  Instead 
of  regarding  the  sacrament  as  a  memorial  of  the 
death  of  Christ,  the  Catholics  involve  a  very  plain 
doctrine  in  obscurity  and  mysticism.  They  affirm 
that,  by  the  magic  of  a  priest's  benediction,  plain 
bread  and  plain  wine  are  transubstantiated  into  the 
real  body  of  Christ,  which  they  at  the  same  time 
admit  to  be  in  heaven.  This  opinion  Luther  op- 
posed, and  desired  of  Cajetan  that,  in  their  argu- 
ments, reference  should  be  had  only  to  the  Scrip- 
tures and  to  those  canons,  the  authority  of  which 
was  acknowledged  by  them  both.  Cajetan  assented 
to  this  limitation,  but  was  unable,  in  the  course  of 
discussion,  to  refrain  from  founding  his  arguments 
on  the  authority  of  the  scholastic  doctors.  It  was 
in  vain  that  Luther  called  on  him  to  adduce  in  sup- 
port of  his  opinion  a  single  argument  either  from 
Scripture  or  the  Fathers.  "  Peto  unam  Scrijjtnrce 
auctoritatem,  vel  sanctorum  pair um,  quae  sit  contra 
meant  hanc  sententiam"\     But  whenever  Luther 

*  Luth.  i.  222.  f  Luth.  i.  222. 


104  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

laid  stress  on  Scripture,  the  legate  endeavoured  to 
turn  him  into  ridicule.  Another  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance was  their  difference  in  estimating  the 
comparative  importance  of  the  two  points  in  dis- 
pute. Luther  regarded  that  of  the  sacrament  as  by 
much  the  more  serious,  while  Cajetan,  viewing 
things  through  the  medium  of  calculation,  did  not 
scruple  to  say,  in  a  subsequent  conversation  with 
Linccius,  that  if  Luther  would  not  oppose  Indul- 
gences, the  business  could  be  easily  settled,  the  dif- 
ference with  respect  to  the  sacrament  being  "  sus- 
ceptible of  interpretation." — So  much  nearer  was 
money  than  faith  to  the  heart  of  this  son  of  the 
church. 

Luther,  finding  after  a  long  conversation  that  he 
eould  not  succeed  in  fixing  the  legate  to  a  point, 
broke  off  the  interview  by  desiring  time  for  reflec- 
tion. Conscious  of  his  own  warmth,  and  appre- 
hending that  without  witnesses  his  behaviour  might 
be  misrepresented,  he  made  his  appearance  next  day, 
(October  13)  attended  by  four  Imperial  senators,  a 
notary,  and  witnesses.  There  were  present  also  the 
envoys  of  the  elector  of  Saxony,  Philip  Feilitsch,  a 
knight,  John  Ruel,  a  lawyer,  and  Staupitz,  who 
had  arrived  in  the  interval  at  Augsburg.  In  pre- 
sence of  these  witnesses  Luther  read  to  the  legate  a 
written  declaration,  which  purported  that,  in  main- 
taining his  opinions,  he  was  actuated  by  no  want  of 
respect  to  the  church.  It  was  drawn  in  legal  form, 
and  was  as  follows  : 

"  I,  Brother  Martin  Luther,  call  to  witness  that 
I  have  respected  and  am  disposed  to  respect  the 
holy  Roman  church  in  all  my  sayings  and  actions, 
past,  present,  and  future,  and  that  if  I  have  said, 


YEAR  1518.  105 

or  shall  say  any  thing  to  the  contrary,  it  is  my  wish 
to  account  it,  and  that  others  should  account  it,  as 
not  said."  He  then  recites  the  three  concessions 
already  mentioned  as  required  by  the  cardinal,  and 
thus  proceeds,  "  I  have  sought  and  argued  for  truth 
only ;  1  cannot  therefore  be  condemned  for  merely 
seeking  it,  much  less  be  compelled  to  recant  un- 
heard and  unconvinced.  I  this  day  declare  that  I 
am  not  conscious  to  myself  of  having  said  any  thing 
contrary  to  the  Holy  Scripture,  the  Fathers  of  the 
church,  the  decretals  of  the  popes,  or  right  reason  : 
but  that  every  proposition  which  I  have  expressed 
appears  to  me  to  be  strictly  true,  and  consistent  with 
the  Catholic  faith.  Nevertheless,  as  I  am  liable  to 
error  like  other  men,  I  have  submitted  and  do  now 
submit  myself  to  the  determination  and  judgment  of 
the  true  Holy  Church,  and  to  all  my  superiors  in 
knowledge.  Meantime,  fully  to  satisfy  my  op- 
ponents, I  offer  personally  to  assign  a  reason  for  the 
sentiments  I  have  espoused,  either  here  or  elsewhere, 
and  even  in  public  if  it  be  required ;  and  if  this  be 
not  agreeable  to  the  right  reverend  legate,  I  am  pre- 
pared to  answer  objections  in  writing,  and  to  abide 
by  the  judgment  and  decision  of  the  Imperial  uni- 
versities of  Basil,  Friburg,  Louvain ;  or,  if  that  be 
not  sufficient,  by  that  of  Paris  itself." 

In  this  second  conference,  Cajetan,  still  confident 
of  success,  continued  to  speak  with  his  former  volu- 
bility. In  one  point  he  allowed  his  ardour  to  carry 
him  so  far  as  to  make  an  assertion,  which  on  the 
actual  inspection  of  the  canons,  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  confess  a  mistake  in  Luther's  presence. 
Staupitz,  perceiving  that  from  a  discussion  so  loosely 
carried  on,  no  practical  good  could  result,  proposed 

O 


106  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

that  at  the  next  interview  Luther  should  give  in  his 
defence  in  writing.  This  accordingly  took  place  on 
October  14,  Luther  delivering  a  defence  of  the  two 
propositions  which  had  been  impugned  by  the  legate, 
and  repeating  his  former  arguments  in  positive  terms. 
If  the  two  former  interviews  augured  unfavourably, 
the  third  was  fatal  to  all  hope  of  accommodation. 
It  was  now  apparent  that  nothing  but  the  clearest 
argument  would  satisfy  Luther,  and  that  he  paid  no 
deference  to  official  rank.  Cajetan  lost  all  temper, 
and  threatened  to  send  Luther  to  Rome.  He  broke 
off  the  conversation  by  commanding  him  to  leave  his 
presence  and  not  to  return  until  sent  for.  After  this 
hasty  step,  Cajetan  appears  to  have  befen  in  no  small 
embarrassment  about  the  plan  to  be  pursued.  Ap- 
prehensive of  that  censure  at  the  court  of  Rome 
which  was  the  ordinary  lot  of  unsuccessful  nego- 
ciators,  and  conscious  that  he  had  acted  too  impe- 
riously, he  felt  the  necessity  of  trying  the  experi- 
ment of  conciliation.  On  the  same  day  that  he  had 
behaved  so  precipitately  to  Luther,  he  sent  for  Stau- 
pitz,  and  solicited  him  to  use  his  influence,  as  pro- 
vincial vicar  of  the  Augustinians  in  Saxony,  to  in- 
duce Luther  to  recant,  assuring  him  that  recantation 
did  not  necessarily  imply  delinquency.  Staupitz 
having  promised  compliance,  the  legate  made  the 
further  request  that  he  would  "  confute  Luther  from 
the  Scripture,"  to  which  Staupitz  frankly  replied, 
that  he  required  what  was  above  his  ability,  "  Luther 
being  his  superior  both  in  general  attainments  and 
in  knowledge  of  the  Scripture." 

Cajetan's  assurance,  that  Luther  would  incur  no 
delinquency  by  recanting,  was  spurned  at  by  the 
latter  the  moment  Staupitz  mentioned  it.    He  justly 


YEAR  1518.  107 

argued,  that  a  recantation  would  subject  him  to  the 
perpetual  infamy  attached  to  those  who  act  from  the 
fear  of  man,  and  abjure  truth  in  defiance  of  their 
conviction.  In  making  the  attempt,  Cajetan  had  in 
view  the  official  authority  of  Staupitz  over  Luther 
in  his  capacity  of  provincial.  But  this  alternative 
had  been  foreseen,  and  Luther  had  been  absolved  by 
Staupitz  from  obedience  previously  to  the  conference, 
for  the  double  purpose  of  exempting  the  Augusti- 
nians,  as  a  body,  from  responsibility,  and  for  af- 
fording an  excuse  to  Staupitz,  if  ordered  to  exercise 
authority  against  Luther. 

In  subsequent  days,  when  Luther  was  enabled  to 
look  back  with  composure  on  his  early  troubles,  he 
used  to  call  Cajetan's  denunciation,  excommunica- 
tion the  first.  The  hostile  decree  of  the  pope,  which 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  by  and  bye,  he  called 
excommunication  the  second,  and  that  of  the  em- 
peror Charles  at  the  Diet  of  Worms,  excommuni- 
cation the  third.  At  present,  however,  he  was  sur- 
rounded by  friends  of  less  energy  than  himself,  and 
who  spared  no  pains  to  persuade  him  of  the  necessity 
of  pacifying  the  cardinal.  The  result  of  their  en- 
treaties was  apparent  in  a  letter  sent  by  Luther  to 
that  prelate  a  few  days  after,  viz.  October  17,  and 
composed  in  a  style  altogether  different  from  his  or- 
dinary language,  in  this  submissive  communica- 
tion, Luther,  after  alluding  to  the  admonitions  of 
his  friends,  and  his  respect  for  the  representative  of 
papal  majesty,  admitted  that  he  had  spoken  of  the 
pope  indiscreetly  and  irreverently;  that  although  he 
had  received  considerable  provocation,  he  now  un- 
derstood that  it  was  his  duty  to  have  treated  the  sub- 
ject with  more  humility  :  that  he  regretted  the  past, 


108  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

and  should  henceforth  endeavour  to  speak  after  a  dif- 
ferent manner  :  that,  in  respect  to  Indulgences,  he 
was  perfectly  ready  to  let  the  subject  rest,  provided 
that  either  silence  or  moderation  of  language  were 
imposed  on  those  who  had  given  him  provocation- 
He  requested  that  the  whole  cause  should  be  referred 
to  the  pope,  so  that  these  doubtful  points  being  set- 
tled by  the  authority  of  the  church,  he  might  know 
whether  it  was  incumbent  on  him  to  believe  or  to 
recant.  And,  to  impress  the  necessity  of  a  speedy 
decision  by  the  church,  he  enlarged  on  the  inutility 
of  recantation  without  complete  conviction. 

This  letter  appears  considerably  at  variance  with 
the  frankness  and  boldness  of  Luther's  character. 
But,  in  judging  it,  we  are  to  take  into  account  as 
well  the  timidity  of  his  advising  friends,  as  his  own 
anxiety  to  act  the  part  of  a  true  son  of  the  church ; 
a  character,  which  as  yet  he  identified  with  that  of 
a  sincere  inquirer  after  truth.  Besides,  the  juncture 
was  replete  with  alarm  ;  he,  as  well  as  Staupitz, 
being  at  a  distance  from  home  and  in  a  quarter 
where  their  enemies  had  power.  Hence  the  appa- 
rent contradiction  in  his  proceedings.  On  the  16th 
October  he  had  privately  prepared  a  protest  addressed 
to  the  "  Pope  when  better  informed,"  recapitulating 
his  conduct  and  motives  in  the  late  controversy, 
along  with  a  short  detail  of  the  measures  which  had 
been  taken  against  him.  On  the  17th  he  was  pre- 
vailed on  to  take  a  very  different  step,  and  to  write 
the  submissive  letter  already  mentioned ;  and  on  the 
18th  he  again  took  up  the  pen  and  composed  a  letter 
to  the  legate,  containing  a  notice  of  the  protest  and 
of  his  inability  to  remain  longer  at  Augsburg.  This 
letter,  though  less  submissive  than  that  of  the  17th, 


YEAR  1518.  109 

is  still  a  good  deal  different  from  Luther's  usual  tone. 
But  neither  it,  nor  the  protest,  was  transmitted  to 
the  legate  till  after  his  departure  from  Augsburg, 
which  took  place  suddenly  on  Wednesday,  October 
20.  Cajetan  having  taken  no  notice  of  the  letter  of 
17th,  and  having  been  heard  to  drop  threats,* 
Luther,  early  in  the  morning,  mounted  a  horse  pro- 
vided by  his  trusty  friend,  Staupitz.  Quitting  the 
city  by  a  private  gate,  he  rode  nearly  forty  miles 
that  day,  a  continuance  of  exercise  so  unusual  with 
him,  that  on  dismounting  he  lay  down  on  the 
ground  and  fell  asleep.  Staupitz,  equally  alarmed, 
left  Augsburg  soon  after,  while  Linccius  and  Lu- 
ther's host,  the  prior  of  the  Carmelites,  lost  no  time 
in  following  the  prudent  example. 

These  sudden  departures  gave  great  offence  to 
Cajetan.  His  displeasure  was  increased  by  the  pub- 
lication, a  few  day  after,  of  Luther's  protest  of 
16th  of  October.  A  monk  had  engaged  to  deliver 
this  document  to  Cajetan,  but  wanting  courage  to 
face  the  legate,  he  affixed  it  to  the  market  place. 
On  this  Cajetan  took  up  the  pen  and  wrote  to  the 
elector  Frederick  a  letter  couched  in  a  very  high 
tone.  He  asserted  that  he  had  obtained  a  victory 
in  disputation  over  Luther,  complained  of  the  clan- 
destine departure  of  him  and  Staupitz,  and  urged 
Frederick  not  to  forget  the  respect  due  to  his  own 
character  by  protecting  Luther.  He  addressed  him 
as  pledged  in  conscience  and  in  honour  to  expel 
Luther  from  his  territories,  and  send  him  to  Rome; 
adding,    significantly,    that   so    pestilent   a    heresy 

*  Jactavit  sese  habere  mandatum  ut  et  me  et  vicarium  incarcera- 
ret.     Act.  Aug.  ap.  Luth.  Op?r. 


110  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

could  not  be  suffered  to  exist,  for  at  Rome  they 
would  follow  up  the  matter  as  soon  as  they  had  re- 
ceived his  report  of  what  had  passed. 

It  was  at  Nuremberg,  on  his  return,  that  Luther 
first  received  notice  that  the  pope's  brief  to  Cajetan 
had  gone  so  far  as  to  appoint  the  legate,  not  a  dispu- 
tant merely  but  a  judge.  Though  unwilling  to 
ascribe  to  the  pope  personally  the  origin  of  so  arbi- 
trary a  proceeding,  he  could  not  fail  to  consider  it 
as  a  convincing  proof  of  the  rancour  of  those  who 
guided  the  Romish  councils.  He  now  looked  for 
nothing  but  persecution  from  a  quarter  in  which  he 
had  hitherto  cherished  the  hope  of  justice.  Depri- 
vation of  his  appointment  as  professor  of  divinity, 
and  separation  from  those  whom  he  most  loved  and 
valued,  were  dangers  which  now  appeared  to  im- 
pend over  him.  Frederick  was,  to  a  certain  extent, 
friendly  ;  but  how  far  could  he  make  reliance  on  his 
venturing  to  incur  the  anger  of  the  court  of  Rome  ? 
In  confidential  intercourse  with  his  ministers  the 
elector  held  encouraging  language,  but  this  was 
partly  unknown  to  Luther,  and  the  backwardness 
of  the  court  of  Saxony  in  regard  to  public  proceed- 
ings was  calculated  to  lessen  his  confidence.  He 
had  prepared,  and  sent  to  press,  a  narrative  of  what 
had  passed  at  Augsburg,  but  the  printing  was  twice 
suspended  by  Frederick's  order,  and  the  final  leave 
to  publish  was  obtained  with  difficulty.  At  one 
time  Luther  had  serious  thoughts  of  repairing  to 
Paris,  and  of  putting  himself  under  the  protection  of 
the  university,  whose  sentiments  on  the  pope's 
power  were  similar  to  his  own.  From  this,  how- 
ever, Frederick  dissuaded  him,  and  his  own  par- 
tiality to  the  establishment  at  Wittemberg,  which 


YEAR  1518.  Ill 

had  flourished  under  his  auspices,  came  strongly  in 
aid  of  the  negative  advice. 

In  this  season  of  anxious  suspense,  Luther  wrote 
to  Spalatin  in  the  month  of  November,  and  dwelt 
on  the  former  suggestion  of  an  application  from  the 
elector  to  the  pope  for  a  trial  in  Germany.  "Not," 
adds  he,  "that  I  am  very  anxious  about  my  own 
safety.  It  is  cause  of  great  grief  to  me,  that  I  am 
not  worthy  to  suffer,  in  an  eminent  degree,  for  the 
truth.  By  my  journey  to  Augsburg  I  courted  dan- 
ger almost  to  the  tempting  of  God.  The  prosperity 
of  our  university  is  the  chief  ground  of  my  anxiety. 
I  am  unwilling  that  the  studies  of  our  most  excellent 
youth,  who  are  wonderfully  ardent  in  the  investiga- 
tion of  the  Scriptures,  should  be  strangled  in  the 
birth."  In  another  letter  to  the  same  person,  he 
pathetically  compares  himself  to  Abraham,  the  father 
of  the  faithful,  who,  on  forsaking  his  country  and 
his  nation,  knew  not  whither  he  was  going ;  but 
full  of  hope  and  confidence,  like  that  man  of  God, 
Luther  adds,  "I  do  know,  for  God  is  every  where." 

The  elector,  on  receiving  Cajetan's  letter,  was  of 
opinion  that  Luther's  cause  should  be  brought  under 
the  immediate  review  of  the  emperor,  and  a  com- 
munication to  that  effect  from  Frederick  to  Pfeffin- 
ger,  who  was  then  at  Augsburg,  bearing  date  19th 
November,  is  still  in  existence.  It  relates  what 
Cajetan  had  done  and  written,  and  renews  a  former 
instruction  to  Pfeffinger  to  recommend  to  the' em- 
peror to  interpose  his  authority  and  write  to  Rome, 
that  the  cause  should  either  be  amicably  settled,  or 
investigated  by  disinterested  persons  in  Germany. 
The  elector  at  the  same  time  communicated  Cajetan's 
letter  to  Luther,  desiring  him  to  answer  the  theolo- 


112  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

gical  part  of  it;  a  task  which  Luther  forthwith  un- 
dertook and  produced  a  reply  in  the  form  of  a  let- 
ter to  Frederick.  This  reply  has  been  the  subject 
of  great  abuse  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Catholics, 
and  of  no  less  praise  from  the  reformed.  It  differs, 
in  several  respects,  from  the  account  of  the  Augsburg 
transactions  given  by  Cajetan.  After  finishing  the 
narrative,  Luther  proceeds  to  refute  the  propositions 
advanced  as  arguments  by  Cajetan,  and  accomplishes 
the  task  with  great  felicity.  This  tract  was  pub- 
lished both  in  Latin  and  German  and  favourably  re- 
ceived by  all  ranks.  Its  Latin  style  is  superior  to 
that  of  any  of  Luther's  other  pieces  ;  and  towards 
the  conclusion,  in  alluding  to  his  own  humble  station 
and  imminent  danger,  he  becomes  truly  pathetic. 
After  affirming  that  Cajetan's  great  object  was  to 
send  him  to  Rome,  he  adds : 

"I  am  almost  prepared  to  submit  to  the  pains  of 
exile,  for  I  perceive  that  my  enemies  have  laid 
snares  for  me  on  all  sides,  nor  do  I  know  where  I 
can  live  in  safety.  What  can  I,  a  poor  and  humble 
monk,  expect,  or  rather  what  danger  ought  I  not  to 
dread,  since  so  illustrious  a  prince  is  exposed  to 
threats  unless  he  send  me  to  Rome  or  banish  me 
from  his  territories?  Wherefore,  lest  any  injury 
should  befall  your  Highness  on  my  account,  I  am 
willing  to  forsake  my  native  country  and  to  go 
wherever  a  merciful  God  shall  be  pleased  to  direct, 
leaving  the  issue  to  his  will.  Therefore,  most 
illustrious  Prince,  I  respectfully  bid  you  farewell, 
and  take  my  leave  with  infinite  thanks  for  all  the 
favours  you  have  been  pleased  to  confer  on  me.  In 
whatever  part  of  the  world  I  may  be,  I  shall  never 
be   unmindful  of  your  Highness,    but  shall   pray 


YEAR  1518.  113 

sincerely  and  gratefully  for  your  happiness  and  that 
of  your  family." 

This  letter  Luther  sent  to  his  friend  Spalatin  for 
perusal  before  transmitting  it  to  the  elector.  It  was 
forwarded  on  25th  November,  after  which  he  appears 
to  have  passed  a  very  anxious  week.  On  the  second 
of  December,  we  find  him  writing  to  Spalatin :  "  Had 
not  your  letter  arrived  yesterday,  I  should  certainly 
have  been  preparing  for  my  departure,  and  even  yet 
I  know  not  what  course  to  follow,  though  ready 
either  to  go  or  to  remain.  The  anxiety  expressed 
by  my  friends  for  my  safety  is  astonishing  and  even 
greater  than  I  can  bear.  Some  persons  have  urged 
me  very  much  to  put  myself  into  the  elector's  hands, 
that  he  might  take  me  under  his  protection  and  be 
enabled  to  write  the  legate  that  I  was  in  safe  custody, 
as  well  as  ready  to  appear  and  answer  what  was 
alleged  against  me  ;  but  how  far  that  advice  ought 
to  be  regarded,  I  leave  entirely  to  your  decision.  I 
am  in  the  hands  of  God  and  my  friends."* 

Luther's  disquietude  might  have  been  lessened, 
had  he  been  aware  that  the  incautious  expressions  in 
Cajetan's  letter,  approaching  in  some  degree  to  a 
threat,  had  roused  the  spirit  of  Frederick.  The 
latter  wrote,  on  the  18th  of  December,  an  answer  to 
the  legate,  in  substance  as  follows  : 

"  Your  letter  of  October  25th  reached  me  on 
19th  November,  not  by  a  special  messenger,  but  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  post.  Luther's  appearance  at 
Augsburg  I  consider  a  fulfilment  of  all  that  has  been 
promised  on  my  part.  Notwithstanding  the  as- 
surances which  you  gave  me  of  allowing  him  to  de- 

*  Seckend.  p.  53. 
P 


114  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

part  with  tokens  of  your  regard,  a  recantation,  I 
hear,  was  required  of  him  before  the  subject  was 
sufficiently  discussed.  Many  learned  men  can  see 
nothing  impious,  unchristian,  or  heretical  in  Luther's 
doctrine,  and  its  chief  opponents  appear  to  be  among 
those  who  do  not  understand  it,  or  whose  private  in- 
terest stimulates  them  to  opposition.  L  am  always 
ready  to  do  my  duty  as  a  Christian  prince,  and  am 
therefore  at  a  loss  to  conceive  why  there  should  be 
held  out  such  threats,  as  that  the  court  of  Rome 
would  follow  up  the  cause,  that  Luther  should  be 
sent  thither,  or  that  he  should  be  banished  from  my 
principality.  He  has,  as  yet  at  least,  been  convicted 
of  no  heresy,  and  his  banishment  would  be  very  in- 
jurious to  the  university  of  Wittemberg.  I  enclose 
an  answer  to  the  other  parts  of  your  letter  from 
Luther,  whom  I  do  not  consider  in  the  light  of  a 
heretic,  because  he  has  not  been  proved  such,  and, 
because  it  is  consistent  with  justice  that  he  should 
have  a  hearing."* 

The  tone  and  arguments  of  this  letter  are  exactly 
in  unison  with  what  Luther  himself  had  expressed. 
The  members  of  the  university  of  Wittemberg  had, 
in  the  middle  of  November,  entreated  the  elector  to 
protect  their  colleague,  and  the  success  of  their  ap- 
plication may  be  traced  in  the  letter  which  we  have 
quoted.  This  unequivocal  proof  of  Frederick's  at- 
tachment gave  Luther  a  fresh  accession  of  courage. 
He  well  knew  the  cool  and  persevering  disposition 
of  the  elector,  and,  confident  of  a  candid  hearing, 
he  ventured,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  friends, 
to  publish  a  pretty  full  narrative  of  what  had  taken 

*  Luth.  i.  p.  221.     Sleid.  L.  i.     Seckend.  p.  55. 


YEAR  1518.  115 

place  at  Augsburg.  Though  he  did  not,  to  use  his 
own  expression,*  expose  to  view  the  whole  truth,  he 
put  on  record  enough  of  the  extravagant  pretensions 
of  Cajetan,  and  of  the  court  of  Rome,  to  excite  the 
public  odium  at  their  arrogance,  and  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  adoption  of  more  decided  steps.  Hither- 
to he  had  been  satisfied  with  making  his  appeal  to 
the  pope,  but  the  measures  lately  taken  against  him 
at  Rome,  having  greatly  lessened  his  attachment  to 
Leo,  he  composed  and  sent  to  press  on  the  28th  of  /s 
November,  an  appeal  from  the  pope  to  a  general 
council. f  His  intention  was  that  this  appeal  should 
not  be  published  at  the  time,  but  kept  back  till  he  got 
farther  notice  of  what  was  going  on  at  Rome.  He 
contracted  accordingly  with  the  printer  to  retain 
possession  of  all  the  copies ;  but  such  was  the  in- 
terest of  the  subject,  that  the  printer  was  induced  to 
give  way  to  solicitation,  and  to  dispose  of  almost  the 
whole  impression  without  Luther's  knowledge. 

Whilst  Luther  was  thus  preparing  his  weapons  of 
defence,  the  guardians  of  the  papal  power  continued 
to  urge  on  Leo  the  necessity  of  vigorous  measures 
against  him.  Believing  that  they  might  still  venture 
to  hold  the  arrogant  language  of  earlier  ages,  a  bull, 
or,  as  it  was  called,  a  decretal,  addressed  to  the  legate, 
was  issued  from  the  apostolic  chamber  on  9th  No- 
vember, though  not  published  by  Cajetan  till  13th 
December.  It  contained  an  order  to  all  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries  in  Germany  to  publish  its  contents  under 
pain  of  suspension  from  their  offices,  the  power  of 
doing  which  was  vested  in  Cajetan.    This  bullcon- 

*  Seckend.  p.  56. 

t  Luth.  i.  231.     Sleid.  L.  i.     Sarp.  L.  i.     Seckend.  p.  58. 


116  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tained  no  argument,  and  was  merely  a  repetition  of 
the  old  doctrine  of  Indulgences,  expressed  with  all 
the  confidence  of  infallibility.  No  mention  was  made 
of  Luther  or  of  his  opposition,  from  a  desire,  no 
doubt,  to  avoid  giving  him  importance  by  bringing 
him  before  the  public  eye,  as  well  as,  by  studied 
ambiguity,  to  keep  the  door  open  for  his  recantation. 
In  short,  the  object  of  the  bull  was  to  maintain  the 
reputation  of  Indulgences,  and  to  resist  any  attempt 
at  a  diminution  of  the  papal  power  in  Germany. 

We  are  now  arrived  at  the  close  of  this  memorable 
year.  Cajetan,  in  the  course  of  next  year,  returned 
to  Rome,  and  was  considered  as  having  acted  with 
precipitancy  as  well  towards  Frederick  as  Luther. 
Mortified  at  the  superiority  of  the  latter  in  Scriptural 
erudition,  he  devoted  himself  with  great  assiduity  to 
the  study  of  Greek  and  Hebrew.  We  shall  seldom 
meet  with  him  in  the  subsequent  collisions  between 
Luther  and  the  adherents  of  the  church,  but  he  lived 
eleven  years  after  this  date  and  published  commen- 
taries on  Scripture,  which  procured  him  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  one  of  the  most  learned  among  the 
Dominicans.  It  had  been  fortunate  for  him  had  he 
earlier  pursued  this  course,  for  his  conversation  at 
Augsburg  with  Luther,  on  the  subject  of  Scripture, 
was  such  as  to  leave  on  the  latter  a  suspicion  of 
heresy,  if  not  of  atheism.* 

*  Luther's  letter  to  Spalatin,  Nov.  19, 1018. 


YEAR  1519.  in 


CHAPTER  IV. 


YEAR   1519. 

MEANTIME  the  university  of  Wittemberg  con- 
tinued a  kind  of  central  point  for  the  diffusion  of  the 
new  doctrines.  The  fame  of  Luther  and  the  re- 
spectability of  Melancthon  increased,  more  and 
more,  the  number  of  the  students.  The  prosperity 
of  this  favourite  establishment  tended  to  confirm 
Frederick  in  his  friendly  disposition  towards  Lu- 
ther's creed,  and  an  event,  which  now  occurred, 
increased  considerably  his  power  of  promoting  it. 
The  death  of  the  emperor  Maximilian  took  place  in 
the  beginning  of  1519,  and  left  to  Frederick,  for  a 
season,  the  uncontrolled  direction  of  that  part  of 
Germany  which  is  governed  by  the  Saxon  laws. 
This  extension  of  authority  continued  during  the 
five  months  which  elapsed  before  the  election  of  an- 
other emperor,  a  precious  interval  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  new  tenets.  Without  appearing  openly 
to  favour  them,  Frederick  permitted  them  to  take 
root  in  silence,  and  to  acquire  a  degree  of  strength 
which  enabled  them  to  offer  a  successful  resistance 
to  future  attempts  at  oppression. 

Previously  to  Luther's  appearance,  Frederick  had 
been  reputed  a  zealous  son  of  the  church  and  had 
made  application,  in  1515,  for  what  is  termed  a 
Golden  Rose.  Three  years  had  elapsed  without 
overcoming  the  difficulties  in  obtaining  this  singular 


US  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

and  mysterious  gift  :*  but  political  reasons  now 
concurred  to  remove  all  obstacles  in  the  way  of  a 
donation,  which  was  expected  to  render  Frederick 
a  sincere  defender  of  the  church.  In  September, 
1518,  a  communication  was  sent  him  from  Rome 
that  the  golden  rose  was  at  last  obtained,  and  would, 
together  with  the  bulls  relating  to  it,  be  speedily  for- 
warded to  him. 

Cajetan  having  incurred  the  censure,  whether 
real  or  ostensible,  of  his  court,  for  his  proceedings  in 
the  case  of  Luther,  that  part  of  his  functions  was 
committed  to  Miltitz,  a  Saxon  by  birth,  and  a  lay- 
man. Miltitz  possessed  a  large  share  of  diplomatic 
address,  and  the  circumstance  of  his  being  a  lay- 
man was  calculated  to  give  the  transactions  respect- 
ing Luther  a  political  rather  than  an  ecclesiastical 
aspect.  Having  arrived  in  Saxony  towards  the  end 
of  1518,  one  of  his  first  steps  was  to  summon  Tetzel 
to  appear  before  him  at  Altenburg.  Tetzel  had  re- 
tired to  a  Dominican  monastery  at  Leipsic,  from 
which  he  replied  to  Miltitz  that  a  compliance  with 
his  order  would  be  attended  with  great  personal 
danger  to  him,  in  consequence  of  the  general  fer- 
ment excited  by  Luther's  opposition. 

The  example  of  Cajetan  having  evinced  the  im- 
policy of  imperious  measures,  the  instructions  from 
the  pope  to  Miltitz  appear  to  have  been  of  a  con- 
trary character.  The  nuncio  having  sought  an  early 
opportunity  of  a  conference  with  Luther,  an  inter- 

*  Various  mysteries  were  conceived  to  be  implied  by  a  golden 
rose.  It  was  significative  of  the  body  of  Christ,  the  most  pleasant 
and  beautiful  of  all  flowers,  &c.  Seckend.  p.  65.  L'Enfant  has 
given  an  account  of  its  origin  and  emblematic  power  in  L.  vi.  Sect. 
56.  of  Hist.  Cone.  Constans. 


YEAR  1519.  119 

view  took  place  between  them  in  Spalatin's  house 
at  Altenburg,  on  the  7th  January,  1519.*  Miltitz, 
desirous  of  avoiding  contentious  ground,  enlarged 
on  the  general  danger  of  schism,  and  deplored  that 
the  seeds  of  discord  should  be  sown  in  the  church. 
To  positions  of  this  nature  Luther  could  hardly  fail 
to  assent.  The  conversation  became  more  spirited 
when  Luther  directed  a  pointed  censure  at  Leo  for 
accumulating  ecclesiastical  dignities  on  Albert,  arch- 
bishop of  Mentz,f  and  participating  in  the  ignoble 
revenue  of  Indulgences.  Miltitz  was  however  de- 
termined that  the  conference  should  end  amicably, 
and  closed  it  with  a  repast  and  a  cordial  parting,  the 
object  of  which  Luther  had  now  acquired  sufficient 
knowledge  of  the  world  to  comprehend.  The  final 
agreement  was  that  Miltitz  should  refer  the  whole 
transaction  to  the  pope  ;  that  the  disputants  should 
in  the  meantime  be  enjoined  silence;  that  Luther 
should  write  to  Leo,  declaring  his  subjection  to  the 
papal  See  ;  and  that  a  petition  should  be  presented 
to  Leo  requesting  him  to  remit  the  cognizance  of  the 
affair  to  some  learned  German  bishops  4     As  a  se- 

*  See  Luther's  account  of  this  interview.  T.  i.  235 ;  also 
Seckend.  p.  61. 

t  Albert  was  archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  primate  of  Germany, 
administrator  of  the  bishoprick  of  Halberstat,  and  on  9th  March, 
1514,  was  elected,  in  addition,  archbishop  of  Mentz.  Leo  had 
granted  him  permission  to  hold  the  two  archbishopricks  at  the 
same  time  ;  a  thing,  says  Ciaconius,  quite  unknown  to  the  church, 
and  which  never  had  happened  to  any  prince.  Vit.  Pontif.  p. 
1429. 

$  Leo  named  the  archbishops  of  Saltsburg,  of  Treves,  and 
Freisingen.  In  a  letter  to  Staupitz  giving  an  account  of  the  con- 
ference, Luther  writes  very  significantly  respecting  Miltitz's  be- 
haviour.— Atque  vesperi,  me  accepto  convivio,  la>tati  sumus  et 


120  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

quel  to  this  conciliatory  arrangement,  Miltitz  pro- 
ceeded to  express  a  public  disapprobation  of  Tetzel's 
conduct.  Having  repaired  to  Leipsic,  he  sent  for 
Tetzel  and  twice  reprimanded  him,  in  the  presence 
of  his  provincial,  for  immorality  as  well  as  pecula- 
tion. From  Leipsic,  Miltitz  proceeded  to  Augs- 
burg, whence,  on  the  6th  February,  he  wrote  to  the 
court  of  Saxony,  expressing  a  confident  hope  of  an 
amicable  adjustment  of  the  controversy,  and  request- 
ing that  Luther  should  in  the  meantime  abstain 
from  any  publication. 

Miltitz  now  proceeded  to  Treves,  where  Cajetan 
happened  to  be,  and  where  a  step  was  proposed 
which  seemed  at  variance  with  the  late  conciliatory 
proceedings.  Luther  having  in  his  conversation 
with  Miltitz  expressed  no  aversion  to  defend  himself 
before  the  archbishop  of  Treves,  the  admission  was 
laid  hold  of,  and  it  was  resolved  to  send  for  him  to 
plead  his  cause  in  presence  of  the  archbishop.  This 
desire  was  communicated  in  a  letter  from  the  elector 
of  Treves  to  Frederick,  bearing  date  3d  May.  Frede- 
rick was  aware  that  no  good  could  result  from  the 
proposition,  but,  without  giving  it  a  negative,  replied 
from  Heldburg,  one  of  his  castles  in  Franconia,  that 
he  would  make  the  communication  to  Luther,  and 
converse  personally  with  the  elector  of  Treves  on  the 
subject  when  they  should  meet  at  Frankfort. 

On  the  death  of  Maximilian,  the  electors  took 
unanimously  the  determination  of  offering  the  im- 
perial crown  to  Frederick.  It  had  been  the  policy 
of  their  ancestors  to  avoid  conferring  this  high  rank 

osculo  mihi  dato,  discessimus.  Ego  sic  me  gessi  quasi  Jias  Itali- 
tafes  et  simidationes  no  intelligerem.    Seckend.  p.  63. 


YEAR  1519.  121 

on  a  prince,  who  from  the  magnitude  of  his  power 
in  other  respects  might  be  dangerous  to  their 
liberties.  This  objection  applied  strongly  to  both 
competitors,  Francis  and  Charles.  On  the  other 
hand,  they  saw  in  Frederick  a  prince  who,  without 
possessing  too  much  power  from  his  hereditary  do- 
minions, was  admirably  calculated  to  administer  the 
affairs  of  the  empire.  But  Frederick  knew  too  well 
the  disquietudes  of  governing  to  be  tempted  by  the 
dazzling  offer.  He  absolutely  declined  it,  and  gave, 
as  his  principal  reason,  that  the  danger  to  the  em- 
pire from  the  side  of  Turkey,  called  for  the  nomi- 
nation of  a  powerful  prince.  Charles,  he  added, 
had,  as  well  from  his  German  descent,  as  from  being 
the  hereditary  sovereign  of  the  countries  most  ex- 
posed to  the  Ottomans,  the  first  claim  in  his  opinion, 
to  the  suffrages  of  the  Diet.  These  arguments  were 
decisive  of  the  election  in  favour  of  Charles,  which 
took  place  accordingly  on  the  meeting  of  the  electors 
at  Frankfort,  in  the  month  of  June.  In  regard  to 
Luther,  an  understanding  took  place  that  his  pro- 
posed appearance  before  the  elector  of  Treves  should 
not  be  insisted  on,  but  that  his  case  should  be  taken 
into  consideration  at  the  first  Diet  held  by  the 
young  emperor. 

The  papal  court  took  a  very  lively  interest  in  the 
proceedings  relative  to  the  election  of  an  emperor.  To 
Charles  they  were  strongly  adverse,  the  power  of 
that  prince  in  Italy  being  already  such,  that,  with 
the  addition  of  the  empire,  it  could  not  fail  to  be 
subversive  of  the  independence  of  the  holy  See.  So 
long  as  there  remained  a  hope  of  giving  effect  to  the 
expectations  of  Francis  I.,  the  pope  spared  no  pains 
to  court  so  powerful  a  member  of  the  electoral  col- 

Q 


122  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

lege  as  Frederick.  And  even  after  that  hope  was 
gone,  the  weight  of  Frederick's  political  influence 
rendered  it  desirable,  to  avoid  giving  him  occasion  of 
offence.  Here,  therefore,  lay  the  secret  of  the  for- 
bearance displayed  by  the  court  of  Rome  in  regard 
to  Luther,  who  enjoyed,  as  they  well  knew,  the 
good  wishes  of  his  prince. 

Luther  meanwhile  continued  to  discharge  his 
duty  as  professor  and  preacher  with  his  usual 
energy  and  success.  Nor  was  he  dilatory  in  ful- 
filling his  promise  to  Miltitz  of  addressing  a  dutiful 
letter  to  the  pope.  He  wrote  it  from  Altenburg  on 
3d  March,  1519.  Miltitz  having  demanded  satis- 
faction for  Luther's  irreverence  towards  his  Holiness, 
Luther  declared  himself  exceedingly  concerned  at 
the  charge,  and  maintained  that  his  whole  conduct 
had'  proceeded  from  a  desire  to  defend  tire  honour  of 
the  church.  The  wrath  of  Leo  he  could  not  bear, 
and  yet  knew  not  how  to  extricate  himself  from  it. 
He  was  ready  to  recant  as  soon  as  his  conviction 
should  enable  him,  but  his  writings,  in  consequence 
chiefly  of  the  opposition  of  his  antagonists,  had  been 
very  generally  circulated  and  had  made  an  impres- 
sion not  easily  effaced.  Moreover,  Germany  abound- 
ing in  well  informed  men,  the  true  way  for  him  to 
honour  the  church  was  to  be  very  cautious  how  he 
recanted,  or  gave  occasion  of  ecclesiastical  scandal 
to  the  world.  "  It  is  those,  most  Holy  Father, 
whom  I  have  resisted,  who  have  brought  disrepute 
on  the  church.  Under  the  shelter  of  your  name, 
and  through  means  of  the  coarsest  pretexts,  they 
have  gratified  a  detestable  avarice  and  put  on  the 
most  revolting  hypocrisy.  Now  they  proceed  to 
throw  on  me  the  blame  of  the  mischief  that  has 


YEAR  1519.  123 

happened,  but  I  protest  before  God  and  man,  that 
I  never  did,  nor  at  present  do  wish  to  make  any 
infringement  on  the  power  of  the  church  or  your 
Holiness,  confessing  in  the  fullest  manner  that 
nothing  in  heaven  or  earth  is  to  be  preferred  to  it, 
except  the  power  of  Christ  Jesus,  who  is  Lord  of 
all."  He  then  repeats  his  offer  to  observe  silence 
on  the  subject  of  Indulgences,  provided  his  oppo- 
nents would  do  the  same;  that  he  would  recom- 
mend it  to  the  common  people  to  reverence  the 
church ;  that  he  was  anxious  that  discord  should 
cease ;  and  was  ready  to  pursue  arty  course  by 
which  these  desirable  things  could  be  accom- 
plished.* 

This  letter,  like  Luther's  communication  to  Ca- 
jetan,  has  exposed  him  to  the  charge  of  great 
hypocrisy  from  his  opponents.  When  considered, 
however,  along  with  the  prejudices  under  which 
he  was  educated  and  continued  to  labour,  we  can 
have  very  little  doubt  that  it  was  expressive  of  his 
real  sentiments.  As  yet  he  was  far  from  declaring 
himself  an  enemy  to  the  general  measures  of  the 
court  of  Rome,  because  his  state  of  knowledge 
with  which  his  resolutions  never  failed  to  keep  pace, 
was  not  sufficiently  advanced  for  the  adoption  of 
such  a  determination.  There  can  be  very  little 
doubt  that,  wavering  as  he  was,  he  inclined  to  the 
hope  of  a  reconciliation  with  the  church.  His 
own  opinions  were  by  no  means  fixed  ;  his  studies 
were  only  in  progress,  and  his  inconsistencies  are  in 
a  great  measure  to  be  accounted  for  by  a  very  con- 
spicuous feature  in  his  character—the  habit  of  com- 

*  Luth.  i.  235.     Sleid.  L.  i.     Seckend.  p.  65. 


124  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

mining  without  hesitation  to  writing  the  impres- 
sions of  the  moment.  By  way .  of  counteracting 
any  intemperance  in  his  former  publications,  he 
now  printed  in  German,  and  in  a  cheap  form  for 
general  circulation,  a  religious  treatise,  discussing, 
with  a  very  gentle  hand,  the  contested  points  of  the 
intercession  of  saints,  purgatory,  church  censures, 
and  the  efficacy  of  good  works.  Yet,  at  the  same 
time,  it  appears  from  his  correspondence  with  Spa- 
latin,  that  he  was  beginning  to  become  seriously 
doubtful  of  the  title  of  the  see  of  Rome  to  the  res- 
pect of  the  Christian  world.* 

It  was  in  the  beginning  of  this  year,  that  the 
bishop  of  Brandenburg,  Luther's  diocesan,  devi- 
ated from  the  passive  course  which  he  had  hitherto 
held  in  regard  to  the  Reformer's  affairs.  He  called 
Luther  before  him,  and  expatiated  at  great  length 
on  his  rashness  in  engaging  in  so  arduous  an  enter- 
prise. But  Luther  was  too  resolute  to  be  deterred 
from  his  purpose,  either  by  the  admonition  of  men 
of  rank  or  by  a  calculation  of  the  consequences  to 
himself.  Nor  was  there  wanting  intelligence  of  a 
different  nature  to  animate  him  in  his  course.  He 
was  informed  about  this  time  by  the  celebrated 
printer  John  Frobenius  of  Basil,  that  his  writings 
were  read  and  approved  of  at  Paris  even  by  the 
doctors  of  the  Sorbonne ;  that  the  whole  edition 
which  he  had  printed  was  dispersed  in  Italy,  Spain, 
and  elsewhere,  and  had  received  the  general  appro- 
bation of  the  learned.  Intelligence  equally  agree- 
able was  communicated  to  the  elector  of  Saxony,  a 
short  time  after,  in  a  letter  from  Erasmus  at  Ant- 

*  Seckend.  p.  70. 


YEAR  1519.  125 

werp  :  "  I  perceive,"  he  said,  "  that  Luther's  books 
are  most  eagerly  read  by  all  the  best  judges  of  this 
place."*  Frederick's  answer  to  Erasmus  bore  ho- 
nourable testimony  to  the  Reformer,  and  showed 
how  acceptable  he  accounted  such  communications. 
Not  long  after,  Erasmus  gave  Luther  an  equally 
favourable  testimony  in  regard  to  the  sentiments  of 
our  countrymen  ;  "  Your  writings,"  he  said,  "  have 
warm  admirers  in  England,  and  among  persons  too 
of  the  highest  rank."f — Important  communications 
these,  and  proceeding  from  a  highly  respected 
quarter;  but  the  sequel  will  show  that  the  eventual 
conduct  of  this  distinguished  scholar,  in  regard  to 
the  Reformation,  little  corresponded  with  his  favour- 
able disposition  at  its  outset. 

Meanwhile  the  body  of  the  clergy,  regular  as 
well  as  secular,  began  to  employ  their  influence  in 
checking  the  progress  of  Luther's  doctrine.  The 
Franciscan  Minorites  held  a  convention  at  Interbok, 
and,  without  considering  their  own  incompetency, 
proceeded  to  take  Luther's  writings  under  con- 
sideration. Their  rooted  antipathy  to  the  Augusti- 
nians  gave  a  spur  to  their  researches  for  the  detection 
of  heresy  in  a  member  of  that  body.  They  ventured 
to  enumerate  fifteen  specific  points  containing  the 
principal  topics  in  which  Luther  differed  from  the 
church  of  Rome,  along  with  some  others  more 
nearly  relating  to  themselves,  the  Reformer  having 
boldly  asserted  that  the  claim  of  the  Bohemians  to 
the  title  of  Christians  was  superior  to  that  of  the 

*  "  Certe  hie  video  libros  Lutheri  ab  optimis  quibusque  cupi- 
dissime  legi."     Luth.  i.  237. 

t  "  Habes  in  Anglia,  qui  de  tuis  scriptis  optime  sentiunt,  et  sunt 
hi  maximi." 


126  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Minorites.  They  submitted  the  grievous  catalogue 
to  the  bishop  of  Brandenburg,  in  the  confident  ex- 
pectation that  it  would  lead  to  an  interdiction  of  any 
farther  circulation  of  such  obnoxious  sentiments.  But 
Luther  had  encountered  more  formidable  enemies 
than  the  Minorites  or  his  diocesan,  and  retorted  on 
the  former  in  a  style  which  they  little  expected. 
Referring  to  their  acknowledged  deficiency  in  learn- 
ing, he  expressed  surprise  at  their  presumption  in 
attempting  to  decide  on  what  they  did  not  under- 
stand. He  called  on  them  to  apologise  for  their 
rashness  and  to  restore  to  him  his  good  name,  with- 
out which  he  was  determined  to  publish  their 
"  scrawl,"  and  subjoin  a  confutation  in  which  their 
ignorance  should  be  exposed  to  the  world.  After 
briefly  refuting  their  positions,  he  concluded  by  offer- 
ing them  the  choice  of  peace  or  war.  The  result 
was,  that  the  Minorites  undertook  no  farther  hos- 
tilities with  this  unsparing  adversary. 

The  public  attention  was  next  called  to  a  dis- 
putation more  worthy  of  the  Reformer's  cause. 
Among  the  numerous  converts  to  his  doctrine,  he 
now  reckoned  the  archdeacon  of  the  church  of  All 
Saints  at  Wittemberg.  The  name  of  this  zealous 
advocate  was  Bodenstein,  but  with  the  affectation 
common  among  the  literati  of  the  age,  he  assumed 
the  adjunct  of  Carolostadius,  derived  from  Caro- 
lostad  in  Franconia,  the  place  of  his  birth.  He 
was  older  than  Luther,  having  presided  as  dean 
when  the  latter  received  his  doctor's  degree  in 
1512.*  He  had  already  published  a  pamphlet  in 
opposition  to  Eckius,  who  lost  no  time  in  rejoining. 

*  Seckend.  p.  72. 


YEAR  1510.  I  J 7 

Carolostad  again  took  up  the  pen,  but  both  parties 
soon  became  eager  to  relinquish  this  indecisive 
mode  of  warfare  for  a  more  conspicuous  exhibition 
by  public  disputation.  The  city  of  Leipsic  was 
chosen  as  the  place  of  meeting,  and  thither  each 
party  repaired  with  their  friends  on  the  appointed 
day,  27th  June.  Luther  was  now  persuaded  to  de- 
viate from  his  former  humility,  and  no  longer  entered 
the  scene  of  discussion  alone  and  on  foot.  His 
cause  had  grown  in  importance,  and  his  friends  had 
multiplied.  It  was  determined  therefore  that  their 
entrance  into  Leipsic  should  be  made  with  con- 
siderable eclat.  Carolostad  led  the  procession, 
seated  alone  in  a  chariot;  Bernim,  prince  of  Pome- 
rania,  a  student  at  the  university  of  Wittemberg  and 
its  honorary  rector,  followed,  accompanied  by 
Luther  and  Melancthon;  while  a  number  of  the  stu- 
dents, zealous  in  Luther's  cause,  and  wearing 
armour,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  day, 
brought  up  the  rear.  An  unlucky  accident  to 
Carolostad's  carriage,  the  breaking  of  a  wheel  as  he 
passed  St.  Paul's  church,  afforded  matter  of  ex- 
ultation to  his  superstitious  opponents.  The  disputa- 
tion was  conducted  in  the  presence  of  George,  duke 
of  Saxony,  who,  however,  took  occasion  to  with- 
draw at  what  he  thought  a  fit  opportunity  of 
throwing  odium  on  Luther's  cause.  There  were 
present,  likewise,  the  members  of  the  duke's 
council,  the  magistrates  of  Leipsic,  the  doctors  and 
bachelors  of  the  university,  along  with  a  number 
of  persons  from  the  city  and  adjacent  country, 
among  whom  the  theses  had  been  dispersed.  The 
greatest  formality  was  observed.  Scribes  were  ap- 
pointed to  take  notes  of  the  debate,  and  the  intro- 


128  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

ductory  oration  was  delivered  by  a  literary  man, 
named  Moselanus,  who  afterwards  gave  an  account 
of  the  disputation. 

Eckius,  though  hardly  thirty  years  of  age,  had 
acquired  fame  by  his  disputations  in  no  fewer  than 
eight  universities.  Carolostad  was  less  accustomed 
to  rapidity  of  debate,  but  amply  provided  with  notes 
and  references  to  authorities.  He  had  brought 
along  with  him  a  carriage  loaded  with  books,  and 
referred,  during  the  disputation,  to  one  volume 
after  the  other  with  indefatigable  perseverance. 
The  subjects,  however,  were  unprofitable,  the  ab- 
struse doctrine  of  the  freedom  of  the  will  being  the 
principal  point  of  debate  and  involving  the  dis- 
putants in  the  endless  subtleties  of  the  schoolmen. 
A  whole  week  was  lost  in  these  incomprehensible 
arguments,  and  Malancthon,  who  was  a  hearer, 
declared  that  it  first  gave  him  a  practical  demon- 
stration of  what  the  ancients  understood  by  "  so- 
phistry." Carolostad  excited  respect  both  by  his 
zeal  and  erudition,  but  his  antagonist  was  superior 
in  ease  of  elocution.  Eckius  maintained  that  he 
had  brought  over  his  opponent  to  his  sentiments ; 
for  that  Carolostad  believed  in  the  same  doctrine, 
though  he  rejected  the  authority  of  the  Scotists  and 
Thomists.  The  fact  was  that  Eckius  was  tired  of 
the  debate  with  Carolostad,  and  eager  to  enter  the 
lists  with  a  more  conspicuous  antagonist.  "  Before 
the  disputation  had  begun  at  all,  he  came  up  to  me," 
says  Luther,  "with  a  familiar  air,  and  said  that  he  had 
heard  that  1  declined  to  come  forward  as  a  debater." 
To  this,  I  answered,  "  How  can  I  take  a  share  in 
the  debate,  since  I  am  unable  to  procure  a  pro- 
tection from  duke  George  ?     He  has  permitted  me 


YEAR  1519.  129 

to  enter  Leipsic  as  a  spectator  only."  On  this, 
Eckius  said,  "  It  was  on  your  account  I  came 
hither ;  if  I  am  not  permitted  to  argue  with  you,  I 
will  not  with  Carolostad.  If  I  succeed  in  obtain- 
ing a  protection  for  you,  will  you  then  dispute  with 
me  ?"  I  made  answer,  "  Procure  it  and  I  will." 
Eckius  on  this  withdrew  and  obtained  the  desired 
protection.* 

The  contest  between  these  distinguished  com- 
batants began  on  4th  July  at  an  early  hour.  Luther 
had  published  thirteen  propositions  to  be  defended 
by  him,  and  Eckius  had  published  thirteen  others  in 
direct  opposition.  These  related  chiefly  to  the  doc- 
trine of  Indulgences,  of  repentance,  of  purgatory, 
but,  above  all,  to  the  pope's  prerogative,  as  supreme 
head  of  the  church.  The  last  was  selected  to  begin 
the  debate,  on  account  either  of  its  superior  in- 
terest, or,  as  has  been  suspected,  through  the  art  of 
Eckius,  who  aimed  at  gaining  favour  by  vindicating 
the  claims  of  the  pontiff— in  this  the  point  of  all 
others  dearest  to  Romish  prejudice.  It  had  the 
effect  likewise  of  placing  Luther  on  very  delicate 
ground.  Both  parties  acknowledged  the  pope  as 
universal  bishop,  but  on  what  foundation  ?  Eckius 
affirmed  that  he  derived  his  rank  from  divine 
authority  :  Luther  boldly  advanced  that  it  arose 
only  from  human  institutions.  Eckius  was  very 
sententious  in  argument,  and  appealed  to  the 
authority  of  the  Fathers :  Luther  here  found  him- 
self at  home,  subjected  the  passages  quoted  to  a 
rigid  scrutiny,  and  maintained  that  they  were  too 
vague   to   establish   the  question  of  divine  right. 

*  Luth.  Praef. 


130  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Five  days  were  devoted  to  this  part  of  the  contro- 
versy, and  the  disputants  continuing  as  wide  of 
each  other  as  at  the  outset,  it  was  mutually  agreed 
to  quit  the  subject  and  discuss  the  doctrine  of  pur- 
gatory. The  defence  of  Indulgences,  the  primary 
source  of  all  this  warfare,  was  now  abandoned  and 
ridiculed  even  by  Eckius.  Finally  the  doctrine  of 
repentance  was  agitated  and  the  disputation  ended 
on  the  15th  July. 

The  best  account  of  this  celebrated  debate  is 
given  by  Melancthon.  The  disputants,  he  says, 
were  often  apt  to  fall  into  extraneous  discussion,  but 
were  entitled,  on  the  whole,  to  great  praise.  Caro- 
lostad  was  distinguished  by  ardour  and  perse- 
verance ;  Eckius  by  the  variety  and  prompt  appli- 
cation of  his  arguments ;  while  Luther  gave  equal 
proofs  of  vivacity,  learning,  and  zeal.  When  the 
disputation  was  concluded,  John  Langius  of  Lem- 
berg  delivered  an  oration,  ascribing  considerable 
merit  to  Luther  and  Carolostad,  but  discovering  an 
evident  partiality  to  Eckius.  It  was  necessary  that 
a  decision  on  the  subjects  in  dispute  should  be  given' 
by  some  competent  authority,  and  a  reference  was 
made  by  common  consent  to  the  universities  of 
Paris  and  Erfurt,  Luther  taking  the  precaution  to 
reserve  an  ultimate  appeal  to  a  general  council.  The 
members  of  the  university  of  Leipsic  had  seen  too 
much  of  the  interest  taken  by  their  students  in 
Luther's  cause,  to  venture  on  giving  a  decision.  The 
young  men  had  listened  to  him  with  eager  attention 
and  many  of  them  now  left  their  seminary  and 
repaired  to  Wittemberg.* 

*  Seckend.  p.  92.    See  Appendix  W. 


YEAR  1519.  1U 

Whatever  moderation  Eckius  discovered  in  the 
course  of  the  disputation,  appears  to  have  forsaken 
him  immediately  after  it.  Whether  disappointed 
at  the  indecisive  issue  of  the  debate,  or  irritated  by 
Luther's  vehemence,  he  wrote,  so  early  as  the  23d 
July,  to  the  elector  Frederick,  insisting  that  Lu- 
ther's book  should  be  burned.  Fresh  fuel  was 
added  to  his  flame,  a  few  days  after,  by  the  dis- 
covery, some  how  or  other,  of  the  contents  of  a 
letter  from  Melancthon  to  Ocolampadius,  which  de- 
scribed the  disputation,  without  allowing  Eckius  the 
share  of  praise  to  which  he  thought  himself  en- 
titled. This  brought  forth  an  angry  letter  from  the 
impatient  disputant  to  Melancthon,  whom  he  treated 
as  a  mere  grammarian,  unfit  to  form  an  opinion  on  a 
theological  point.  Melancthon  returned  an  answer, 
which,  along  with  the  various  pieces  relative  to  this 
disputation,  is  inserted  in  Luther's  works. 

To  the  intemperate  letter  addressed  to  the  elector 
Frederick,  that  prince,  with  his  usual  caution,  re- 
turned a  civil  but  general  answer.  Eckius  now  lost 
all  patience,  and,  in  a  subsequent  letter,  poured 
a  torrent  of  abuse  on  the  character  and  doctrines  of 
Luther.  The  Reformer  retaliated  with  his  accus- 
tomed spirit,  alleging,  in  exulting  language,  that 
Eckius  had  been  found  inferior  in  argument  to 
Carolostad.  Nothing  however  was  more  mortifying 
to  Eckius  than  a  satirical  pamphlet  printed  under  the 
humble  title  of  an  "Answer  by  the  unlearned 
Lutheran  Canons."*  It  was  published  anonymously, 
bat  was  afterwards  acknowledged  by  Ocolampadius. 

*  u  Rosponsio  indoctorum  Canonicorura  Lutheranorum." 


132  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

At  the  same  time  the  professor  of  canon  law  at 
Leipsic,  whose  name  was  Jerome  Emser,  took  up 
the  pen  against  Luther,  and  assailed  him  with  much 
asperity.  The  Reformer  lost  no  time  in  giving  a 
reply  and  in  retorting  his  adversary's  invective  with 
redoubled  vehemence. 

It  remains  to  mention  the  opinions  pronounced 
on  these  subjects  by  the  universities.  Cologne  and 
Louvain,  being  entirely  subservient  to  the  court  of 
Rome,  decided  against  Luther  in  the  course  of  a 
few  months.  But  the  Parisian  doctors  gave  no 
opinion  till  1521  ;  when,  without  taking  notice  of 
the  Leipsic  disputation,  they  extracted  some  theses 
from  Luther's  books  and  passed  a  formal  censure  on 
them.* 

The  effect  of  this  celebrated  disputation  was  to 
widen  greatly  the  breach  between  the  church  and 
Luther,  and  to  give  an  additional  range  to  the 
flame  of  his  opposition.  The  bishop  of  Mersburg, 
apprehending  this  result,  had  endeavoured  to  pre- 
vent the  disputation,  and  had  affixed  an  interdict  of 
it  on  the  doors  of  the  church  where  it  was  to  take 
place.  But  duke  George,  confident  of  the  success 
of  his  Catholic  champion,  made  the  senate  order 
the  paper  to  be  torn  down  and  the  man  who  had 
affixed  it  to  be  put  in  prison.  It  was  in  a  similar 
expectation  of  victory  to  Eckius,  that  duke  George 
relaxed  so  far  from  his  original  intention  as  to  let 
Luther  come  forward  as  a  disputant.  The  churches 
of  the  city,  however,  were  shut  against  the  Re- 
former as  a  preacher,  and  it  was  with  much  dif- 

*  Luth.  ii.  36,  37-    Seckend.  p.  93. 


YEAR  1519.  133 

ficulty  that  Bernim,  prince  of  Pomerania,  got 
leave  for  Luther  to  do  duty  before  a  limited 
audience  in  the  castle.  Luther  gladly  ascended  the 
pulpit  and  the  discourse  which  he  delivered  bore  the 
marks  of  his  usual  animation.  Instead  of  accom- 
modating himself  to  the  feelings  of  duke  George 
and  his  court,  he  enlarged,  with  great  energy,  on 
his  own  favourite  doctrines,  and  gave  unpardonable 
offence  to  the  bigots  around  him.  He  has  inserted 
an  abstract  of  this  sermon  in  his  works,*  and  it  is 
to  it,  along  with  the  doubts  which  he  ventured  to 
express  of  the  justice  of  the  decrees  against  Huss 
by  the  council  of  Constance,  that  he  in  a  great 
measure  ascribes  his  final  rupture  with  the  pope. 
His  diocesan,  the  bishop  of  Brandenburg,  now  lost 
all  hope  of  reclaiming  him  to  the  church,  and 
duke  George  was  mortified  beyond  measure  at  the 
failure  of  a  disputation  from  which  he  and  Eckius 
had  expected  so  much.  The  duke  was  a  weak  man 
and  easily  blinded  by  those  about  him.  He  had  no 
turn  for  free  inquiry  or  even  for  scholastic  erudition. 
The  long  disputation  about  the  pope  had  completely 
tired  him,  and  he  broke  it  off  by  a  remark  which,  in 
his  opinion,  was  quite  conclusive,  "  Be  his  right  di- 
vine, or  be  it  human,  he  is  still  pope  of  Rome." 


Luther  had  now  leisure  for  farther  publications, 
and  printed,  in  September  this  year,  his  commentary 
on  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  prepared  for  the  press  from  notes   taken  by 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  292% 


134  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

the  hearers  of  his  discourses  on  that  epistle.  When 
shown  to  Luther,  he  was  struck  with  their  accu- 
racy and  consented  to  their  publication.  In  this 
work  he  continued  to  speak  respectfully  of  the  pope, 
though  in  the  succeeding  editions  he  changed  his 
tone.  None  of  St.  Paul's  epistles  require  more 
patient  examination  than  that  to  the  Galatians. 
The  ambiguity  and  frequent  recurrence  of  the  word 
"  law"  and  the  allegory  in  the  fourth  chapter,  have 
a  considerable  tendency  to  perplex  the  inquirer. 
In  those  days  hardly  any  thing  like  rational  criti- 
cism had  been  applied  to  the  sacred  canon,  and  the 
reader,  who  expects  in  Luther's  commentary  a 
critical  exposition  of  the  epistles,  cannot  fail  to  be 
disappointed.  The  Reformer,  at  all  times  too  eager 
to  arrive  at  a  conclusion,  wrote  this  work  with  a 
vjew  to  the  refutation  of  certain  tenets  of  the 
Catholics,  so  that  after  an  illustration  of  the  doc- 
trine of  justification  by  faith,  we  find  him  chiefly 
occupied  with  exposing  the  ignorance  and  unprin- 
cipled habits  of  the  ecclesiastics.  Its  store  of 
practical  remark  has  given  it  a  kind  of  permanent 
popularity,  and  Luther  himself,  when  living  after- 
wards in  the  greatest  conjugal  happiness,  looked 
back  with  predilection  to  this  early  effort,  and  used 
to  say  of  it,  in  reference  to  his  wife's  name, 
Epistola  ad  Galatas  est  mea  Epistola,  cui  me  des- 
pondi ;  est  mea  Catharina  de  Bora* 

Amidst  all  his  avocations  Luther  found  leisure  to 
write  a  little  work  for  the  comfort  of  the  sick, 
which  he  entitled  uTessaradeca  Consolatoria  pro 
laborantibus  et  oneratis."    The  immediate  occasion 

*  Scckend.  p.  134. 139- 


YEAR  1519.  rag 

of  its  composition  was  an  indisposition  of  the 
elector  Frederick.  It  is  a  curious  production,  and 
contains  evidence  of  that  contemplative  turn  of 
mind  which  was  all  along  conspicuous  in  Luther. 
To  bring  relief  to  the  mind  of  his  patron,  he  ex- 
hibits a  picture  of  the  situation  of  mankind  as  it  is 
affected  by  the  unpleasant  circumstances  inherent  in 
our  present  depraved  state.  He  next  takes  a  com- 
prehensive survey  of  the  various  evils  attendant  on 
our  condition,  dividing  them  rather  whimsically, 
into  those  which  are  "  future  or  before  us  ;  past 
or  behind  us;  above  or  below  us;"  and  finally 
"  on  our  right  and  left."  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
treatise,  he  endeavours  to  supply  antidotes  for  this 
long  catalogue  of  misfortunes.  The  work  contains 
a  number  of  ingenious  observations,  mixed,  it 
must  be  confessed  with  remarks  indicative  of 
Luther's  peculiarities  and  ardour.  A  very  compe- 
tent judge,  (Erasmus,)  makes  an  explicit  acknow- 
ledgment of  its  piety  and  merit.* 

It  was  towards  the  end  of  this  year  that  Luther 
began  to  express  without  reserve  his  dissent  from 
the  church  of  Rome  on  the  subject  of  the  sacra- 
ment. His  ideas  on  this  head  were  never  very 
clear;  and  were  productive,  as  we  shall  find  in  the 
sequel,  of  disputes  between  him  and  other  eminent 
reformers.  He,  as  well  as  the  followers  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  were  no  doubt  misled  by  the 
words  of  the  institution,  which  they  took  in  a  literal 
instead  of  a  figurative  sense.  Luther  saw,  in  part, 
the  fallacy  of  the  Catholic  doctrine,  but  he  went 

*In  the  year  1523  Erasmus  wrote,  in  regard  to  this  treatise  : 
"  Mitto  libellum  qui  magnopere  probatus  est." 


136  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

no  farther  than  to  supply  its  place  by  the  theory  of 
"  consubstantiation,"  which  is  still  less  consistent 
than  the  kindred  notion  of  "  transubstantiation." 
This  vision  he  had  adopted  at  an  early  period  of 
life,  and  adhered  pertinaciously  to  it  throughout  his 
career.  His  predilection  to  this  theory,  must,  like 
that  of  the  Romanists  to  their's,  he  ascribed  in  a 
great  measure  to  the  attachment  so  frequently  ap- 
parent in  the  mind  to  what  it  does  not  understand. 
Luther  had  very  little  assistance  in  his  studies,  and 
the  age  in  which  he  lived  was  not  sufficiently  im- 
pressed with  the  simplicity  of  the  real  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel  to  regard  the  bread  and  wine  in  the  com- 
munion as  plain  bread  and  plain  wine.  The  church 
of  Rome,  desirous  to  exalt  the  priesthood  above 
the  laity,  affected  to  consider  the  former  as  mem- 
bers ef  a  distinct  society.  Accordingly  in  their 
sacrament  the  wine  is  not  distributed  to  the  laity, 
and  the  boldness  of  the  Bohemian  schismatics  in 
deviating  completely  from  this  distinction,  appeared 
to  Luther  to  be  going  a  step  too  far.  This  and 
some  other  unlucky  differences  lessened  consider- 
ably the  connection  between  him  and  that  perse- 
cuted people;  and  his  work  on  the  Galatians, 
which  we  have  just  mentioned,  contains  abundant 
proof  of  his  hostility  to  this  part  of  their  tenets. 

At  the  close  of  this  year  (27th  December)  the 
elector  Frederick  received  from  his  cousin,  duke 
George,  a  letter  intreating  him  to  discourage  and 
oppose  Luther.  Matters  were  however  now  so  far 
altered  that  the  title  of  Doctor  ei  vir  celeberrimus 
was  granted  to  Luther  even  by  an  enemy.  The 
duke  enlarged  on  Luther's  presumption   in  always 


YEAR  1519.  137 

printing  his  discourses,  as  if  no  one  were  capable  of 
instructing  mankind  but  himself.  Desirous  of  con- 
necting Luther  with  the  odious  names  of  Huss  and 
Jerome,  the  duke  warned  his  cousin  lest  Luther, 
from  being  professor  of  divinity  at  Wittemberg, 
should  become  heresiarch  of  Prague.  More  than  six 
thousand  persons  in  Bohemia  had,  he  understood, 
received  the  communion  in  both  elements  after  the 
publication  of  Luther's  sermon  on  the  sacrament. 
The  elector  returned  an  immediate  answer  to  the 
duke's  letter,  and  stated  that  he  never*  had  and  never 
intended  to  constitute  himself  the  defender  of  what 
Luther  had  published ;  that  he  studiously  avoided 
taking  any  part  in  the  controversy,  and  accordingly 
did  not  pretend  to  form  a  judgment  on  the  publica- 
tion on  the  sacrament  which  had  called  forth  his 
cousin's  letter.  He  made,  however,  the  important 
addition  that  he  had  heard  it  praised  by  several  per- 
sons whom  he  deemed  competent  judges  and  good 
Christians — a  pretty  significant  declaration  of  his  de- 
termination to  protect  the  Reformer. 

Luther's  occupations  had  now  increased  so  much 
that  we  find  him,  in  his  letters  to  Spalatin,  com- 
plaining greatly  of  their  multiplicity.  In  addition  to 
his  routine  of  duty  as  an  Augustinian,  and  to  his 
labour  in  teaching,  his  correspondence  was  wonder- 
fully extended,  and  the  demand  on  his  conversation, 
by  friend  and  stranger,  formed  a  very  serious  tax  on 
his  time. 

It  was  in  the  course  of  this  year  that  Tetzel  died, 
leaving  a  memory  equally  odious  to  both  parties. 

S 


138  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 


CHAPTER  VI. 


YEAR   1520. 


THE  year  1520  was  no  less  remarkable  than  the 
preceding  for  a  display  of  Luther's  activity.  Scarcely 
was  it  begun  when  he  published  in  German  a  pam- 
phlet on  the  sacrament.  About  the  same  time  he 
ventured  to  address  a  letter,  in  defence  of  the  new 
doctrine,  to  the  young  emperor  Charles  V.  That 
prince  was  under  great  obligations  to  Frederick,  and 
Luther,  who,  like  others,  was  as  yet  a  stranger  to 
his  cold,  calculating  character,  entertained  hopes 
that  the  impulse  of  gratitude  might  render  him  to- 
lerant, if  not  favourable,  to  the  reformed  cause. 
He  makes  in  this  letter  a  declaration  to  the  follow- 
ing effect. 

"  The  violent  publications  which  have  taken  place 
are  to  be  ascribed  to  the  intemperance  of  my 
enemies.  My  object  has  been  to  circulate  nothing 
but  evangelical  truth  in  opposition  to  traditionary 
superstitions.  I  have  called,  but  in  vain,  on  my 
adversaries  to  point  out  in  what  respect  my  opinions 
are  erroneous.  I  now  find  it  necessary,  after  the 
example  of  Athanasius,  to  invoke  the  protection  of 
the  Imperial  majesty,  but  I  desire  it  no  longer  than 
until  my  arguments  have  received  a  fair  hearing, 
after  which  I  shall  either  conquer  or  be  conquered." 

A  few  days  after,  Luther  gave  to  the  world,  in  the 


YEAR  1520.  139 

shape  of  a  protestation,  or  open  declaration  of  his 
tenets,  a  repetition  of  what  he  had  written  to  the 
emperor.  This  was  speedily  followed  by  a  letter, 
dated  February  4,  and  addressed  to  Albert,  archbi- 
shop of  Mentz.  It  was  expressed  in  terms  equally 
respectful  and  submissive  as  the  letter  to  the  em- 
peror ;  but,  being  directed  to  an  ecclesiastic,  it  con- 
tained a  fuller  statement  of  the  theological  discus- 
sion. Imputing  the  hostility  displayed  against  him, 
in  a  great  measure,  to  persons  who  had  never  read 
his  writings,  Luther  entreated  the  archbishop  to 
take  the  trouble  of  perusing  them.  The  prelate's 
reply  was  expressed  in  a  style  of  greater  attention 
than  might  have  been  expected  from  a  personage  so 
completely  devoted  to  the  court  of  Rome.  It  was 
addressed  "  Honor  abili  et  religioso  nobis  in  Christo 
dilecto,  Martino  Luthero,  Theologice  Professori."* 
The  sequel,  short  as  it  was,  bore  the  mark  of  coming 
from  a  practised  politician.  The  archbishop  avoided 
any  discussion  of  Luther's  works,  by  declaring 
that  he  had  not  had  leisure  to  peruse  them ;  and 
accordingly  would  not  attempt  to  censure  them, 
but  leave  that  to  his  superiors  who  had  already  un- 
dertaken the  task.  He  inculcated  strongly  the  pro- 
priety of  moderation,  and,  whilst  he  saw  no  harm  in 
learned  men  indulging  in  speculations  on  contro- 
verted points,  he  conceived  that  such  discussions 
might  be  injurious  to  the  multitude. 

Luther's  object  in  these  letters  was  to  show  that 
his  sentiments  were  less  violent  than  report  had 
stated  them.     On  the  day  of  writing  to  the  archbi- 

*  Luth.  ii.  4G. 


140  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

shop  of  Mentz,  he  addressed  the  bishop  of  Mersburg 
on  the  same  subject,  but  in  a  style  of  greater  free- 
dom. The  reply  likewise  contained  a  much  more 
direct  reproof  than  had  been  administered  to  him  by 
the  archbishop  of  Mentz.  He  paid  Luther,  how- 
ever, the  compliment  of  styling  him  "  venerable 
brother,"  and  promised  to  give  his  observations  at 
more  length  when  they  should  happen  to  meet.  The 
caution  shown  by  both  prelates  sufficiently  indicates 
that  Luther's  cause  had  acquired  too  much  popu- 
larity to  make  open  contradiction  advisable. 

We  now  return  to  Miltitz,  who  had,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  preceding  year,  made  a  favourable 
outset  in  the  negociation  with  Luther.  Since  then 
he  had  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  his  measures 
arrested  in  their  progress  by  the  impatience  of  others, 
and  Luther  rendered  much  less  tractable  by  the  po- 
pularity of  his  publications.  Miltitz,  however,  was 
still  desirous  of  doing  all  he  could  to  prevent  matters 
from  going  farther  wrong.*  But  it  was  an  arduous 
task  to  give  a  satisfactory  direction  to  so  many  indi- 
viduals opposite  in  temper  and  actuated  by  contrary 
motives.  The  letters  of  Miltitz  are  still  extant  in 
the  library  of  Saxe-Gotha,  and,  if  they  create  no 
favourable  impression  of  his  candour,  they  show 
that  the  temperate  conduct  which  he  desired  to 
pursue  was  much  more  likely  to  prove  successful 
than  that  which  was  adopted  by  others. f 

After  various  conferences  of  less  importance,  Mil- 
titz determined  to  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  prevail 

*  See  Appendix  X. 

t  Seckendorff  has  preserved  them  and  has  inserted  their  sub- 
stance in  pp.  98,  99,  of  his  work. 


YEAR  1520.  141 

on  Luther  to  express  by  letter  his  esteem  for  the 
pope,  and  beseech  his  Holiness  to  interfere  according 
to  his  wonted  goodness.  With  this  view  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  Augustinians  to  send  a  deputation  to 
Luther  with  a  request  to  that  effect.  Luther  pro- 
mised to  comply  and  to  prefix  the  desired  letter  to 
his  next  publication.  This  produced  the  famous 
address  to  the  pope  published  along  with  his  treatise 
on  "  Christian  Liberty."  It  is  so  remarkable  as  to 
have  a  claim  on  the  particular  attention  of  all  who 
analyze  the  progressive  changes  in  the  Reformer's 
conduct.  Its  chief  object  appears  to  have  been  an 
exemption  of  the  pope  personally  from  the  charges 
made  by  Luther  against  the  church  of  Rome.  Such, 
no  doubt,  was  the  desire  of  Miltitz  and  the  Augus- 
tinians, and  such,  it  is  probable,  was  Luther's  in- 
tention in  beginning  to  write  the  letter.  But  he 
seems  to  have  become  so  warmed  with  his  subject, 
as  to  devote  himself  much  more  keenly  to  the  accu- 
sation of  the  church  than  to  the  vindication  of  its 
head.     His  letter  is  in  substance  as  follows. 

"  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  be  unmindful  of  your 
Holiness,  since  my  sentiments  concerning  the  papal 
office  are  held  forth  every  where  as  the  chief  cause 
of  continuing  the  contest.  By  .means  of  the  impi- 
ous flatterers  of  your  Holiness,  who,  without  cause, 
are  full  of  wrath  against  me,  I  have  been  compelled 
to  appeal  from  the  See  of  Rome  to  a  general  Council. 
But  my  affection  for  your  Holiness  has  never  been 
alienated,  though  I  begin  to  despise  and  to  triumph 
over  those  who  have  sought  to  terrify  me  by  the 
majesty  of  your  authority.  One  thing,  however,  1 
cannot  despise,  and  that  is  the  cause  of  my  writing 


142  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

this  letter ;  I  mean  the  blame  thrown  on  me  for  re- 
flecting on  your  Holiness  personally." 

To  this  charge  he  gives  an  explicit  contradiction, 
and  panegyrizes  Leo  strongly,  comparing  him  to 
Daniel  in  Babylon  and  to  Ezekiel  among  scorpions. 
"  1  have,"  he  adds,  "  inveighed  sharply  against  un- 
christian doctrines,  and  reproved  my  adversaries  se- 
verely, not  for  rudeness  but  for  impiety.  So  far 
from  being  ashamed  of  this,  my  purpose  is  to  de- 
spise the  judgment  of  men  and  to  persevere  in  this 
vehemence  of  zeal  after  the  example  of  Christ,  who 
called  his  opponents  a  generation  of  vipers,  blind 
hypocrites,  and  children  of  the  devil.  The  multi- 
tude of  flatterers  has  rendered  the  ears  of  our  age  so 
delicate  that  as  soon  as  we  find  that  our  sentiments 
are  not  approved,  we  immediately  exclaim  that  we 
are  slandered ;  and,  when  we  find  ourselves  unable 
to  resist  truth,  we  accuse  our  adversaries  of  detrac- 
tion, impatience,  and  impudence.  But  let  me  ask, 
of  what  use  would  salt  be  if  it  were  not  pungent  ? 
or  the  point  of  a  sword  if  it  did  not  wound  ?  Cursed 
is  the  man  who  doth  the  work  of  the  Lord  deceit- 
fully." 

After  assuring  the  pontiff  that  he  never  harboured 
any  malice  against  him,  and  that  he  would  yield  in 
any  thing  except  the  word  of  truth,  which  he  would 
neither  desert  nor  deny,  he  adds,  in  emphatic  lan- 
guage, 

"  I  have  resisted  and  shall  continue  to  resist  what 
is  called  the  court  of  Rome  as  long  as  the  spirit  of 
faith  shall  live  in  me.  Neither  your  Holiness  nor 
any  one  will  deny  that  it  is  more  corrupt  than  Ba- 
bylon or  Sodom,  and  sunk,  as  far  as  I  understand. 


YEAR  1520.  143 

in  the  most  deplorable,  desperate,  and  avowed  im- 
piety. I  lament  that  under  the  sanction  of  your 
name  and  under  pretext  of  the  good  of  the  church, 
the  people  of  Christ  should  be  made  a  laughing 
stock.  Not  that  I  attempt  impossibilities,  or  expect 
that  the  endeavours  of  an  individual  can  accomplish 
any  thing  in  opposition  to  so  many  flatterers  in  that 
Babylon  replete  with  confusion.  But  I  consider 
myself  as  a  debtor  to  my  fellow  men,  for  whose 
welfare  it  behoves  me  to  be  solicitous,  so  that  those 
pests  of  Rome  may  destroy  a  smaller  number  and 
in  a  more  humane  manner.  During  many  years 
nothing  has  been  poured  on  the  world  but  monsters 
both  in  body  and  mind,  along  with  the  worst  ex- 
amples of  all  worst  actions.  It  is  clear  as  day  that 
the  church  of  Rome,  in  former  ages  the  most  holy 
of  churches,  has  now  become  a  den  of  robbers,  a 
scene  of  prostitution,  the  kingdom  of  sin,  death, 
and  hell,  so  that  greater  wickedness  is  not  to  be  con- 
ceived even  under  Antichrist  himself.  Your  Holi- 
ness sitteth  like  a  lamb  in  the  midst  of  wolves. 
What  opposition  is  it  possible  that  you,  with  your 
very  learned  and  excellent  cardinals,  can  make  to 
such  monsters  ?" 

After  this  extraordinary  description,  Luther  pro- 
ceeded to  relate  his  successive  transactions  with 
Cajetan,  Eckius,  and  Miltitz.  He  entreated  Leo 
to  exert  his  authority  in  checking  those  flatterers 
who  were  the  enemies  of  peace,  and  declared  that 
the  attempt  to  make  him  recant  could  not  fail  to  in- 
crease the  present  confusion,  for  he  would  never 
consent  that  any  one  should  lay  down  a  law  for  the 
interpretation  of  the  word  of  God.     "  On  the  two 


144  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

conditions  of  not  requiring  me  to  recant,  and  of  per- 
mitting me  to  interpret  Scripture  according  to  my 
own  judgment,  I  am  willing  to  do  or  to  suffer  any 
thing:  I  wish  to  provoke  no  one;  neither  do  I  wish 
to  receive  provocation  ;  but  if  provocation  be  given 
me,  since  Christ  is  my  master,  I  will  not  be 
silent."* 

A  letter  expressed  in  this  unexampled  style  could 
not  fail  to  give  the  highest  offence  at  Rome.  That 
offence  was  little  alleviated  by  Luther's  distinction 
between  the  pope  personally  and  those  who  sur- 
rounded him.  For  many  ages  no  other  language 
had  been  addressed  to  Rome  but  that  of  the  most 
profound  respect.  Examples  had  occurred  of  indi- 
vidual ecclesiastics  becoming  refractory,  but  they 
were  soon  crushed  by  the  powerful  arm  of  the 
church.  While  the  greatest  princes  were  in  the 
habit  of  observing  the  most  respectful  tone  in  their 
communications  with  the  holy  See,  such  licence  on 
the  part  of  an  individual  was  not  likely  to  be  par- 
doned. Here,  instead  of  a  recantation,  was  a  re- 
petition and  re-assertion  of  all  that  had  already  been 
declared  most  offensive.  No  wonder,  therefore,  that 
even  the  more  moderate  members  of  the  Romish 
communion  should  look  on  this  letter  as  a  mockery 
of  the  pontiff.  To  an  unprejudiced  reader,  it  is 
chiefly  remarkable  as  presenting  a  curious  example 
of  Luther's  disregard  of  the  customary  rules  of  civi- 
lity, and  an  evidence  of  the  all-powerful  influence 
of  truth  on  his  mind.  This  and  this  alone  appears 
to  have  actuated  him,  and  to  have  prompted  him  to 

*  Luth.  L.  ii.  1.  et  seq.  Sleid.  L.  ii. 


YEAR  1520.  145 

go  to  lengths  which  every  consideration  of  interest, 
and  even  of  safety,  would  have  forbidden. 

It  is  not  a  little  extraordinary  that  Miltitz  should 
have  consented  to  transmit  such  a  letter  to  Rome. 
On  the  accompanying  treatise  on  "  Christian  Li- 
berty," Luther  remarks  to  the  pope  :  "  This  small 
tract  published  under  your  name,  as  an  omen  of  ap- 
proaching harmony,  I  send  you  by  way  of  specimen 
of  the  kind  of  study  in  which  I  would  by  preference 
employ  my  time,  were  I  left  in  quiet  by  those  pro- 
fane flatterers  of  yours."  The  essay  is  divided  into 
two  parts,  the  first  containing  an  illustration  of  the 
proposition,  that  the  "  Christian  is  the  most  free 
lord  of  all,  subject  to  none  ;"  and  the  second,  "  that 
he  is  the  most  ready  to  oblige  all  and  subject  to  all." 
Nothing  in  the  work  has  a  relation  to  civil  liberty ; 
it  is  strictly  a  description  of  the  privileges  annexed, 
in  Luther's  opinion,  to  the  station  of  a  Christian, 
and  of  the  practical  effects  which  these  privileges 
naturally  and  necessarily  produce.  It  may  be  fit  to 
mention  that  there  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  be- 
tween this  little  tract  and  the  writings  of  the  English 
puritanical  divines.* 

It  is  now  time  to  relate  the  hostile  measures  which 
Luther's  undaunted  perseverance  drew  on  him  on 
the  part  of  the  church  of  Rome.  It  was  matter  of 
surprise  that  they  should  have  been  so  long  delayed, 
but  Leo,  though  without  just  pretensions  to  the 
virtues  ascribed  to  him,  was  not  of  a  hasty  temper, 
and  was,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  afraid  of 
offending  Frederick.     At  last,  however,  the  solici- 


*  See  Appendix  Y. 

T 


146  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

tations  for  the  adoption  of  a  decisive  step  came  from 
so  many  quarters,  and  Luther  himself  discovered 
such  bold  pertinacity  in  issuing  one  hostile  publica- 
tion after  another,  that  Leo  felt  it  necessary  to  alter 
his  course.  The  Dominicans,  and  particularly 
Eckius,  were  active  in  accelerating  this  determina- 
tion. The  language  of  Eckius  was  wonderfully 
changed  from  the  time  when  he  invited  Carolostad 
and  Luther  to  that  disputation  Avhich  he  expected 
would  be  to  him  a  scene  of  triumph.  In  writing  to 
the  former  on  that  occasion,  he  had  called  Luther 
their  "mutual  friend;"  but  from  the  date  of  their 
vehement  contest,  he  became  his  inveterate  enemy. 
On  Luther's  part  the  animosity  was  equally  strong, 
for  in  writing  to  a  friend  about  Eckius,  he  exclaimed, 
"  Totus  infidus  est,  el  aperte  rupit  amicitice  jura."* 
Leo's  first  act  was  to  appoint  a  congregation  or 
assembly  of  cardinals,  prelates,  theologians,  and 
canonists,  to  whom  he  remitted  the  whole  manage- 
ment of  Luther's  affair.  All  were  agreed  on  the 
necessity  of  directing  the  thunder  of  the  Vatican 
against  the  new  heresy  ;  but  the  peculiar  feelings  of 
the  different  classes  composing  the  assembly  led  to 
violent  disputes  in  regard  to  the  mode  of  proceeding. 
The  theologians  proposed  to  lose  no  time  in  denounc- 
ing Luther's  doctrines,  the  impiety  of  which,  they 
said,  was  glaring,  and  acknowledged  to  the  world : 
the  canonists,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  that 
no  notoriety  of  crime  could  deprive  any  one  of  the 
inherent  right  of  being  heard  in  his  defence.  After 
long  debates  it  was  agreed  to  divide  the  cause  into 

"*  Seckend.  p.  93»    " 


YEAR  1520.  U't 

three  parts ;  the  doctrine,  the  books,  and  the  per- 
son. The  doctrine,  it  was  determined,  should  be 
condemned,  the  books  burned  at  a  time  to  be  fixed, 
and  Luther  summoned  to  appear  after  a  suitable  in- 
terval. 

The  composition  of  the  bull  gave  rise  to  almost 
as  much  debate  as  the  preliminary  discussions.  The 
members  of  the  conclave  rivalled  each  other  in  ex- 
pressing abhorrence  of  the  new  doctrine  and  attach- 
ment to  the  holy  See.  Cajetan,  though  in  bad 
health,  made  himself  be  carried  into  the  consistory, 
and  a  bitter  contention  arose  betwen  Peter  Accolti, 
cardinal  of  Ancona,  and  Laurent  Pucci,  cardinal 
datary,*  about  the  honour  of  composing  the  mani- 
festo against  Luther.  Each  had  prepared  a  draught, 
and  was  eager  for  the  preference.  Nothing  less  than 
the  pontiff's  authority  could  settle  this  competition, 
and  the  draught  of  Accolti,  after  undergoing  several 
emendations,  was  preferred. 

The  bull  at  last  came  out  on  June  15,  and  set 
forth  the  papal  pretensions  in  the  loftiest  tone.  After 
affirming  that  the  Imperial  crown  had  been  trans- 
ferred by  the  papal  See  from  the  Greeks  to  the  Ger- 
mans, it  claims  a  power  not  only  of  inflicting  eccle- 
siastical punishments,  but  of  depriving  refractory 
persons  of  their  property  and  civil  privileges.  The 
extravagant  bulls  of  Pius  II.  and  Julius  II.  which 
declared  it  heresy  to  appeal  from  the  pope  to  a  Coun- 
cil, are  cited  and  made  a  ground  for  Luther's  con- 

*  The  datary  is  an  high  officer  in  the  Roman  chancery,  through 
whose  hands  most  of  the  appointments  to  the  vacant  benefices 
pass.  This  was  the  same  Pucci  who  advised  Leo  to  have  recourse 
to  the  sale  of  Indulgences. 


148  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

/  demnation.  He  is  compared  to  Porphyry,  the  no- 
1  torious  enemy  of  Christianity  7  and  is  spoken  of  as 
the  reviver  of  the  Greek  and  Bohemian  schisms. 
\  Forty-one  heresies  are  selected  from  his  works  and 
condemned  as  "  pernicious,  scandalous,  and  pesti- 
lential." Luther,  and  all  who  may  favour  his  opi- 
nions, are  made  the  object  of  the  most  violent  de- 
nunciations. They  are  incapacitated  from  perform- 
ring  any  legal  act,  and  declared  guilty  of  high  trea- 
son, infamous,  and  unworthy  of  Christian  burial. 
Luther  is  reproached  for  obstinately  disregarding 
the  admonitions  and  kindness  of  the  pope ;  and  that 
all  remembrance  of  him  may  be  obliterated  from  the 
society  of  the  faithful,  no  one  is  to  presume  to  read, 
preach,  or  publish  his  works.  Such  as  are  written 
are  to  be  condemned  to  the  flames,  and  such  as  he 
may  hereafter  write  are  to  be  received  with  the 
greatest  suspicion.  He  is  ordered  to  appear  at  Rome 
within  sixty  days  to  take  his  trial,  and  in  case  he 
should  not  obey  the  summons,  the  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical powers  are  commanded  to  seize  him  and 
his  adherents  and  send  them  to  Rome. 

Here,  at  length,  was  the  edict  so  long  delayed  from 
dread  of  the  elector  Frederick.  The  next  point  was 
to  communicate  it  to  that  prince  in  the  least  offensive 
manner.  With  this  view,  the  papal  court  deter- 
mined to  avail  itself  of  the  following  circumstance, 
although  apparently  ill  calculated  to  forward  conci- 
liation. One  of  the  elector's  agents,  named  Valentin 
Teutleben,  being  employed  to  transact  some  busi- 
ness for  him  at  Rome,  experienced  a  degree  of  re- 
luctance on  the  part  of  the  pope,  which,  as  he  wrote 
to  his  master,  was  to  be  ascribed  to  the  circumstance 


YEAR  1520.  149 

of  his  defending  Luther.  Frederick  lost  no  time  in 
replying  to  his  agent,  and  denied  "  that  he  had  ever 
undertaken  the  defence  of  Luther's  opinions,  Luther 
being  prepared  to  defend  them  himself  before  equi- 
table judges,  and  ready,  if  refuted  from  Scripture, 
to  recant.  Luther,"  he  added,  "  had  offered  to  leave 
Saxony,  and  would  have  done  so  before  that  time, 
had  not  Miltitz  interceded  that  he  might  not  be  sent 
away,  lest  he  should  go  where  he  could  write  and 
act  with  greater  freedom.  To  attempt  the  forcible 
suppression  of  Luther's  opinions,  or  to  cut  him  off 
by  the  exertion  of  ecclesiastical  power,  would  be 
imprudent  and  dangerous.  Measures  of  that  descrip- 
tion were  not  fit  in  the  improved  state  of  public 
knowledge,  nor  was  the  strong  hold  which  the  Lu- 
theran doctrine  had  taken  in  Germany,  to  be  set 
aside  by  any  thing  else  than  sound  argument." 

This  letter  was  communicated  to  the  pope's  mi- 
nister, and  gave  occasion  to  an  immediate  address  to 
Frederick.  With  the  ordinary  art  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  their  dispatch  proceeded  on  the  assumption 
that  Frederick  was,  in  his  heart,  an  enemy  to  Luther. 
It  was  written  in  Leo's  name,  and  was  in  substance 
as  follows : 

"  I  experience  great  satisfaction  on  learning  that 
you  have  no  connection  with  Luther,  who  is  altoge- 
ther impious.  I  have  on  former  occasions  uniformly 
entertained  a  high  opinion  of  your  virtue,  and  your 
conduct  at  present  fully  confirms  it.  Luther  has 
been  introduced  into  the  world,  not  by  Christ  but 
by  Satan,  that  he  might  revive  the  heresies  of  Wick- 
line,  Huss,  and  the  Bohemians;  and  that,  by  false 
interpretations  of  Scripture,  he  might  give  occasion 


150  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

of  sinning  to  the  simple.  There  is  danger  lest  he 
should  set  continence  at  defiance,  do  away  confes- 
sion and  penitence,  favour  the  infidels  by  impure 
speeches,  overturn  the  discipline  of  the  church,  and 
confound  all  things,  sacred  and  profane.  To  such 
a  pitch  of  pride  and  madness  has  Luther  proceeded, 
that  he  despises  the  authority  of  Councils  and  of  the 
holy  See,  preferring  audaciously  his  own  opinion 
to  that  of  all  others.  In  avoiding  intercourse  with 
such  a  pest,  your  Highness  has  acted  a  part  worthy 
of  your  ancestors  :  and  1  give  thanks  to  God  for  en- 
dowing you  with  such  a  disposition.  Hitherto  I 
have  borne  with  Luther's  forwardness  and  rashness, 
in  the  hope  that  he  would  return  to  his  right  mind. 
But  now,  seeing  that  heprofiteth  nothing  by  admoni- 
tion and  gentleness,  I  have  been  compelled  to  ap- 
ply a  violent  remedy,  lest  he  should  corrupt  many  by 
the  contagion  of  his  example.  Having  therefore 
called  a  Council,  and  deeply  weighed  the  question, 
it  has  been  decreed  by  direction  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
which  on  these  occasions  is  never  absent  from  the 
holy  See,*  to  issue  a  bull  in  condemnation  of  Lu- 
ther's heresy.  Of  that  instrument  a  copy  is  here- 
with transmitted  you." 

The  alarm  which  these  hostile  measures  might 
have  excited  in  Luther  was  opportunely  counteracted 
by  a  very  satisfactory  testimony  of  attachment  in  a 
different  quarter.  Shortly  before  the  publication  of 
the    bull,    two  German  noblemen,   Sylvester   von 

*  "  Convocato  concilio,  re  multum  agitata  atque  discussa  tan- 
dem praeeunte  Spiritu  Sancto,  qui  in  hujusmodi  causis  huic  sanctse 
sedi  nunquara  abfuit,"  &c.  Luth.  ii.  50. 


YEAR  1520.  151 

Schaumburg,  and  Francis  Seckingen,  came  forward 
and  wrote  to  him  with  offers  of  protection  against 
all  personal  hazard.  The  letter  of  the  former,  in 
particular,  deserves  to  be  recorded  : 

"  I  understand,"  he  said,  "  from  several  learned 
men,  that  jour  doctrine  is  founded  on  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  and  that  although  you  have  offered  to  submit 
it  to  the  decision  of  a  general  Council  and  to  the 
judgment  of  pious  and  well  informed  men,  you  have 
reason  to  apprehend  personal  danger.  You  propose 
therefore  to  seek  a  refuge  among  the  Bohemians. 
That  plan  I  would  earnestly  entreat  you  to  abandon, 
lest  the  nature  of  the  connection  should  have  the 
consequence  of  rendering  your  cause  suspected  and 
odious.  I  offer  you  my  own  protection  and  that  of 
one  hundred  noblemen  in  Franconia,  with  whom 
you  can  live  in  safety  until  your  doctrine  has  under- 
gone a  deliberate  investigation."* 

So  clear  a  testimony  of  approbation  could  not  fail 
to  be  highly  acceptable  to  Luther,  and  we  accord- 
ingly find  him  writing  to  his  friend  Spalatin,  (July 
10),  that  "his  expulsion  from  Wittemberg  would 
only  make  the  state  of  things  worse,  for  not  only  in 
Bohemia,  but  in  the  very  heart  of  Germany,  there 
were  persons  both  able  and  willing  to  defend  him. 
Nor  was  it  doubtful  that,  under  their  protection,  he 
could  animadvert  on  the  papacy  with  more  severity 
than  when  he  held  the  responsible  office  of  a  public 
teacher  under  the  elector  of  Saxony.  He  had  long- 
been  doubtful  how  far  Frederick  would  find  it  expe- 
dient to   continue    his  protection,  a  consideration 

*  Seckend.  p.  111. 


152  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

which,  joined  to  a  regard  for  the  interests  of  the 
university  of  Wittemberg,  had  hitherto  prevented 
him  from  going  so  far  as  he  otherwise  would.  But 
now,  were  Frederick  even  obliged  to  withdraw  his 
protection,  the  support  of  others  would  enable  him 
to  proceed  in  his  career."  "  The  die,"  he  adds,  "is 
cast,  and  I  despise  equally  the  fury  and  favour  of 
Rome. — Never  will  I  be  reconciled  or  connected 
with  them.  Let  them  condemn  and  burn  my  books. 
— I,  in  my  turn,  so  long  as  I  can  procure  fire,  will 
condemn  and  burn  publicly  the  whole  pontifical 
code."  It  appears  that  on  the  28d  of  August  he 
wrote  to  Rome,  and  ventured  to  use  expressions  of 
correspondent  energy.* 

Luther's  friends,  however,  were  less  tranquil  than 
Jiimself.  They  prevailed  on  him  to  write  to  Spalatin, 
and  to  request  him  to  use  his  interest  with  the  elector 
to  apply  for  an  Imperial  edict  to  prevent  any  one 
from  condemning  him  unless  it  was  previously 
shown  that  his  tenets  were  inconsistent  with  Scrip- 
ture. In  this  letter  Luther,  always  more  interested 
about  his  doctrine  than  his  personal  safety,  com- 
plained, in  an  earnest  and  affecting  manner,  of  the 
endless  libels  published  against  him,  and  expressed 
an  ardent  wish  that  preachers  might  be  found  to 
promulgate  his  real  sentiments  among  the  people. 

Amidst  all  the  alternations  of  fear  and  hope, 
Luther's  active  mind  never  gave  way  to  sullen  de- 
spondency or  indolence.  Application  to  study,  as  it 
had  formed  his  chief  pleasure  in  his  early  days,  now 
constituted  his  best  resource  in  a  season  of  alarm. 

*  Seckend.  p.  111. 


YEAR  1520.  153 

His  next  production  was  a  book  of  a  miscellaneous 
character,  which  he  addressed  to  the  emperor  Charles 
V.  and  to  the  nobility  of  the  empire.  It  was  directed, 
among  other  topics,  to  a  reproof  of  the  vices  of  the 
clergy,  and  to  a  recommendation  of  the  study  of 
Scripture,  of  divinity,  and  other  subjects  lately  in- 
troduced into  universities.  He  reprobated  prema- 
ture monastic  vows,  and  animadverted  on  confession 
and  on  the  disgraceful  custom  of  begging,  whether 
practised  by  monks  or  laymen.  No  one,  he  said, 
should  be  admitted  into  a  monastery  before  the  age 
of  thirty.  But  the  most  serious  part  of  the  work 
consisted  in  an  attack  on  the  usurpations  of  the  pa- 
pacy, and  in  an  insinuation  that  Rome  was  the  seat 
of  Antichrist. 

Luther's  next  publication  was  his  celebrated  essay 
"De  Captivitate  Babylonica  Ecclesiae."  He  here 
examined  into  the  nature  and  use  of  the  sacraments, 
which,  as  is  well  known,  are,  according  to  the  Ro- 
manists, seven  in  number.  From  this  enumeration 
Luther  dissented,  and  denied  the  name  of  sacrament 
to  confirmation,  holy  orders,  marriage,  or  extreme 
unction.  But  he  continued  to  include  penance  in 
the  list,  as  well  as  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper 
In  this,  as  in  others  of  his  writings,  we  have  many 
vestiges  of  the  impression  made  on  his  reasoning 
habits  by  the  rules  of  the  schoolmen.  Instead  of 
proceeding  after  the  inductive  method,  to  examine 
what  the  Scriptures  had  delivered  respecting  sacra- 
ments, he  went  on  the  plan  of  accommodating  the 
passages  in  Scripture  to  a  system  previously  adopted. 
This  treatise  was  first  published  in  Latin,  but  the 
general  interest  which  it  excited,  made  it  soon  be 
translated  into  German. 

D 


154  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

That  progressive  advance  in  knowledge  which 
every  studious  man  experiences  in  himself,  is  very 
clearly  exhibited  in  the  writings  of  Luther.  No 
man  was  less  scrupulous  in  publishing  his  latest  opi- 
nions, however  they  might  vary  from  former  im- 
pressions. The  repeated  attacks  of  his  opponents 
obliged  him,  he  said,  to  grow  wiser  in  self  defence. 
In  the  preamble  to  the  "  Babylonish  Captivity,"  he 
requests  booksellers  and  others  possessed  of  copies 
of  what  he  had  published  two  years  before  on  In- 
dulgences, to  burn  these  copies,  and  to  substitute 
for  all  that  he  had  written,  "  Indulgently  sunt  adu- 
latorum  Romanorum  nequitice."  His  publication 
on  the  nature  of  the  papacy  he  wished  to  condemn 
to  the  same  fate,  desiring  his  readers  to  adopt  in  lieu 
of  his  reasonings  the  concise  definition,  "  Papains 
est  robusta  venatio  Romani  Episcopi ;"  for  he  was 
now  certain  that  the  papacy  was  the  kingdom  of 
Babylon.* 

An  unfortunate  misunderstanding  took  place  at 
this  time  between  the  students  and  inhabitants  of 
Wittemberg.  Matters  having  proceeded  to  the 
length  of  a  tumultuous  assemblage,  Luther  was  dis- 
satisfied with  the  students  and  reproved  them  in 
very  severe  terms.  The  keenness  of  his  censure 
gave  them  great  offence ;  and  even  his  friends  at 
court,  Spalatin  and  Amsdorff,  (a  canon  of  the  colle- 
giate church  at  Wittemberg,)  were  apprehensive  that, 
he  had  gone  too  far  and  might  injure  the  university. 
The  dread  of  hurting  that  seminary,  by  the  freedom 
of  his  writings,  is  enumerated  by  Luther  among  the 
many  disquietudes  of  the  first  three  years  of  his 

*  Luth.  ii.  p.  63. 


YEAR  1520.  156 

reforming  career.  Some  time  after  this,  Spalatin 
visited  the  university  with  a  view,  probably,  of  as- 
certaining botli  its  condition  and  the  intended  pro- 
ceedings of  Luther  after  being  apprized  of  the  pope's 
bull.  Spalatin's  report  of  his  visit  has  been  pre- 
served and  is  curious. 

"  A  proportion  of  the  students,"  he  says,  "  are 
absent,  but  this  is  chiefly  on  account  of  a  contagious 
disorder,  and  the  university  is  still  very  numerously 
attended.  I  saw  four  hundred  young  men  studying 
divinity  under  Luther  ;  and  no  fewer  than  six  hun- 
dred learning  the  languages  under  Melancthon. 
Luther  continues  in  good  spirits,  and  is  writing 
against  the  papal  bull,  but  declares  that  from  re- 
spect to  the  elector  he  will  express  himself  with  mo- 
deration. I  saw  more  than  thirty  letters  addressed 
to  Luther  from  princes,  nobles,  and  doctors,  in 
Suabia,  Switzerland,  and  Pomerania,  replete  with 
expressions  of  piety  and  offers  of  consolation.  So 
popular  a  preacher  is  he,  that  both  the  town  church 
of  Wittemberg  and  that  of  the  monastery  are  too 
small  to  receive  the  crowd  of  his  hearers." 

We  come  now  to  the  important  business  of  pub- 
lishing the  bull  in  Germany.  This  part  of  the  pro- 
ceedings also  was  undertaken  by  Eckius,  who  hoped 
to  make  it  a  kind  of  finish  to  his  laborious  exertions. 
In  corresponding  with  his  friends,  he  had  boasted 
much  of  his  services  at  Rome,  and  of  his  repeated 
conferences  with  the  pope,  one  of  which  lasted  no 
less  than  five  hours.  He  took  to  himself  the  merit 
of  being  the  first  to  expose  Luther's  heresy  in  a 
proper  light  to  the  heads  of  the  church,  who  till 
then  had  been  very  imperfectly  acquainted  with  it. 


156  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

So  assiduous  had  he  been  in  accelerating  the  pro- 
ceedings about  the  bull,  that  by  the  3d  of  May 
matters  had  been  got  ready  for  dispatch  at  the  next 
assembly  of  cardinals.  Yet  on  his  return  to  Ger- 
many, he  endeavoured  to  represent  his  journey  as 
undertaken  with  reluctance.  But  Luther,  who,  by 
some  means  not  known,  had  got  possession  of  one 
of  his  letters  from  Rome,  published  it  with  notes, 
and  showed  that  Eckius'  grand  object,  in  these  ex- 
traordinary exertions,  was  no  other  than  his  own 
preferment  in  the  church.* 

Though  the  condemning  bull  was  issued  from  the 
papal  chamber  on  the  15th  of  June,  it  was  not  pub- 
lished in  Germany  till  a  considerable  time  after- 
wards. It  appears  to  have  reached  Wittemberg  in 
the  beginning  of  October,  for  on  the  13th  of  that 
month  Luther  wrote  to  Spalatin  as  follows : 

"  The  pope's  bull  is  come  at  last — Eckius  brought 
it.  We  are  writing  many  things  to  the  pope  con- 
cerning it.  For  my  own  part  I  hold  it  in  contempt, 
and  attack  it  as  impious  and  false,  like  Eckius  in 
every  respect.  Christ  himself  is  evidently  con- 
demned by  it,  and  no  reason  is  assigned  in  it  for 
summoning  me  to  a  recantation  instead  of  a  trial. 
They  are  full  of  fury,  blindness,  and  madness. 
They  neither  comprehend  nor  reflect  on  conse- 
quences. Meantime  I  shall  treat  the  pope's  name 
with  delicacy,  and  conduct  myself  as  if  I  consi- 
dered it  a  false  and  forged  bull,  although  I  believe 
it  to  be  genuine.  How  anxiously  do  I  wish  that 
the  emperor  had  the  courage  to  prove  himself  a  man, 

*  Ep.  Eckii.  ap.  Luth.  ii.  48.  Seckend.  p.  116. 


YEAR  1520.  157 

and,  in  defence  of  Christ,  attack  those  emissaries 
of  Satan.  For  my  part  I  do  not  regard  my  personal 
safety — let  the  will  of  the  Lord  be  done.  Nor  do 
I  know  what  course  should  be  taken  by  the  elector  ; 
perhaps  it  may  appear  to  him  more  for  my  interest 
that  he  should  dissemble  for  a  season.  The  bull  is 
held  in  as  great  contempt  at  Leipsic  as  Eckius  him- 
self.— L'et  us  therefore  be  cautious  lest  he  acquire 
consequence  by  our  opposition,  for,  if  left  to  him- 
self, he  must  fall.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  bull 
that  you  may  see  what  monsters  they  are  at  Rome. 
If  these  men  are  destined  to  rule  us,  neither  the 
faith  nor  the  church  have  the  least  security.  I  re- 
joice that  it  has  fallen  to  my  lot  to  suffer  hardship 
for  the  best  of  causes  ;  but  I  am  not  worthy  of  such 
a  trial.  I  am  now  much  more  at  liberty  than  be- 
fore, being  fully  persuaded  that  the  pope  is  Anti- 
christ, and  that  I  have  discovered  the  seat  of  Satan. 
— May  God  preserve  his  children  from  being  de- 
ceived by  the  pope's  impious  pretensions.  Erasmus 
informs  me  that  the  emperor's  court  is  crowded  with 
creatures  who  are  tyrants  and  beggars,  so  that  no- 
thing satisfactory  is  to  be  expected  from  Charles. 
This  need  not  surprise  us.  '  Put  not  thy  trust  in 
princes,  nor  in  the  sons  of  men,  in  whom  there  is 
no  stay.'  " 

Eckius,  having  left  Rome  with  copies  of  the  bull, 
reached  Leipsic,  big  with  expectation  of  the  rever- 
ence that  would  be  paid  to  himself  and  to  the  pope's 
mandate.  He  found,  however,  that  matters  did  not 
admit  of  the  rapid  progress  which  he  wished.  The 
Reformation  had  now  taken  a  firm  and  a  general 
hold.     George,  duke  of  Saxony,  bigoted  as  he  was, 


158  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

found  it  necessary,  from  the  dissatisfaction  of  the 
people,  to  delay  the  publication.  At  first,  time  was 
taken  on  the  plea  that  the  consent  of  the  bishop  of 
Mersburg  must  be  previously  obtained,  and  on  ap- 
plication being  made  to  that  prelate,  the  publication 
was  put  off  to  the  month  of  April  in  the  following 
year.  A  letter  written  by  Miltitz,  on  2d  October, 
throws  some  light  on  these  matters. 

"  I  found  Eckius  at  Leipsic,  very  clamorous  and 
full  of  threats.  1  invited  him  to  an  entertainment 
and  employed  every  means  in  my  power  to  discover 
what  he  proposed  to  do.  After  he  had  drank  freely. 
he  began  to  relate,  in  pompous  terms,  the  com- 
mission he  had  received  from  Rome,  and  by  what 
means  he  was  to  bring  Luther  to  obedience.  He 
informed  me  that  he  had  caused  the  bull  to  be  pub- 
lished in  Misnia  on  21st  September,  at  Mersburg 
on  the  25th,  and  at  Brandenburg  on  the  29th. 
Eckius  was  in  the  habit  of  showing  the  bull  with 
great  pomp.  He  lodged  with  the  public  commis- 
sary:  duke  George  ordered  the  senate  to  present  him 
with  a  gilt  cup,  and  a  considerable  sum  of  money. 
But  notwithstanding  the  bull  itself,  and  the  pledge 
of  public  safety  given  to  him,  some  young  men  of 
family  affixed  on  29th  September,  in  no  less  than 
ten  places,  bills  containing  threats  against  him. 
Terrified  by  these,  he  took  refuge  in  the  monastery 
of  St.  Paul  and  refused  to  be  seen.  He  complained 
to  Caesar  Pflugius,  and  obtained  a  mandate  from  the  . 
rector  of  the  university,  enjoining  the  young  men 
to  be  quiet,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  They  have  com- 
posed ballads  upon  him,  which  they  sing  through 
the  stueets  ;  and  send  daily  to  the  monastery  intinia- 


YEAR  1520.  159 

tions  of  their  hostility.  More  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  of  the  Wittemberg  students  are  here,  who 
are  very  much  incensed  against  him."— Miltitz 
afterwards  added  that  Eckius  had  made  a  nocturnal 
escape  to  Friburg.* 

Similar  commotions  took  place  in  other  parts  of 
Germany,  where  attempts  were  made  to  publish  the 
bull.  The  elector  of  Saxony  declared  it  wholly  un- 
advisable  to  attempt  its  promulgation  in  his  do- 
minions. The  bishop  of  Bamberg  availed  himself 
of  some  informality  as  a  pretext  for  declining  to 
publish  it  in  his  diocese.  At  the  university  of 
Erfurt,  the  students  tore  a  copy  of  the  bull  and 
threw  it  into  the  river. f  Nay,  the  rector  publicly 
encouraged  them  to  pull  down  any  copy  of  the  bull 
which  they  might  see  posted  up,  and  to  oppose 
Luther's  enemies  by  all  the  means  in  their  power,  t — 
The  elector  of  Brandenburg  and  Albert  of  Mecklen- 
burg passed  through  Wittemberg,  in  December, 
on  their  way  to  the  imperial  coronation,  and  held  a 
very  gracious  conversation  with  Luther.  The  bishop 
of  Brandenburg  who  accompanied  them,  actuated 
by  very  different  feelings,  was  desirous  of  pub- 
lishing the  bull  at  Wittemberg,  which  was  in 
his  diocese,  but  durst  not  attempt  it.  The  clergy 
alone,  cemented  as  they  were  in  interest  with  the 
Roman  See,  appeared  friendly  to  the  bull,  but  even 
among  them  there  were    many  who  reprobated  its 

*  Seckend.  p.  11 6. 

t  Scultet.  Annal.  Evang.  1520. 

|  Rector  Academiae  Erfurtensis  programmate  publice  affixo 
Academicos  hortatur,  ut  si  qui  Bullara  videant  affixam,  discer- 
pant,  et  quo  possunt  modo,  Lutheri  hostibus  se  opponant.  Scultet. 
Annal.  Evang.  1520. 


160  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

violent  tone,  and  who,  without  venturing  to  speak 
in  favour  of  Luther,  cordially  wished  him  success. 

In  several  parts  of  the  country,  where  the 
ascendancy  of  the  Catholics  was  too  decided  to  ad- 
mit of  opposition,  there  were  not  wanting  proofs  of 
a  favourable  disposition  towards  the  new  doctrine, 
At  Mentz  the  populace  received  the  bull  with  in- 
dignation, and  the  persons  employed  to  put  the 
books  in  the  fire,  did  it  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives. 
Even  at  Louvain,  considerable  opposition  was  ex- 
perienced, and,  though  the  influence  of  the  heads 
of  the  university  was  such  as  to  enable  them  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  burning  of  Luther's  books,  a  party 
among  the  students  and  inhabitants  insisted  on  com- 
mitting, at  the  same  time,  to  the  flames  a  number 
of  books  of  an  opposite  description.  In  Italy  also, 
at  Venice  and  Bologna,  though  no  direct  opposition 
was  offered,  the  partizans  of  Luther  had  become 
numerous.  In  the  Palatinate  the  new  doctrine  was 
by  this  time  planted,  though  not  publicly  acknow- 
ledged till  three  years  after. 

The  first  regular  step  taken  by  Luther  against  the 
bull  was  a  protest  recorded  before  a  notary  and 
witnesses,  and  an  appeal  from  the  pope  to  a  general 
Council.  An  appeal  of  the  same  nature  had  been 
entered  by  him  a  twelve-month  before,  but  the  re- 
spectful manner  in  which  he  then  spoke  of  Leo  was 
now  exchanged  for  the  most  embittered  expressions. 
Leo  X.  in  impia  sua  tyrannide  induratus  per  sever  at 
— Iniquus,  temerarius,  tyrannicus  judex — Her  eli- 
cits et  Apostata — Antichristus,  blasphemus,  super- 
bus  contemptor  sanctce  Ecclesice  Dei* 

*  Luth.  ii.  50. 


YEAR  1520.  161 

The  universities  of  Cologne  and  Louvain  having 
openly  burned  Luther's  books,  and  a  similar  exam- 
ple having  been  given  at  Rome,  the  Reformer  now 
determined  to  retaliate.  He  caused  public  notice  to 
be  given  at  Wittemberg,  that  he  purposed  burning 
the  antichristian  decretals  on  Monday,  10th  Dec. 
So  novel  a  scene  excited  great  interest,  and  the  con- 
course accordingly  was  immense.  The  people  as- 
sembled at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  pro- 
ceeded, in  regular  divisions,  to  the  spot  in  the 
neighbourhood  where  the  ceremony  was  to  be  per- 
formed. Having  there  partaken  of  a  slight  repast, 
an  eminent  member  of  the  university  erected  a  kind 
of  funeral  pile  and  set  it  on  fire  :  after  which  Luther 
took  Gratian's  Abridgment  of  the  Canon  Law ;  the 
letters  commonly  called  decretals  of  the  pontiffs  :  the 
Clementines  and  Extravagants,  and,  last  of  all,  the 
bull  of  Leo  X.  All  these  he  threw  into  the  fire,  and 
exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Because  ye  have 
troubled  the  holy  of  the  Lord,  therefore  let  eternal 
fire  trouble  you."  Having  remained  to  witness  their 
consumption,  he  returned  into  the  city,  accompanied 
by  the  same  multitude,  without  the  occurrence  of  the 
slightest  disorder.* 

So  extraordinary  a  step,  however  cordially  re- 
ceived by  his  countrymen,  seemed  to  call  for  a 
formal  justification  in  the  eyes  of  others.  With 
that  view  Luther  published  a  set  of  reasons,  which, 
instead  of  proving  a  palliation  of  the  act,  had  the 
effect,  like  his  former  vindications,  of  aggravating 
his  offence.  He  warned  the  public  not  to  be  misled 
by  high  sounding  titles,  nor  by  declamations  about 

*  See  Appendix  Z. 

X 


162  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

pontifical  dignity,  but  to  proceed  to  a  rigid  exami- 
nation of  what  was  actually  taught  in  those  books. 
This,  he  said,  was  the  true  way  to  make  them  aware 
of  their  poisonous  and  abominable  doctrine.  He 
then  enumerated  thirty  specific  articles,  as  examples 
of  the  errors  and  usurpations  of  the  papacy.  The 
canon  law,  he  said,  went  beyond  all  bounds.  Among 
other  things  it  contained  the  extraordinary  doctrine 
that  "  the  pope  is  God  upon  earth,  superior  to  all 
belonging  to  heaven  or  earth,  whether  spiritual  or 
temporal.  All  things  belong  to  the  pope,  and  to 
him  no  one  dares  say,  What  doest  thou  ?"*  Towards 
the  conclusion  of  the  treatise,  Luther  places  in  a  very 
strong  light  the  oyerbearing  conduct  of  the  popes 
towards  all  who  ventured  to  dissent  from  them. 
"  Never  have  the  popes  vanquished,  either  by 
Scripture  or  argument,  any  one  who  has  spoken  or 
written  against  them.— Their  alternative  has  always 
been  to  excommunicate,  burn,  or  put  them  to  death, 
through  the  medium  of  kings,  princes,  and  others 
devoted  to  the  papacy." 

Luther's  hostility  to  the  canon  law  deserves  par- 
ticular attention.  He  was  by  this  time  aware,  that 
without  the  abolition  of  this  ponderous  and  ill -di- 
gested code,  the  projected  Reformation  in  religion 
would  confer  only  a  limited  benefit  on  mankind.  It 
is  deeply  to  be  lamented  that  he  should  have  been 
less  successful  in  the  one  than  in  the  other.  I  can- 
not more  clearly  explain  the  causes  of  his  failure 
than  by  transcribing  the  words  of  his  countryman, 

*  Papa  est  Deus  in  terris,  superior  omnibus  ccelestibus,  terrenis, 
spiritualibus  et  secularibus.  Et  omnia  papae  sunt  propria,  cut 
nemo  audeat  dicere,  Quid  facis  ?     Luth.  ii.  122. 


YEAR  1520.  163 

the  learned  and  accurate  Boehmer,  a  well  known 
professor  of  law : 

"  On  the  introduction  into  Germany  of  en- 
lightened views  iu  religion,  the  canon  law  would 
probably  have  been  annihilated  had  it  not  been  for 
the  interposition  of  the  lawyers.  Luther,  even  be- 
fore shaking  off  the  papal  yoke,  had  detected  the 
imperfection,  fraud,  and  impiety  of  this  law.  In  his 
treatise  addressed  to  the  emperbr  and  the  nobility, 
he  expressed  a  wish  that  the  ancient  laws  of  Ger- 
many should  be  restored,  a  measure  which,  had  it 
been  effected,  would  have  placed  our  affairs,  both 
public  and  private,  on  a  much  surer  foundation.  It 
would  have  led  to  greater  uniformity  in  our  eccle- 
siastical law,  to  the  cessation  of  tedious  lawsuits, 
and  to  the  re-introduction  of  that  German  candour 
and  honesty,  which  are  so  conspicuous  in  the  in- 
stitutes of  our  ancestors.  :  But  Luther's  boldness  in 
burning  the  canon  law  gave  deadly  offence  to  the 
lawyers.  Henning  Goeden,  and  Jerome  Schurff 
were  at  that  time  pleaders  of  great  reputation  at 
Wittemberg,  and  believed,  or  professed  to  believe, 
that  the  abolition  of  the  canon  law  would  endanger 
the  safety  of  the  state.  The  fact  was,  that  their 
own  interest  and  convenience  were  at  stake,  the 
canon  law  forming  the  rule  of  the  whole  mode  of 
procedure  in  lawsuits.  Hence  arose  the  interfer- 
ence of  these  men,  who,  in  an  evil  hour,  proved 
the  cause  of  preventing  the  abolition  of  the  canon 
law,  and  the  so  much  desired  reform  of  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  law.  The  fact  is,  that  from  their  igno- 
rance of  the  law  of  nature  and  moral  philosophy, 
the  lawyers  were  ill  qualified  to  supply  the  want  of 
the  regulations  established  by  a  long  course  of  pre- 


1(54  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

cedents.  Unaccustomed  to  exercise  their  reasoning 
and  inventive  powers,  the  blank  occasioned  by  the 
absence  of  the  canon  law  presented  to  their  imagina- 
tions an  irremediable  chasm.  Moreover,  the  study 
of  the  canon  law  had  long  been  an  object  of  great 
ambition,  and  superiority  in  the  knowledge  of  it 
formed  one  of  the  leading  features  of  professional 
distinction." 

We  have  already  adverted  to  the  favourable  dis- 
position of  Erasmus  towards  Luther  and  his 
writings.  On  the  condemnation  of  Luther's  doc- 
trine by  the  subservient  universities  of  Louvain  and 
Cologne,  Erasmus  was  prompted  to  address  to  Spa- 
latin  a  set  of  axioms  on  the  Lutheran  cause.  He 
had  scarcely  put  them  out  of  his  hands,  when,  with 
his  usual  timidity,  he  begged  that  they  might  be  re- 
turned to  him  lest  they  might  do  him  an  injury  with 
the  pope's  nuncio.*  These  axioms  however  have 
been  preserved,  and  the  sentiments  of  so  eminent  a 
scholar  deserve  to  be  noticed.  In  the  passage  refer- 
ring to  the  act  of  the  two  universities,  he  says,  "  The 
motive  of  the  proceeding  is  bad ;  it  is  a  love  of  ty- 
rannic rule,  and  a  wish  to  discourage  literary  effort. 
Out  of  so  many  universities,  two  only  have  con- 
demned Luther ;  and  they  have  done  nothing  more 
than  publish  a  sentence,  for  they  have  not  confuted 
him,  nor  do  they  agree  among  themselves."f  The 
court  of  Rome,  however,  thought  proper  to  lay  great 
stress  on  the  sanction  of  these  public  bodies.    Honour- 

*  Seckend.  p.  126. 

t  Fons  rei  malus  est,  odium  bonarum  literarum,  et  affectatio 
tyrannidis.  Duae  duntaxat  universitates  condemnarunt  Lutherum 
ex  tarn  innumeris.  Et  condemnarunt  tantum,  non  convicerunt ; 
nee  hae  consentiunt.     Axiom.  Erasm.  pro  Caus.  Luth. 


YEAR  1520.  165 

able  mention  of  it  was  made  in  the  bull,  and  the  uni- 
versities were  called  "  agri  dominici  piissimce,  reli- 
giosissimcB  cu Unices* ' ' 

In  the  course  of  this  year,  the  elector  Frederick 
being  at  Cologne,  an  interview  took  place  between 
him  and  Erasmus.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
Erasmus  made  the  ludicrous  remark,  that  Luther  had 
offended  in  two  capital  points — "  He  had  touched 
the  pope's  supremacy  and  the  bellies  of  the  monks." 

Luther,  according  to  his  usual  practice,  replied 
with  great  spirit  to  the  condemning  sentence  of  the 
universities  of  Cologne  and  Louvain.*  A  new  an- 
tagonist soon  after  appeared  in  a  Franciscan  monk 
at  Leipsic  named  Augustine.  To  him  also  Luther 
gave  a  speedy  reply  ;f  and  in  fact,  he  was  indebted 
to  the  writings  of  opponents  for  a  considerable  share 
of  the  publicity  of  his  cause.  Even  Cajetan  now 
came  forward  and  displayed  his  whole  scholastic 
skill  in  asserting  the  divine  origin  and  the  infallibi- 
lity of  the  pope.  J  On  the  other  hand  there  ap- 
peared on  the  side  of  Luther,  and  in  support  of  the 
cause  of  free  inquiry,  an  essay  from  the  pen  of 
Ulrich  Hutten,  a  young  man  of  fortune  and  lite- 
rary talents.  He  published  Leo's  bull  and  annexed 
to  it  short  scholia,^  exposing  in  very  bold  language 

*  Luth.  ii.  33,  et  seq.  See  in  p.  115  of  that  vol.  a  short  account 
of  what  took  place  at  Cologne. 

t  Seckend.  p.  103. 

|  The  title  of  his  book  is  "  Card.  Cajetani,  de  Divina  Institu- 
tione  Pontificates. "  It  was  printed  at  Cologne,  in  June  1520. 
Seckend.  p.  107. 

<§>  Bossuet  is  in  a  mistake  when  he  ascribes  those  notes  to  Lu- 
ther.    Hist,  des  Variat.  Liv.  i.  Sect.  26. 


) 


166  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

the  weakness  of  the  papal  arguments  and  the  pre- 
sumptuous encroachments  of  that  court. 

This  auxiliary  publication  was  soon  followed  by 
one  from  Luther,  who  was  too  confident  of  his 
cause  to  remain  inactive.  The  title  of  this  address 
to  the  public  bore  the  stamp  of  his  usual  bold- 
ness— it  was  an  "  Answer  to  the  execrable  bull  of 
Antichrist."  In  this,  and  in  another  treatise  which 
speedily  came  forth,  he  passed  in  review  the  whole 
of  the  forty-one  propositions  enumerated  by  Leo. 
No  longer  satisfied  with  offering  these  propositions 
as  subjects  for  disputation,  he  affirmed  them  to 
be  incontrovertibly  true.  So  highly  was  this  work 
esteemed  at  the  court  of  Saxony,  that  Spalatin 
translated  it  from  the  Latin  into  German. 

The  pope  now  thought  the  time  had  come  to 
make  a  direct  and  pointed  application  to  the  elector 
Frederick,  on  the  subject  of  Luther.  With  that 
view  he  sent,  in  the  end  of  October,  two  nuncios, 
Jerome  Aleander  and  Marinus  Caracciolus,  to 
Frederick,  who  was  then  at  Cologne.  Both  were 
distinguished  dignitaries  of  the  church  and  mem- 
bers of  the  Conclave.  They  enlarged  on  the  danger 
to  which  Germany  was  exposed  by  Luther's  ex- 
ecrable writings,  and,  after  requesting  that  his 
books  should  be  burned  and  himself  either  impri- 
soned or  sent  to  Rome,  Aleander  proceeded  to  state 
that  the  emperor,  and  all  the  other  princes  who  had 
been  applied  to,  had  consented  to  the  pope's  de- 
mand. The  investigation  of  Luther's  cause  had, 
he  added,  been  committed  by  the  pontiff  to  him 
and  Eckius.  Urgent  as  this  application  was,  the 
nuncios  proved  unable  to  extract  an  explicit  answer 
from  the  wary  Frederick.      He  replied  in  genera] 


YEAR  1520.  167 

terms,  that  it  was  a  matter  of  great  moment  and 
required  mature  deliberation.  On  the  4th  Nov.  he 
returned  an  answer  by  his  ministers,  but  took  care  to 
adhere  to  the  same  general  language  as  before.  He 
declared  "  that  the  request  was  very  unexpected  on 
his  part,  and  that,  while  at  a  distance  from  home, 
he  had  heard  that  Eckius,  contrary  to  the  tenor  of 
the  pontifical  decree,  had  wished  to  injure  not  only 
Luther  but  other  learned  men  in  his  dominions,  an 
assumption  of  power,  on  the  part  of  an  unautho- 
rised individual,  which  could  not  but  be  extremely 
offensive  to  him.  Having  been  absent,  he  could 
not  say  with  certainty  what  had  been  done  by 
Luther  and  others  after  receiving  the  pope's  bull ; 
but  it  might  happen  that  in  consequence  of  the 
provocation  given  to  him,  there  was  a  general  dis- 
position to  approve  of  his  proceedings."  Finally, 
he  requested  "  that  learned  and  good  men  should 
converse  in  a  friendly  manner  on  the  whole  business, 
and  that  Luther  should  be  accounted  entitled  to 
protection  and  have  an  opportunity  to  plead  his 
cause." 


168  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

CHAPTER  VI*. 

YEAR  1521. 


THE  adherents  of  the  court  of  Rome  were  much 
disappointed  at  the  inefficient  operation  of  the  bull 
against  Luther;  and  the  conduct  of  that  court 
in  this  business  has  been  subjected  to  those  charges 
of  impolicy  which  are  generally  applied  to  unsuc- 
cessful counsels.  It  has  been  said  by  many  persons, 
that  the  bull  was  too  long  delayed ;  by  others,  that 
its  language  was  too  violent  and  arbitrary.  An 
eminent  historian,*  adverting  to  these  charges,  is 
of  opinion  that  the  conduct  of  the  Holy  See  on  this 
occasion  "  bore  few  marks  of  its  wonted  sagacity." 
Were  we,  however,  to  extend  our  inquiries,  we 
might  find  that  its  reputation  for  sagacity  has  been 
a  good  deal  overrated.  On  analysing  the  history 
of  former  ages,  we  might  discover  that  many  mea- 
sures, accounted  by  Dr.  Robertson,  and  others, 
"  models  of  political  wisdom,"  were  nothing  more 
than  a  close  and  unblushing  application  of  those 
deceptions  which  men  more  artful  than  their  neigh- 
bours have  known  how  to  apply  in  all  ages.  It  was 
chiefly  by  a  comparison  with  the  other  courts  of 
Europe,  that  the  policy  of  the  Romish  councils  was 
estimated.  Now  we  can  hardly  conceive  any  thing 
less  skilful,  or  more  capricious,  than  the  measures 
of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  in  these  ages.     After 

*  Dr.  Robertson,  Charles  V.  8vo.  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  98. 


*~EAR  1521.  169 

the  general  improvement  consequent  on  the  revival 
of  learning,  it  became  a  matter  of  great  difficulty 
to  prevent  the  occurrence  of  a  schism  similar  to 
that  which  Luther  produced.  The  only  effectual 
way  to  obviate  a  revolution  of  that  nature  was,  to 
desist  sincerely  and  speedily  from  the  practice  of 
the  gross  frauds  devised  for  a  rude  state  of  society. 
Clear  and  unquestionable  as  this  appears,  it  would 
have  formed  an  act  of  self-denial  very  seldom  ex- 
emplified in  the  conduct  of  governments.  Frauds 
are  generally  too  lucrative,  and  the  retention  of 
arbitrary  power  too  gratifying  to  our  pride,  to  be 
relinquished  otherwise  than  from  necessity.  His- 
tory is  replete  with  examples  of  calamities  originating 
in  a  blind  pertinacity  of  this  nature.  And  we  need 
go  no  farther  than  the  events  of  our  own  day  to 
find  a  dreadful  revolution  take  its  rise  from  the  re- 
fusal of  the  higher  orders  to  bear  an  equal  share  in 
the  burden  of  taxation. 

If  we  apply  this  reasoning  to  the  conduct  of  the 
court  of  Rome;  we  shall  not  find  that  discrepancy 
in  her  policy  at  the  era  of  the  Reformation  and 
former  ages,  which  many  persons  have  imagined. 
Her  strength  lay  in  diplomatic  intrigue,  and  the 
revolution  commenced  by  Luther  had  its  origin  in 
a  cause  which  no  dexterity  of  that  kind  could  re- 
move or  overcome. 

The  interest  now  generally  excited  by  Luther's 
writings  showed  that  his  doctrines  had  taken  a 
powerful  hold  on  the  public  mind.  Though  they 
had  not  received  the  avowed  protection  of  any 
prince,  the  impression  made  on  many  leading  indi- 
viduals in  Germany  seemed  indicative  of  an  ap- 
proaching separation   from   the   church   of   Rome. 

Y 


170  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Meanwhile  many  pacific  and  well-intentioned  per- 
sons, lamenting  the  vehemence  of  mutual  recrimi- 
nation, and  judging  of  the  rest  of  mankind  by 
themselves,  were  anxious  to  accomplish  an  ami- 
cable accommodation.  To  such  persons  it  occurred 
that  Luther's  objection  to  the  partiality  of  the 
judges  hitherto  named  would  be  obviated  by  the 
appointment  of  exalted  individuals,  such  as  the 
emperor  Charles,  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  and  the 
king  of  Hungary.  But  this  expectation  was  ob- 
viously formed  on  no  accurate  estimate  of  the  re- 
spective characters  of  these  sovereigns.  The  magni- 
tude of  Charles's  empire  rendered  him  an  object  of 
jealousy  to  all  cotemporary  princes,  and  to  none 
more  than  the  Roman  pontiff.  The  possessions  of 
Charles  in  Italy  surrounded  in  a  manner  the  ec- 
clesiastical territory,  and  obliged  the  pope  to  culti- 
vate for  self-preservation  a  friendly  connection  with 
Francis  I.  Hence  those  interruptions  to  cordiality 
between  Chafes  and  the  See  of  Rome  which  afforded 
opportunity  to  the  Reformation  to  expand  itself 
in  Germany.  Nothing  indeed  could  be  more  em- 
barrassing than  the  situation  of  the  pope  in  regard  to 
the  rival  sovereigns,  Charles  and  Francis.  To  be  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  one  necessarily  implied 
hostility  with  the  other.  But  the  pope  was  in  no 
condition  to  brave  the  enmity  of  either ;  for  while 
Charles  was  so  near  and  formidable  a  neighbour, 
Francis  had  a  strong  claim  on  attention,  as  well 
from  the  extent  of  his  political  power,  as  from  the 
danger  of  his  embracing  the  liberal  views  of  the  Re- 
formers. This  danger,  says  a  protestant  author,  was 
by  no  means  inconsiderable.  Erat  enim  Me  rex  non 
qualis  eum  sunt  consecuti postea ;  sed  acerrimus  rennri 


YEAR  1521.  171 

estimator,  judicii  ad  dignoscendam  rerum  non  parvi, 
eriiditoium  fautor,  neqv.e  per  se  a  nobis  alienus* 

Another  difficulty  in  negotiating  with  the  impe- 
rial court  consisted  in  the  rivalship  and  even  dis- 
sension which  existed  among  the  emperor's  counsel- 
lors. The  Spaniards  and  Flemings  were  extremely 
jealous  of  each  other,  and  the  court  of  Rome  found 
it  necessary  to  cultivate  both.  Charles  had  hardly 
passed  his  twentieth  year,  and  was  as  yet  only 
beginning  to  acquire  that  sagacity  which  marked 
his  future  conduct.  That  his  course  of  proceeding 
in  regard  to  Luther's  cause  was  at  first  very  prob- 
lematical, appears  to  be  beyond  dispute.  He,  in 
common  with  many  leading  men  in  Germany,  early 
discovered  an  inclination  rather  to  favour  a  reform 
in  the  church,  than  to  support  the  pretensions  of  the 
pontiff.  So  general  was  the  impression  made  by  the 
corruptions  of  the  church,  that  George,  duke  of  Sax- 
ony, who,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  a  zealous 
papist,  presented  at  this  time  twelve  grievances  on 
the  subject  of  indulgences  and  the  conduct  of  the 
clergy.  All  these  circumstances  concur  to  show  the 
general  demand  for  a  reform ;  and  there  can  be  lit- 
tle doubt  that  had  the  decision  of  the  question  been 
left  to  the  people,  the  cause  of  liberality  would  have 
been  as  successful  in  France,  Austria,  and  even  in 
Italy,  as  in  Saxony  and  in  England.  But  these  fair 
prospects  were  destined  to  be  clouded  by  the  in- 
trigues of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  by  the  unfortu- 
nate connection  existing  between  the  church  and  the 
principal  governments  of  Europe.  In  these  days  of 
limited  education,  the  chief  ministers  in  cabinets 
were  ecclesiastics.  Attachment  to  their  own  Order 
*  Beza,  Vita  Calvini. 


172  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

was,  of  course,  a  predominant  feeling  with  them; 
and  the  church  of  Rome  well  knew  how  to  make  the 
impatience  of  princes  to  grasp  a  present  object,  subser- 
vient to  the  attainment  of  lasting  advantage  to  herself. 

The  term  granted  to  Luther  having  expired,  a  new 
bull  made  its  appearance  on  the  third  of  January, 
1521,  confirming  the  preceding  in  all  its  extent, 
with  the  serious  addition  of  Luther's  excommuni- 
cation. But  this  edict  made  very  little  impression, 
and  its  reception  tended  only  to  show  the  dimi- 
nished efficacy  of  papal  fulminations,  against  the 
progress  of  opinion. 

Meanwhile  another  attempt  at  reconciliation  took 
place  between  two  persons  in  the  employment  re- 
spectively of  Charles  and  Frederick  ;  Gregory  Pon- 
tanus,  the  elector's  chancellor,  and  John  Glassio,  a 
Franciscan  and  father  confessor  to  the  emperor. 
Glassio  was  a  man  of  address,  and  began  by  be- 
stowing the  highest  praises  on  Luther's  genius,  and 
expressing  great  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  empe- 
ror to  be  instrumental  in  reconciling  to  the  church 
so  valuable  a  member.  He  next  proceeded  to  ex- 
press his  disappointment  at  the  treatise  termed  the 
"  Babylonish  captivity,"  which,  in  his  opinion,  was 
infinitely  inferior  to  Luther's  other  publications. 
To  refute  it,  he  added,  would  be  no  difficult  matter, 
but  his  proposition  was  that  Luther  should  disavow 
this  treatise ;  on  which  the  pope  would  recall  the 
bull  and  excommunication,  appointing  at  the  same 
time  men  of  learning  and  impartiality  to  try  Lu- 
ther's cause  in  Germany.  From  the  various  inter- 
views which  followed,  it  is  apparent  that  the  church 
of  Rome  had  been  sorely  wounded  by  the  publica- 
tion of  that  treatise.     Glassio  confessed   that  all 


YEAR  1521.  173 

parties  were  agreed  on  the  necessity  of  a  reform  to 
a  certain  extent ;  but,  after  all  his  efforts,  this  ne- 
gotiation was  destined  to  experience  the  fate  of  the 
others.  It  was  regarded  on  the  part  of  Luther's 
friends  as  little  else  than  an  attempt  to  obtain  the 
disavowal  of  the  obnoxious  treatise. 

The  time  had  now  arrived  for  holding  Charles's 
first  Diet.  The  city  of  Nuremberg  being  infested 
with  the  plague,  the  place  of  meeting  was  fixed  at 
Worms.  Thither  Frederick  repaired  in  company 
with  Charles,  and  probably  communicated  with 
him  at  some  length  on  the  subject  of  Luther. 
Charles  had  previously  requested  Frederick  to  bring 
Luther  along  with  him  to  the  Diet,  where  he  pro- 
mised that  he  should  be  well  treated.  With  this 
application,  however,  the  cautious  elector  declined  to 
comply.  He  apprehended  that  Luther's  appearance 
before  that  assembly  would  be  productive  of  very 
serious  discussion,  and  he  determined  accordingly 
to  delay  it  as  long  as  possible. 

The  Diet  assembled  in  January,  and  the  agents 
of  the  court  of  Rome  were  indefatigable  in  their 
efforts  to  get  a  summons  for  Luther  speedily  issued. 
Frederick,  apprized  of  all  their  machinations,  gave 
Luther  information,  through  the  medium  of  Spa- 
latin,  of  what  was  likely  to  happen,  and  caused 
him  to  be  asked  what  course  he  would  pursue  in 
the  event  of  his  being  summoned  by  the  emperor  to 
appear  before  the  Diet,  a  step  which,  in  consequence 
of  the  urgency  of  the  pope's  agents,  he  thought  very 
probable.  Luther's  answer  was  conveyed  in  a  letter 
to  Spalatin  and  was  nearly  as  follows  : 

"  I  shall  certainly  not  hesitate  to  come,  for  I 
shall  regard  the  emperor's  summons  as  proceeding 


174  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

from  God.  If  violence  be  offered  to  my  person, 
an  event  not  unlikely,  I  shall  commend  my  cause 
to  that  God  who  delivered  the  three  children  from 
the  fiery  furnace.  Should  it  not  seem  meet  to  God 
to  preserve  me,  of  what  moment  is  my  life  com- 
pared with  the  life  and  sufferings  of  Christ  ?  It  is 
not  for;  me,"  he  adds,  "  to  determine  whether  the 
danger  to  the  Gospel  be  greater  or  less  by  my  life 
or  death.  The  truth  of  God  is  a  rock  of  offence 
placed  for  the  falling  and  rising  of  many  in  Israel. 
My  chief  duty  is  to  pray  that  Charles  may  not 
stain  his  administration,  at  the  outset,  with  my 
blood  or  his  own.  Let  me  rather  die  by  the  hands 
of  the  Romanists,  lest  he  and  all  connected  with 
him  should  be  involved  in  sorrow  by  a  guilty  parti- 
cipation. You  well  remember  what  befel  the 
emperor  Sigismund — after  the  murder  of  Huss 
nothing  succeeded  with  him.  He  died  without 
male  offspring,  and  Ladislaus,  his  grandson,  fol- 
lowed him  soon  to  the  grave,  so  that  his  name 
became  extinct  in  a  single  generation.  His  wife 
Barbara  was  a  disgrace  to  the  name  of  queen.  But 
if  it  be  determined  that  I  am  to  be  delivered,  not 
only  to  the  pope  but  to  the  gentiles,  let  the  Lord's 
will  be  done.  I  have  told  you  my  mind  fully. 
Your  conjectures  in  regard  to  me  are  correct  in 
every  thing  except  as  to  the  chance  of  my  flight  or 
recantation.  I  am  unwilling  to  fly,  but  much  more 
unwilling  to  recant.  May  the  Lord  Jesus  send  me 
support,  for  I  can  do  neither  without  putting  in 
hazard  the  piety  and  salvation  of  many  persons." 

The  elector's  outward  behaviour  was  extremely 
cautious;  but,  from  a  variety  of  circumstances, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  had  undertaken  the 


YEAR  1521.  175 

protection  of  Luther  in  good  earnest.  Charles,  in 
the  mean  time,  was  induced  to  put  his  signature 
to  several  precipitate  and  inconsistent  acts.  He  is- 
sued in  January  an  order  for  summoning  Luther 
before  the  Diet,  but  Frederick  declining  to  forward 
it,  the  emperor  thought  proper  to  recall  it.  Fred- 
erick, apprehensive  .of  personal  danger  to  Luther, 
was  determined  that  he  should  not  undertake  to 
come  so  far  without  a  solemn  pledge  of  protection. 
On  the  25th  January,  Luther,  we  find,  wrote  to 
the  elector  as  follows:  "  As  to  myself  I  am  most 
ready  to  appear  at  the  imperial  Diet  at  Worms,  .be- 
fore equitable,  learned,  and  good  judges,  provided  I 
obtain  a  sufficient  security  and  a  safe  conduct  both 
for  going  and  returning.  '  By  God's  help  I  shall  make 
it  appear,  to  the  conviction  of  all,  that  I  have  not 
been  actuated  by  wilfulness,  or  by  selfish  views,  but 
that  whatever  1  have  ta*ught  or  written  has  proceeded 
from  my  conscience,  from  an  ardour  for  the  salvation 
of  the  catholic  church,  and  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
most  dangerous  abuses  and  superstitions." 

The  next  step  which  took  place  in  the  contra- 
dictory proceedings  of  Charles,  was  a  letter,  dated 
sixth  March,  summoning  Luther  to  appear  at  Worms 
within  twenty-one  days.  The  letter  is  very  short, 
and,  while  expressed  in  terms  sufficiently  attentive 
to  Luther,  it  commands  him  peremptorily  to  appear 
before  the  Diet,  and  promises  him  protection  in  all 
the  districts  through  which  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  pass  on  his  journey.*     A  private  injunction  was 

*  The  address  of  the  letter  was  "  Carolus  Dei  gratia  Ronia- 
norum  Imperator,  semper  augustus,  &c.  Honorabili  nostro  Di- 
lecto  devoto  Doctori  Martino  Luthero,  Augustiniani  ordinis." 
Luth.  ii.  lGS.     Sleid.  L.  iii. 


176  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER 

added,  it  has  been  said,  against  his  preaching  by 
the  way.  In  addition  to  the  guarantee  of  the  em- 
peror, the  princes,  through  whose  territories  Luther 
had  to  travel,  pledged  themselves  respectively  for 
his  safety.  Meantime  the  pope's  agents,  impatient 
to  draw  down  a  censure  on  Luther,  procured  an 
edict  from  Charles,  dated  next  day,  seventh  March, 
directing  that  his  books  should  be  submitted  to  the 
inspection  of  the  magistrates.  But  the  college  of 
the  empire  interfered,  and  made  a  respectful  re- 
monstrance against  taking  any  such  measure  until 
Luther  should  be  heard.  This  step,  on  the  part  of 
the  college,  if  not  indicative  of  a  disposition  to 
support  Luther,  showed  at  least  that  his  cause  had 
gained  too  much  ground  to  be  the  object  of  pre- 
mature condemnation. 

Spalatin,  having  apprized  Luther  of  the  resolu- 
tion adopted  by  the  emperor,  added  to  the  notice 
a  communication  that  the  object  of  his  summons 
was  the  recantation  of  several  of  his  opinions.  Lu- 
ther replied  on  the  19th  March,  assuring  Spalatin 
that  he  would  not  recant:  "  I  shall  tell  the  emperor 
Charles,"  he  said,  "  that  I  am  determined  not  to  come, 
because  it  is  to  a  recantation  that  he  has  summoned 
me.  If  that  be  all  that  is  wanted,  I  might  as  well  be 
asked  to  do  it  where  I  am.  If,  by  this  summoning, 
their  intention  is  to  put  me  to  death,  and,  from 
the  answer  I  am  determined  to  give,  to  declare  me 
a  rebel,  in  that  case  I  am  willing  to  make  my  ap- 
pearance. I  will  not  fly  nor  forsake  the  word  in 
the  field  of  battle.  My  enemies,  I  am  persuaded, 
will  never  rest  until  they  have  put  me  to  death." 

Various  reasons  contributed  to  induce  Luther  to 
adopt  an  affirmative  determination  in  regard  to  the 


YEAR  1521.  177 

question  of  going  to  Worms.  The  eclat  given  to 
his  cause  by  appearing  before  the  emperor  and  the 
assembled  princes  of  Germany,  and  the  assurance 
that  his  friends  were  sufficiently  numerous  and 
powerful  to  prevent  his  being  condemned  unheard, 
were  conclusive  arguments  to  a  mind  wholly  en- 
grossed with  the  promulgation  of  a  new  doctrine. 
Other  circumstances  co-operated  indirectly  to  sti- 
mulate Luther  to  come  forward  in  vindication  of  his 
doctrine.  The  Bohemians  had  begun  to  receive  his 
publications  favourably,  and  to  translate  several  of 
them.*  Henry,  brother  of  the  bigoted  George,  duke 
of  Saxony,  seemed  to  discover  an  attachment  to  the 
Lutheran  cause.  And  it  may  deserve  to  be  mentioned, 
as  an  indication  of  the  diffusion  of  zealous  efforts 
against  the  papacy,  that  an  artist  of  some  eminence, 
Lucas  Cranachius,  joined  himself  to  Luther,  and 
engraved  on  wood  delineations  of  the  history  of 
Christ  and  Antichrist.  To  these  the  Reformer  fur- 
nished inscriptions,  and  to  the  prints  of  Antichrist  he 
had  no  scruple  in  subjoining  extracts  from  the  papal 
decretals,  sufficiently  explicit  to  point  out  the  connec- 
tion which  he  wished  to  establish  between  the  two. 

Frederick  conducted  himself  in  this  critical  junc- 
ture with  his  wonted  judgment.  He  assumed  more 
than  his  usual  appearance  of  reserve,  that  he  might 
not  be  suspected  of  partiality  to  Luther.  To  pre- 
vent any  molestation  to  the  emperor's  messenger 
on  the  part  of  the  people,  he  gave  orders  to  the  pro- 
vost and  senate  of  Wittemberg,  that  a  guard 
should,  if  necessary,  be  given  him.  On  Luther's 
agreeing  to  obey  the  summons,  the  senate  provided 
him  with  a  covered  wagon,  the  only  mode  of  con- 

*  Seckend.  p.  148. 

z 


178  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

veyance  then  in  general  use  in  Germany.  He  was 
accompanied  by  his  friends  Iodocus,*  Amsdorff, 
and  Sauvenius,  a  native  of  Denmark.  He  took 
with  him  likewise  as  his  counsel,  Jerome  Schurff, 
who  has  been  already  mentioned  as  an  eminent 
lawyer.  Eager  to  circulate  his  opinions,  Luther 
took  an  opportunity  of  preaching  at  Erfurt  on  the 
nature  of  justification  and  the  vices  of  the  clergy. 
He  exercised  his  talents  in  the  same  way  at  Issenach, 
so  that  the  admonition  against  preaching  by  the 
road,  if  given  at  all,  had  not  been  acceded  to  by 
him.  Wherever  he  arrived,  he  had  the  gratifi- 
cation of  receiving  marks  of  distinguished  attention. 
The  inhabitants  of  Erfurt,  on  hearing  of  his  ap- 
proach, came  out  in  a  body  to  receive  him.  But, 
by  this  time  the  fatigue  of  the  journey,  joined  to 
anxiety  of  mind,  had  produced  a  considerable 
degree  of  illness.  On  arriving  at  Frankfort  he 
wrote  to  Spalatin,  "  I  have  been  indisposed  ever 
since  I  left  Issenach,  nor  am  I  yet  recovered.  The 
mandate  of  Charles  was  issued,  I  understand,  to 
affright  me,  but  Christ  is  alive  and  I  shall  enter 
Worms  in  spite  of  the  gates  of  hell  and  the  powers 
of  the  air — I  am  determined  to  meet  Satan  and  to 
strike  him  with  terror." — Luther's  friends  were  not 
equally  courageous.  They  were  apprized  of  the 
emperor's  hostile  disposition,  and  began  to  look  on 
the  Reformer  as  a  devoted  victim.  On  reaching  Op- 
penheim,  he  found  letters  from  several  friends  and 
one  from  Spalatin  himself,  dissuading  him  from  pro- 

*  This  was  a  very  different  person  from  Luther's  logical  pre- 
ceptor of  the  same  name.  He  was  younger  than  Luther,  and 
continued,  as  we  shall  find  in  the  sequel,  a  steady  follower  and 
friend  of  the  Reformer. 


YEAR  1521.  179 

feeding  to  Worms.  It  was  then  that  he  made  the 
homely  but  resolute  declaration,  "  To  Worms  I  will 
go,  were  there  as  many  devils  there,  as  tiles  on  the 
houses."  His  boldness  on  this  occasion  appeared 
surprising  at  a  future  period  to  himself:  For,  a 
short  time  before  his  death,  in  speaking  of  the  cir- 
cumstance to  his  friends  at  Eisleben,  he  added, 
"  Thus  you  perceive  that  God  can  render  a  man  un- 
daunted ;  I  know  not  whether  I  should  now  have 
the  courage  to  do  so  much." 

When  drawing  towards  the  close  of  his  journey, 
Luther  received  an  invitation  from  Glassio,  the 
emperor's  confessor,  to  meet  him  at  the  residence 
of  one  of  Luther's  friends,  at  some  distance  from 
the  road.  But  Luther,  whether  suspicious  of  Glas- 
sio, or  as  is  more  likely,  afraid  of  exceeding  the  li- 
mited term  of  twenty-one  days,  replied,  "  that  he 
was  determined  to  go  whither  he  had  been  ordered 
by  the  emperor."  Accordingly  he  reached  Worms 
on  the  16th  April,  attired  in  his  friar's  cowl,  seated 
in  an  open  chariot  and  preceded  by  the  emperor's 
herald  on  horseback  in  his  official  dress.  Several  of 
the  Saxon  nobles  and  others  having  come  out  to 
meet  him,  the  whole  formed  a  kind  of  procession 
and  entered  the  city  at  ten  in  the  forenoon.  Before 
Luther  reached  the  inn  appointed  for  his  residence, 
above  two  thousand  persons  were  assembled;  and, 
in  the  course  of  the  day,  many  of  the  men  of  rank 
connected  with  the  Diet  called  to  have  a  sight  of 
a  stranger  of  so  great  celebrity. 

Next  day,  17th  April,  notice  was  sent  from  the 
emperor  to  Luther  that  his  presence  was  required  at 
the  Diet  in  the  afternoon.  When  the  hour  (four 
©'clock)  came,  the  crowd  was  so  great  that  the  only 


160  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

access  to  the  place  of  audience  was  through  gardens 
and  private  houses.  Even  the  roofs  are  said  to  have- 
been  covered  with  spectators.  An  intimation  having 
been  privately  given  to  Luther  not  to  speak  except  in 
reply,  the  proceedings  commenced  on  the  part 
of  one  John  Eckius,  Official*  as  it  is  termed,  of 
the  archbishop  of  Treves,  and  equally  hostile  to 
Luther  as  his  namesake,  the  disputant.  This  ora- 
tor, in  an  audible  voice,  first  in  Latin  and  next  in 
German,  proposed  two  questions  :  "  Whether 
Luther  avowed  himself  the  author  of  the  books 
bearing  his  name?"  to  a  collection  of  which  he 
then  pointed ;  and  "  Whether  he  was  disposed  to 
retract  or  persist  in  their  contents  ?"  Schurff,  Lu- 
ther's counsel,  having  required  that  the  titles  of  the 
books  should  be  read,  they  proved  to  be  his  com- 
mentaries on  the  Psalms  and  the  Lord's  Prayer,  his 
treatise  on  good  works,  along  with  other  pieces 
which  were  not  controversial.  Luther  instantly  ac- 
knowledged himself  the  author  of  these  works,  but 
in  regard  to  the  second  question,  he  asked,  no  doubt 
by  the  suggestion  of  his  counsel,  that  "  time  might 
be  given  him  to  consider  his  answer."  One  day 
was  accordingly  granted,  accompanied,  however, 
with  an  intimation  that  a  written  answer  would  not 
be  received.  The  proceedings  were  then  adjourned, 
and  several  of  the  by  -standers  called  aloud  to  Luther 
in  an  encouraging  tone,  not  to  be  afraid  of  those 
who  could  kill  only  the  body. 

If  Luther's  opponents  were  led,  by  his  requiring 

*  The  "  Official "  was  an  officer  to  whom  an  ecclesiastical 
prince,  possessing,  like  the  archbishop  of  Treves,  extensive 
political  power,  was  in  the  habit  of  delegating  the  detail  of  his 
spiritual  jurisdiction. 


YEAR  1521.  181 

time,  to  entertain  any  hope  of  hesitation  on  his 
part,  they  were  speedily  undeceived.  On  entering 
the  Diet  next  day,  Eckius  recapitulated  with  great 
form,  the  proceedings  of  the  day  before,  and  asked 
Luther  once  more  whether  he  retracted  or  persisted. 
Luther  delivered  an  answer  at  great  length,  first  in 
German  and  afterwards  in  Latin.  Notwithstanding 
the  awe  of  the  assembly  and  the  excessive  heat  from 
the  great  numbers  present,  he  spoke  in  a  tone  of 
clearness  and  confidence.  He  began  by  enlarging 
on  the  distinct  object  and  tendency  of  his  several 
publications.  Some  of  them  referred,  he  said,  to 
the  doctrines,  others  to  the  duties  of  Christianity, 
and  were  such  as  no  person  in  the  sober  exercise  of 
reason  could  find  fault  with.  Adverting  next  to 
that  part  of  his  writings  which  regarded  the  papacy, 
so  far  from  disguising  his  sentiments,  he  expatiated 
on  the  baseness  of  which  he  would  be  guilty,  were 
he  to  disavow  what  had  been  prompted  by  the  perusal 
of  the  Scriptures  and  by  the  notorious  corruption  of 
the  church.  Repeating  the  words  of  our  Saviour  when 
before  Annas,  he  said  "  If  I  have  spoken  evil,  bear 
witness  of  the  evil ;  but  if  well,  why  smitest  thou  me  ?" 
He  entreated  that  any  one  present,  of  whatever  sta- 
tion, would  undertake  to  point  out  his  errors,  in  which 
case  he  promised,  as  he  had  frequently  done  before, 
to  recant  and  to  be  the  first  to  throw  his  own  books 
into  the  fire.  Eckius,  who  had  discovered  symptoms 
of  impatience  during  the  delivery  of  the  defence, 
declared,  as  soon  as  it  was  ended,  that  Luther  had 
not  answered  to  the  point,  and  ought  not  to  express 
doubts  about  things  that  had  been  already  defined 
and  condemned  by  so  many  councils.  Then  as- 
suming a  peremptory  tone,  he  demanded  a  catego- 


182  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

rical  answer  whether  he  recanted  or  not  ?  Luther, 
addressing  himself  to  the  Diet,  said,  "  Since  a  po- 
sitive answer  is  required  of  me,  I  have  only  to  add, 
that  unless  I  shall  be  convinced  by  Scripture,  (for  I 
can  put  no  credit  in  the  pope  or  in  councils,  as  it 
is  evident  they  have  erred  frequently  and  have  even 
contradicted  each  other,)  I  say,  unless  my  con- 
science be  convinced  by  the  word  of  God,  I  neither 
can  nor  will  recant,  since  it  is  unworthy  of  an 
honest  man  to  act  contrary  to  his  conviction — here 
I  stand,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  act  otherwise — so 
help  me  God."  Eckius  still  affirmed  that  Luther 
had  not  answered  the  question,  and,  after  some 
general  conversation,  informed  Luther  that  the 
emperor  was  disposed  to  make  a  distinction  between 
his  different  works,  but  still  insisted  on  his  saying 
whether  he  defended  every  thing  in  his  writings,  or 
what  part  of  them  he  would  recant  ?  Luther  then 
asked  whether  the  emperor  could  mean  to  compel 
him  to  recant  against  his  conscience  and  even  with- 
out any  means  being  used  to  convince  him  ?  Having 
repeated  his  assertion,  that  councils  had  often  erred, 
and  Eckius  having  said  that  he  could  not  prove  any 
error  on  the  part  of  a  council,  Luther,  nowise  re- 
luctant to  tread  on  controversial  ground,  affirmed 
his  readiness  to  enter  into  proof  of  what  he  had  de- 
clared. The  discussion  was  protracted  to  a  late 
hour,  and  some  of  the  emperor's  Spanish  counsellors, 
bigotedly  attached  to  the  pope,  could  not  withhold 
their  murmurs  at  Luther  on  his  leaving  the  Diet. 

The  emperor  being,  in  a  great  measure,  unac- 
quainted with  the  mode  of  conducting  the  affairs  of 
Germany,  and  impatient  at  the  continuance  of  the 
controversy,  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  that 


YEAR  1521.  183 

the  fittest  course  would  be  to  excommunicate  Lu- 
ther at  once.  This  took  place  accordingly  next  day, 
19th  April,  but  being  done  without  the  assent  of 
the  princes,  the  efficacy  of  the  decree  was  very  dif- 
ferent from  what  would  have  attended  a  concurrent 
resolution  of  the  Diet.  Many  persons  of  distinction 
continued  to  visit  Luther,  and  the  multitude  gave 
evident  signs  of  their  interest  in  his  cause.  They 
surrounded  his  lodging  in  crowds,  and  appeared  as 
if  they  could  not  be  satisfied  with  beholding  him. 
His  opponents,  apprehensive  of  the  odium  attached 
to  premature  condemnation,  procured  from  the 
emperor  a  suspension,  during  three  days,  of  the 
execution  of  the  sentence,  an  interval  which  the 
archbishop  of  Treves  proposed  to  occupy  in  an  at- 
tempt to  prevail  on  Luther  to  retract  his  opinions, 
or,  at  least,  to  promise  silence  for  the  future.  The 
archbishop  had  long  been  desirous  of  a  conference 
with  Luther.  It  was  he  who,  two  years  before, 
had  urged  a  meeting  of  this  kind  on  the  arrival  of 
Miltitz  in  Saxony.*  He  appears  to  have  entertained 
a  hope,  that  by  mixing  temperance  with  firmness  in 
the  treatment  of  Luther,  he  might  be  prevailed  on 
to  stop  short  in  his  career.  Such  a  course  could 
hardly  have  failed  at  the  outset,  but  the  case  was 
now  much  altered  by  the  mutual  and  repeated  effu- 
sions of  animosity. 

Luther,  being  invited  to  a  conference  with  the 
archbishop  and  the  other  princes,  consented  to 
appear  before  them.  They  met  to  receive  him 
on  the  24th  without  the  formality  of  constituting 
themselves  into  a  council.  Luther  having  repaired 
fo  the  inn  where  the  primate  lodged,  was  addressed 

*  See  p.  120. 


184  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

in  very  conciliatory  terms  by  the  chancellor  of 
Baden,  who  acted  on  the  present  occasion  as 
speaker  to  the  princes.  That  officer,  after  pro- 
fessing a  dislike  to  controversy,  vindicated  the  con- 
sistency of  general  councils,  and  expatiated  on  the 
great  commotions  to  be  apprehended  from  Luther's 
books,  in  particular  from  the  work  on  "  Christian 
liberty."  He  mixed  his  censure,  however,  with  a 
commendation  of  several  of  his  writings,  and  en- 
larged principally  on  the  hazard  to  be  apprehended 
to  the  public  tranquillity.  The  chancellor  having 
spoken  in  the  name  of  the  princes  of  the  empire, 
Luther,  in  his  reply,  thanked  these  illustrious  persons 
for  condescending  to  admonish  him.  He  repeated 
his  charge  against  the  councils,  particularly  the  coun- 
cil of  Constance  for  their  treatment  of  Huss,  and  re- 
iterated the  wish  which  he  had  already  so  frequently 
expressed,  that  all  his  doctrines  should  be  examined 
and  decided  by  Scripture.  Having  thus  spoken,  he 
retired  to  give  the  princes  time  to  deliberate.  On 
being  called  in  again,  the  chancellor  of  Baden  advised 
him  to  submit  his  works  to  the  judgment  of  the  em- 
peror. Luther  professed  all  due  respect  for  Charles, 
and  declared  that  instead  of  shunning,  he  courted  ex- 
amination, but  no  consideration  could  induce  him  to 
relinquish  what  the  Scripture  taught.  He  concluded, 
by  requesting  them  to  intercede  with  the  emperor 
and  prevail  on  him  to  desist  from  compelling  him  to 
act  contrary  to  his  conviction.  When  he  had  con- 
cluded, the  elector  of  Brandenburg,  to  bring  the  mat- 
ter to  a  point,  asked  him  Whether  he  had  said  that 
he  was  determined  not  to  yield  unless  convinced  by 
Scripture  ?  to  which  he  immediately  replied,  "  Cer- 
tainly."    He  then  retired,  and  the  princes,  thinking 


YEAR  1521.  1S5 

any  farther  attempt  vain,  broke  up  their  meeting  and 
repaired  to  the  Diet. 

The  archbishop  of  Treves,  however,  was  deter- 
mined to  make  one  effort  more,  and,  on  his  invitation, 
Luther,  accompanied  by  Schurff  and  Amsdorff,  re- 
paired to  a  fresh  conference  at  the  archbishop's. 
Here,  along  with  that  prelate,  they  met  Eckius  and 
Cochlacus,  another  ardent  abetter  of  the  papal  cause. 
These  zealous  advocates  employed  a  variety  of  argu- 
ments, as  well  to  shake  Luther  in  his  creed,  as  to 
prevail  on  him  to  abstain  from  writing  or  teaching. 
But  Luther  in  this,  and  in  every  subsequent  confer- 
ence, scorned  the  idea  of  recantation,  and  adhered  to 
his  former  text  of  reference  to  Scripture,  and  to 
Scripture  alone.  The  archbishop  having  held  a  final 
conversation  with  him,  asked  him,  what  remedy 
could  be  adopted  by  way  of  compromise  ?  to  which 
Luther  replied  in  the  words  of  Gamaliel,  (Acts  v.) 
"  If  this  work  be  of  men,  it  will  come  to  nought; 
but,  if  it  be  of  God,  ye  cannot  overthrow  it."  He 
persisted  that  the  council  of  Constance  had  decided 
contrary  to  Scripture,  and  repeated  that  he  would  ra- 
ther lose  his  life  than  renounce  what  he  considered 
the  word  of  God.  On  his  saying  this,  the  archbishop 
desisted  from  farther  urgency,  dismissed  him  politely, 
and  promised  him  a  safe  conduct.  Accordingly,  on 
the  same  day,  Eckius  and  the  emperor's  secretary 
delivered  him  a  safe  conduct  for  twenty-one  days, 
with  an  intimation  that  he  might  depart.  To  this 
they  added,  in  a  less  gracious  tone,  that  "  since  after 
so  many  admonitions,  he  was  still  averse  to  cherish 
a  mutual  good  understanding  or  unity,  Charles,  as 
the  defender  of  the  Catholic  faith,  was  determined  to 
do  his  duty."     The}7  delivered  to  him  also  a  prohi- 

(2A 


186  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

bition  as  to  preaching  or  haranguing  the  people  on 
his  road  home.  Luther's  reply  was,  "  As  it  pleased 
God,  so  it  is  come  to  pass.  I  thank  the  emperor  and 
the  princes  of  the  empire  for  the  gracious  audience 
and  the  safe  conduct  they  have  given  me.  My  wish 
is,  for  nothing  but  a  reformation  by  means  of  the 
Scripture.  In  other  respects  I  am  ready  to  suffer 
any  thing  for  the  emperor  or  the  empire ;  life  or 
death,  good  or  evil  report — reserving  nothing  to  my- 
self but  the  freedom  of  confessing  and  bearing  wit- 
ness of  the  word  of  God."  Next  day,  26th  April, 
having  taken  a  cordial  leave  of  his  friends  and  pa- 
trons, he  left  Worms  and  proceeded  on  his  return, 
accompanied  by  the  emperor's  herald  and  the  persons 
who  had  come  with  him  from  Wittemberg. 

Though  the  elector  of  Saxony  avoided  any  open 
protection  of  Luther,  his  solicitude  for  him  is  evinced 
by  a  variety  of  documents  which  are  still  in  existence. 
So  early  as  16th  January,  he  had  written  to  his  bro- 
ther John  that  he  had  information  of  daily  consulta- 
tions, the  main  object  of  which  was  to  induce  the 
emperor  to  declare  Luther  an  outlaw.  On  30th 
January  he  repeated  a  communication  to  the  same 
effect.  Again,  on  25th  March,  after  complaining  of 
the  great  fatigue  which  he  endured  in  consequence 
of  the  accumulation  of  business  at  the  Diet,  he 
added :  "  Luther  is  summoned  to  appear  at  Worms. 
I  know  not  whether  he  will  think  it  advisable  to 
come.  Every  thing  goes  on  slowly,  nor  can  I  pro- 
mise much  good."  On  23d  April,  the  day  of  Lu- 
ther's first  audience,  Frederick  wrote  to  his  brother, 
"  If  it  were  at  all  in  my  power,  I  should  be  very 
ready  to  assist  Luther  in  whatever  I  could  lawfully 
do.      They  seem  intent   on   banishing  him.      You 


YEAR  1521.  187 

Would  be  surprised  were  I  to  relate  how  much  I  am 
harassed.  Whoever  has  been  thought  to  favour  him 
in  any  respect,  is  accounted  a  heretic." 

On  Luther's  arrival  at  Friedberg,  on  his  return, 
he  addressed  letters,  dated  28th  April,  to  the  empe- 
ror and  the  princes,  urging  the  propriety  of  appoint- 
ing proper  judges  to  examine  his  books.  He  was  at- 
tentively received  at  most  places,  and  at  the  earnest 
request  of  the  abbot  of  Heisfeld,  a  Benedictine  and 
prince  of  the  empire,  he  ventured  to  preach  notwith- 
standing the  imperial  interdict.  At  Friedberg  the 
emperor's  herald  took  his  leave  and  returned  to 
Worms,  after  which  Luther  went  out  of  the  ordinary 
road  to  visit  his  relations.  It  was  then  that  an  event 
took  place  which,  had  it  not  come  from  a  friendly 
quarter,  would  have  been  calculated  to  plunge  his 
friends  in  despair.  The  elector  of  Saxony,  appre- 
hensive from  the  spirit  of  the  abettors  of  the  papacy, 
of  an  attempt  on  Luther's  person,  determined  to  put 
him  out  of  danger  for  a  season.  The  measure  had 
probably  received  Luther's  previous  assent ;  but  be 
this  as  it  may,  the  Reformer,  while  travelling  along 
the  skirt  of  the  Thuringian  forest  near  the  river 
Werra,  and  not  far  from  the  village  of  Schweina, 
was  suddenly  seized  by  a  party  of  men  in  masks, 
who  rushed  forward  on  the  road.  They  accomplished 
their  commission  without  violence,  and  carried  him 
back,  through  the  forest,  to  the  castle  of  Wartburg 
or  Wartemburg.  This  castle  is  situated  on  one  of  the 
highest  mountains  near  Issenach,  and  is  remarkable 
for  commanding  an  extensive  prospect.  It  had  been, 
in  ancient  times,  a  residence  of  the  landgraves  ol 
Thuringia.  Here  Luther  found  it  necessary  to  remain 
a  considerable  time  in  a  state  of  friendly  confinement. 


1S8  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

The  subsequent  proceedings  of  the  Diet  were  such 
as  to  show  the  expediency  of  this  step,  extraordinary 
as  it  was.  After  some  delay,  incurred  probably  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  advantage  of  the  departure  of 
Luther's  principal  friends  from  the  Diet,  an  imperial 
edict  was  issued  which  declared  him  a  schismatic  and 
heretic,  and  put  him  under  the  ban  of  the  empire. 
A  right  was  given  to  every  one  to  seize  the  person 
and  property  of  him  and  his  adherents.  This  edict 
was  not  published  until  26th  May,  although  dated, 
for  the  sake  of  appearing  the  act  of  the  Diet  at  large, 
so  far  back  as  the  8th  May. 

How  far  the  seizure  and  confinement  of  Luther  at 
Wartemburg  was  the  act  of  Frederick  alone,  or  in 
concert  with  the  princes  friendly  to  the  Reformation, 
has  not  been  ascertained.  Certain  it  is  that  the  em- 
peror took  no  steps  to  follow  up  the  proceedings 
against  Luther,  and  was  not  scrupulous  of  availing 
himself,  in  his  future  politics,  of  the  divisions  attend- 
ant on  the  diffusion  of  the  new  doctrines. 

The  new  mode  of  life  consequent  on  his  removal 
to  the  castle,  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  Luther. 
The  want  of  sufficient  exercise,  the  change  from  the 
plain  diet  of  a  monastery,  but  particularly  his  anxiety 
for  the  state  of  the  church  and  the  university  of  Wit- 
temberg,  all  contributed  to  form  subjects  of  complaint 
in  his  letters  to  his  friends.  His  great  apprehension 
was  lest  his  absence  from  a  participation  in  the  exer- 
tions and  troubles  of  his  adherents,  should  be  con- 
strued into  a  preference  of  personal  safety  to  other 
considerations.  In  his  letters  to  Melancthon  we  find 
him  saying,  "  For  the  glory  of  the  Scriptures  and 
the  consolation  of  mankind,  I  would  rather  submit  to 
a  violent  death  than  that  you  should  think  me  Ian- 


YEAR  1521.  189 

guid  in  the  cause.  Even  though  I  should  perish,  the 
word  of  God  shall  not  perish,  and  you,  I  hope,  like 
another  Elisha,  would  succeed  Elijah.  If  the  pope 
proceed  to  attack  all  who  are  of  my  sentiments,  Ger- 
many must  be  involved  in  tumult,  and  the  sooner  the 
attempt  is  made,  the  sooner  will  he  and  his  abettors 
be  defeated." 

Though  secluded  from  intercourse  with  the  world, 
Luther  was  incapable  of  passing  his  time  in  inac- 
tivity or  indifference.  He  continued  to  study  as  la- 
boriously as  before,  but  the  caution  of  Frederick  and 
his  ministers  obliged  him  to  delay  publishing.  The 
public  disputations  at  the  universities,  too,  were  sus- 
pended, lest  offence  should  be  given  to  the  church. 
Many  of  the  professors,  and  among  others  Melanc- 
thon,  considered  this  a  serious  invasion  of  academi- 
cal liberty.  Luther,  when  informed  of  it,  urged  them 
to  deviate  without  hesitation  from  the  injunctions  of 
the  court,  adding,  "  had  I  followed  Spalatin's  cautious 
admonitions,  the  one  half  of  what  I  have  done  would 
never  have  been  effected." 

The  first  essay,  which  Luther  found  means  to 
publish  from  his  retreat,  was  a  short  treatise  in  Ger- 
man, on  the  abuse  of  auricular  confession.  The  peo- 
ple, he  said,  so  far  from  being  benefited,  were  cor- 
rupted by  it,  and  its  chief  use  was  to  feed  the  ascen- 
dancy and  luxury  of  the  clergy.  In  contradistinction 
to  this  practice,  he  exhibited  an  account  of  the  true 
nature  of  confession  from  the  Scripture.  His  next 
publication  was  a  short  practical  work,  consisting  of 
notes  on  the  Evangelists,  the  merit  of  which  was  ac- 
knowledged even  by  his  adversaries.  He  carried  on 
likewise  a  controversy  with  James  Latomus,  a  divine 
of  Louvain,  already  known  to  the  public  by  his  dis- 


190  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

putes  with  Reuchlin  and  Erasmus,  and  who  had  un- 
dertaken the  defence  of  the  decision  given  by  his 
university  in  Luther's  cause. 

Luther's  zeal  for  the  university  of  Erfurt?  the 
scene  of  his  early  studies,  led  him  about  this  time  to 
compose  an  address  to  the  students  of  that  seminary. 
They  had  been  wanting  in  respect  to  the  clergy,  and 
though  this  originated  in  partiality  to  his  doctrine,  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  write  to  them  in  a  tone  of  repre- 
hension. Another  of  his  publications  related  to  the 
proper  acceptation  of  the  word  "  priests"  in  the  New 
Testament.  Connected  with  this  question  was  the 
more  important  one  of  the  propriety  of  the  marriage 
of  the  clergy.  It  was  now  for  the  first  time  that  he 
ventured  to  discuss  this  interesting  question.  He 
laid  it  dow7n  as  a  principle,  that  all  men  were  at 
liberty  to  marry  ;  that  ecclesiastics  were  partakers  of 
this  general  liberty ;  and  that  marriage  was  even  in- 
cumbent on  those  who  felt  themselves  inclined  to  it. 
One  exception,  however,  he  made  in  the  case  of  ec- 
clesiastics, and  that  exception  was  inclusive  of  him- 
self;— it  was  of  those  who  had  made  a  spontaneous 
vow  of  celibacy.  We  shall  see  hereafter  that  in  this, 
as  in  other  points,  his  dissent  from  the  established 
doctrine  became  gradually  more  complete.  His  friend 
Melancthon,  who  was  not  in  orders,  had  married  the 
preceding  year. 

The  consideration  of  these  subjects  led  Luther  to 
the  composition  of  his  celebrated  work  on  "  Monas- 
tic Vows."  Here  he  expressed  himself  with  great 
freedom  on  this  fictitious  and  unnatural  institution. 
His  father  had,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  op- 
posed his  entering  a  monastery,  and  the  treatise  was 
dedicated  to  him   as   a  tribute   of  filial   affection. 


YEAR  1521.  191 

Another  publication  was  prompted  by  a  work  of  Am- 
brose Catherine,  a  Dominican,  who  had  undertaken 
to  controvert  several  of  Luther's  arguments,  and  who 
was  eventually  rewarded  for  his  zeal  by  the  attain- 
ment of  high  rank  in  the  church.  Luther  in  his  an- 
swer confined  himself  to  one  concise  and  favourite 
allegation — that  the  pope  was  Antichrist.  Though 
much  superior  to  Catherine  in  strength  of  argument, 
he  permitted  himself  to  follow  the  example  of  that 
writer  in  the  adoption  of  irritating  and  abusive  lan- 
guage. In  fact,  one  can  hardly  imagine  a  more  bit- 
ter publication  than  this  of  Luther. — Another  pro- 
duction of  great  boldness  was  a  letter  addressed  on 
25th  November  to  Albert,  archbishop  of  Mentz. 
The  reply  of  this  dignitary  was  by  no  means  so  se- 
vere as  might  have  been  expected  from  Luther's  con- 
fident tone.  Albert  was  too  cool  a  politician  to 
quarrel  with  the  Reformer,  and  seemed  to  discover  a 
wish  to  tranquillize  and  flatter  him. 

In  these  different  publications  no  allusion  was 
made  to  his  place  of  retreat.  Although  fearless  him- 
self, he  made  no  difficulty  in  conforming  to  those 
precautionary  measures  which  his  friends  thought 
necessary  for  his  security.  The  castle  of  Wartburg 
was  occasionally  visited  by  gentry  and  nobility  as  a 
hunting  quarter ;  and  to  prevent  observation,  it  was 
necessary  for  Luther  to  assume  the  dress  of  a  horse- 
man. He  sometimes  even  joined  the  party  in  par- 
taking of  the  sports  of  the  field ;  and,  absent  as  his 
thoughts  were  from  the  scene  before  him,  appear- 
ances were  so  well  kept  up,  that  the  visitors  to  the 
castle  do  not  appear  to  have  found  him  out. 

The  circumstance  of  his  confinement,  as  it  was 
calculated  to  increase  the  public  sympathy  for  him, 


192  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

probably  tended  to  favour  the  diffusion  of  his  tenets. 
Various  appearances  indicated  that  they  were  begin- 
ning to  take  general  root.  In  one  point,  however, 
matters  went  at  this  time  contrary  to  his  wish.  The 
public  reproach  which  he  had  thrown  on  the  canon 
law,  would,  he  flattered  himself,  have  brought  it  into 
disrepute  at  Wittemberg,  and  he  was  accordingly 
much  surprised  to  hear  of  the  appointment  of  a  pro- 
fessor to  teach  canon  law  in  his  own  university.  To 
this  office  his  friend  Iodocus,  or,  as  he  afterwards 
chose  to  call  himself,  Justus  Jonas,  was  nominated. 
This,  joined  to  other  circumstances,  made  Luther 
impatient  to  repair  personally  to  Wittemberg,  and 
satisfy  himself  about  the  measures  that  were  going 
on.  He  ventured  accordingly,  without  the  elector's 
knowledge,  to  withdraw  for  a  short  time  from  the 
castle  and  re-appear  among  his  friends.  He  found 
them  proceeding  very  actively  in  the  career  of  inno- 
vation. His  brethren,  the  Augustinians,  had  gone 
great  lengths.  They  had  not  only  abolished  private 
masses  and  the  disgraceful  custom  of  begging,  but 
had  granted  a  general  exemption  from  the  obligation 
of  wearing  the  monastic  habit,  as  well  as  liberty  to 
whoever  thought  proper  to  withdraw  from  the  Order. 
On  the  first  of  these  topics,  the  abrogation  of  private 
mass,  Luther  addressed,  in  the  month  of  November, 
a  treatise  to  his  brethren.  Though  somewhat  appre- 
hensive of  their  going  too  far,  he  heartily  approved  of 
their  principles,  and  composed  a  laboured  refutation 
of  the  tenets  of  the  Romish  church  on  the  subject.* 
However  the  introduction  of  all  these  changes  caused 
a  great  deal  of  serious  debate  in  the  fraternity.  The 
elector  found  it  necessary  to  interfere,  and  to  depute 

*  Luth.  ii.  244.     Sleid.  L.  iii.     Seckend.  p.  214. 


YEAR  1521.  193 

Gregory  Pontanus  to  inquire  into  the  points  in  dis- 
pute. On  the  other  hand,  certain  persons  being  ap- 
pointed to  carry  on  the  discussion  on  the  part  of  the 
university,  the  result  of  their  deliberation  was  a  peti- 
tion to  the  elector  for  nothing  less  than  a  general 
abrogation  of  mass  throughout  his  dominions.  Jonas, 
Carolostad  and  Melancthon,  were  in  the  number  of 
petitioners. 

Luther  was  now  to  encounter  an  adversary  of  a 
new  kind.  Henry  VIII.  of  England  having,  in  the 
early  part  of  life,  paid  some  attention  to  the  study  of 
scholastic  theology,  was  flattered  by  his  courtiers  in- 
to the  belief  of  being  able  to  obtain  an  easy  triumph 
over  the  arguments  of  Luther.  The  "  Babylonish 
Captivity"  having  attracted  his  notice,  he  boldly  un- 
dertook the  task  of  defending  the  seven  sacraments 
of  the  Romish  communion.  He  published  a  book 
and  transmitted  it,  in  the  month  of  October,  to  Rome, 
where  it  was  delivered,  with  the  utmost  formality,  to 
the  assembled  conclave.  The  accompanying  address 
was  "  Anglorum  Rex  Henricus,  Leo  X.  mittit  hoc 
opus  etjidei  testem  et  amicitice"  The  title  of  "  De- 
fender of  the  Faith "  was  immediately  conferred  on 
this  distinguished  advocate  of  the  church. 

Henry's  book,  considering  the  badness  of  his  cause 
and  the  wretched  system  of  learning  then  in  vogue, 
is  not  destitute  of  merit.  His  courtiers  had  the  ef- 
frontery to  declare  that  it  must  have  been  written 
under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  But  Luther 
was  not  to  be  discouraged  either  by  high-sounding 
encomiums  or  by  the  rank  of  his  assailant.  He  re- 
turned a  prompt  reply,  and  had  no  scruple  in  de- 
scribing the  king  by  the  most  abusive  epithets.  It  is 
needless  to  make  any  selection,  as  the  whole  treatise 

2B 


194  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

is  full  of  them.  The  length  to  which  he  went,  gave 
his  enemies  a  handle  of  reproach,  and  even  caused 
regret  among  some  of  his  friends. 

At  the  end  of  this  year,  the  emperor  Charles,  who 
had  hitherto  declined  to  carry  the  pope's  bull  into 
effect,  began  to  act  in  hostility  to  the  Reformation. 
Some  steps  were  taken,  at  the  instigation,  it  is  said, 
of  Alexander,  the  pope's  nuncio,  towards  persecuting 
the  Lutherans  in  the  Netherlands.  Orders  were 
likewise  given  to  burn  Luther's  books  at  Vienna. 

Of  all  the  remarkable  events  of  this  year,  one  of 
the  least  expected  remains  yet  to  be  mentioned. 
This  was  the  death  of  Leo  X.  which  took  place  on 
the  first  or  2d  of  December.  The  suddenness  of  its 
occurrence,  and  the  multiplied  intrigues  at  the  court 
of  Rome,  have  given  rise  to  a  suspicion  of  poison  ; 
but  the  examination  of  this  question  would  be  foreign 
to  the  object  of  our  narrative.* 

*  Ciacon.  Vit.  Pontif.  p.  1417,  1447-     See  Appendix  A  A. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  195 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

YEARS   1522  AND  1523. 

LUTHER  having,  after  a  short  absence,  returned 
to  the  castle  of  Wartemburg,  began  to  devote  himself 
to  a  labour  of  great  importance — the  translation  of 
the  Scriptures  into  German.  The  magnitude  of  the 
design  was  in  correspondence  with  his  ardent  and 
enterprising  cast  of  mind,  and  the  seclusion  of  his 
present  residence  was  favourable  to  the  commence- 
ment of  its  execution.  Zealous,  however,  as  he  was, 
he  soon  discovered  that  the  task  was  a  very  difficult 
one.  In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Amsdorff,  written  in 
January,  he  says, 

"  I  am  busily  engaged  in  translating  the  Scriptures, 
although  conscious  that  I  have  undertaken  a  work 
above  my  abilities.  I  have  now  some  idea  what  it  is 
to  translate,  and  why  no  one  who  has  attempted  it 
has  put  his  name  to  his  version.*  I  cannot  venture 
to  attempt  the  Old  Testament  unless  you  and  your 
associates  be  present  and  assist  me.  If  by  any  means 
it  could  be  managed,  that  I  could  lodge  in  complete 
secrecy  with  any  of  you,  I  would  immediately  come, 
and,  with  your  assistance,  would  again  go  over  what 
I  have  translated,  that  the  work  might  be  made  wor- 
thy of  being  read  by  Christians.     I  hope  that  our 

*  He  alludes  to  the  circumstance  of  no  names  being  prefixed 
to  the  early  translations  of  Scripture.  This  was  probably  owing 
to  the  custom  of  the  times,  and  to  the  publicity  of  the  individuals 
who  undertook  these  meritorious  labours. 


196  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

translation  will  be  superior  to  the  Vulgate.  The  oc- 
cupation is  great  and  honourable,  and  may  employ 
us  all,  since  the  salvation  of  mankind  is  connected 
with  it." 

The  history  of  this  noble  monument  of  Luther's 
industry  deserves  to  be  recorded  with  minuteness. 
He  had  applied  during  the  preceding  summer,  with 
extraordinary  diligence,  to  the  study  of  the  Greek 
and  Hebrew.  From  the  attempts  which  had  been 
previously  made  to  translate  the  Scriptures  into  Ger- 
man, Luther  could  derive  little  or  no  assistance. 
Versions  of  a  homely  kind  had  been  published  at 
Nuremberg  in  1477,  1483,  1490,  and  at  Augsburg 
so  late  as  1518.  The  common  people,  however, 
were  not  encouraged  to  read  them,  and  the  vulgarity 
of  the  style,  together  with  the  miserable  printing, 
was  ill  calculated  to  attract  the  attention  of  others. 
In  regard  to  the  translation  said  to  have  been  made 
in  the  days  of  Charlemagne,  or  the  rhyming  versions 
of  the  dark  ages,  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  notice 
them  otherwise  than  as  matter  of  record.  In  the 
management  of  this  great  labour,  Luther  had  fre- 
quently recourse  to  the  assistance  of  his  friends,  and 
freely  confesses  the  obligations  which  he  owed  to 
them.  The  reward  of  his  industry  has  consisted  in 
the  approbation  of  his  countrymen  ever  since  the 
publication  of  his  work.  Catholic  authors  themselves, 
while  they  make  great  objection  to  the  sentiments 
which,  in  their  opinion,  he  has  ingrafted  on  the 
Scriptures,  are  loud  in  praising  the  perspicuity  of 
the  style.  His  manner  of  conducting  his  labour  is 
explained  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Spalatin, 
after  returning  from  his  confinement  to  Wittemberg : 

l*i  I  translated  not  only  John's  Gospel   but  {he 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  197 

whole  of  the  New  Testament  in  my  Patmos ;  but 
Melancthon  and  I  have  now  begun  to  revise  the 
whole  of  it,  and  it  will,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  do 
us  credit.  We  sometimes  need  your  assistance  to 
direct  us  to  suitable  modes  of  expression.  Prepare 
yourself  therefore,  but  supply  us  only  with  such 
words  as  are  simple,  and  avoid  all  that  are  confined 
in  their  use  to  the  camp  or  court.  We  wish  the  book 
to  be  distinguished  by  the  simplicity  of  its  style. 
To  accomplish  this,  in  one  difficult  passage,  we  beg 
you  will  furnish  us  with  the  names,  colours,  and  if 
possible  a  sight  of  the  precious  stones  mentioned  in 
Rev.  xxi."  This  request  had  reference  to  the  elec- 
tor's collection  of  gems.  Spalatin  complied  with  the 
wish  of  his  friends,  and  transmitted  them  the  precious 
stones  in  question,  which,  after  due  examination, 
they  sent  back.* 

Of  the  different  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
Matthew's  Gospel  was  published  first,  next  Mark's, 
and  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  The  other  books 
soon  followed,  so  that  the  whole  came  out  by  Sep- 
tember 1522.  With  a  view  to  extensive  circulation 
among  the  lower  orders,  Luther  took  care  that  the 
form  of  the  edition  should  be  cheap ;  besides,  the 
different  books  of  the  New  Testament  were  publish- 
ed separately  and  sold  at  a  very  low  rate.  The 
translation  of  this  part  of  Scripture  was  only  the  be- 
ginning of  his  labours :  He  had  the  courage  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  Old  Testament,  and,  on  2d  November, 
he  thus  expressed  himself  in  a  letter  to  a  friend : 

"  In  my  translation  of  the  Old  Testament,  I  am 
only  in  Leviticus.  It  is  inconceivable  how  much 
writing  letters,   business,   conversation,   and   many 

*  Seckend.  p.  204. 


196  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

other  things,  have  interrupted  my  progress.  I  am 
now  determined  to  shut  myself  up  at  home,  and  to 
use  despatch,  so  that  the  five  books  of  Moses  may 
be  sent  to  press  by  January.  We  shall  print  them 
separately :  after  that  we  proceed  to  the  historical 
parts  of  Scripture,  and,  lastly,  to  the  Prophets.  The 
size  and  price  render  it  necessary  to  make  these 
divisions  in  the  publication."  Nor  did  his  progress 
fall  short  of  his  expectation,  for  he  was  enabled  to 
send  the  Pentateuch  to  press  by  the  middle  of  De- 
cember. And  in  regard  to  the  New  Testament,  such 
was  the  rapid  sale  of  his  translation,  that  a  second 
edition  was  printed  in  the  course  of  the  same  month.* 

In  proceeding  with  his  labours  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, Luther  encountered  various  difficulties.  Among 
other  things,  the  proper  names  of  animals  were  pro- 
ductive of  much  embarrassment  ;f  but  nothing  could 
discourage  him — he  persevered,  year  after  year,  and 
had  the  satisfaction,  as  we  shall  find  in  the  sequel, 
not  only  of  completing,  but  of  publishing  amended 
editions  of  his  gigantic  undertaking. 

The  church  of  Rome  was  well  aware  of  the  danger 
to  her  superstitious  legends  and  extravagant  assump- 
tions, from  a  good  translation  of  the  Bible.  Her  de- 
fenders have  therefore  directed  many  attacks  against 
Luther's  labour,  and  have  presumed  to  accuse  it  of 
frequently  vitiating  the  sense  of  the  original.  Of 
these  various  critics  none  was  more  acrimonious  than 
Jerome  Emser,  who,  as  we  have  already  mentioned, 
was  professor  of  canon  law  at  Leipsic.     Orfended, 

*  Seckend.  p.  204. 

t  The  Hierozoikon  of  Samuel  Bochart,  a  work  replete  with 
Roman,  Greek,  and  Oriental  learning,  has  now  thrown  great  light 
on  this  obscure  subject. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  199 

like  the  rest  of  his  brethren,  that  Luther  should  pre- 
fer the  Greek   original   to   the    Latin  Vulgate,  he 
hastened,  in  1523,  to  publish,  in  German,  critical 
notes  on  Luther's  translation  of  the  New  Testament. 
The   number  of  heresies  and  falsehoods,   of  which 
this  zealot  accused  Luther  in  his  translation,  amount- 
ed to  no  less  than   fourteen   hundred.      Cochlaeus, 
equally  hostile,  but  somewhat  less  presumptuous,  is 
satisfied  with  estimating  Luther's  misrepresentations 
at  the  reduced  number  of  one  thousand.    But  Emser 
put  the  seal  to  his  own  condemnation  by  borrowing 
largely  from  Luther  in  a  subsequent  translation  of 
his  own.     In  regard  to  the  Epistle  of  James,  the  at- 
tacks which  Luther's  opponents  made  on  his  hasty 
translation,  were  more  formidable  ;  but  the  means  of 
supporting  their  animadversions  by  reference  to  ca- 
nonical authority  were  either  unknown  to  them  or 
were  very  unskilfully  managed  in  their  hands.* 

Meanwhile  the  civil  authorities  in  Germany  con- 
tinued their  efforts  to  crush  the  Lutheran  doctrine. 
The  affairs  of  the  emperor  had  rendered  his  presence 
absolutely  necessary  in  Spain,  but  the  government 
was  entrusted  in  his  absence  to  a  regency  extremely 
hostile  to  the  Reformation.  Accordingly  on  January 
20,  under  the  presidency  of  the  elector  palatine,  an 
edict  was  issued  at  Nuremberg,  commanding  the 
princes  to  proceed  to  punish  those  persons  among  the 
laity,  who,  in  the  language  of  the  edict,  "  were  pro- 
faners  of  the  sacrament  by  partaking  of  the  wine  as 

*  Father  Simon,  in  his  Hist.  Crit.  du  Vieux  Testam.  endeavours 
to  throw  great  blame  on  Luther's  translation,  but  from  the  exam- 
ples which  he  has  adduced,  it  may  be  suspected  that  either  he  had 
read  only  a  small  part  of  it,  or  that  he  was  no  great  critic  in  the 
German  language. 


200  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

well  as  of  the  bread."  Equal  rigour  was  enjoined 
towards  those  of  the  clergy  who  had  ventured  to  de- 
part from  a  state  of  celibacy.  The  bigoted  George, 
duke  of  Saxony,  was  one  of  the  few  princes  who 
thought  proper  to  carry  this  decree  into  effect.  He 
proceeded  to  imprison  such  of  the  monks  as  preached 
Luther's  doctrine,  and  to  recall  from  the  universities 
those  students  who  appeared  to  have  imbibed  a  simi- 
lar partiality.* 

It  was  at  this  time,  that  the  Anabaptists  began 
their  enthusiastic  career,  and  showed  to  what  an 
outrageous  length  the  spirit  of  innovation  may  be 
carried  in  the  hands  of  deluded  men.  As  a  sequel  in 
some  measure  of  the  Reformation,  Luther  was  much 
affected  by  these  irregularities.  But  a  more  direct 
cause  of  disquietude  arose  from  the  precipitate  mea- 
sures of  his  own  friends.  In  his  absence  from  Wit- 
temberg,  Carolostad  had  taken  the  lead,  and  was  ad- 
vancing with  very  decisive  steps.  He  had  not  only- 
shaken  himself  loose  of  his  clerical  vow  of  celibacy 
and  become  a  married  man,  a  step  of  which  Luther 
approved,  but  he  had  vehemently  attacked  the  prac- 
tice of  having  images  in  churches.  The  people,  at 
his  instigation,  had  even  gone  the  length  of  throwing 
down  those  that  were  in  the  churches  at  Wittemberg 
and  elsewhere.  These  proceedings  Luther  accounted 
precipitate,  and  was  very  unwilling  to  do  any  thing 
of  the  kind  until  the  common  people  were  better 
instructed,  by  which  time,  he  argued,  that  images 
would  fall  of  themselves.  It  has  been  suspected  that 
he  was  unwilling  to  let  Carolostad,  or  any  other  of 
his  followers,  take  a  lead  in  the  career  of  Reforma- 
tion ;   a  conjecture  confirmed,  it  must  be  confessed, 

*  Seckend.  p.  196. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1528.  201 

by  a  passage  in  a  letter  from  Luther  to  his  friend 
Caspar  Guttelius,  in  which,  speaking  of  Carolostad, 
he  says,  "At  Me  cupiebat fieri  subitb novas  magister, 
et  suas  ordinat  tones  in  populo  autoritate  mea  eri- 
gere.n*  Be  that  as  it  may,  Luther  determined  to 
leave  forthwith  his  place  of  confinement.  As  he 
could  have  no  hope  of  obtaining  the  elector's  consent, 
he  resolved  to  withdraw  without  his  knowledge,  and 
to  assign  his  reasons  by  letter.  He  accordingly  left 
the  castle  on  3d  March,  1522,  and  addressed  the 
elector  a  letter  of  some  length,  which,  while  it  shows 
decided  independence,  is  marked,  more  perhaps  than 
any  other  production  of  Luther,  with  his  character- 
istic eccentricities.  It  was  expressed  nearly  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  I  am  almost  in  despair  at  what  has  taken  place  at 
Wittemberg.  My  former  sufferings  were  child's  play 
compared  to  this  alarm,  which  is  calculated  to  throw 
reproach  on  the  gospel  itself.  My  great  source  of 
confidence  is  in  the  consciousness  of  an  upright  life, 
and  if  you  are  not  convinced  of  that,  I  am  willing  to 
be  denounced  by  you.  My  gospel  proceeds  not  from 
man  but  from  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  I  shall  henceforth 
call  myself  a  servant  of  Christ  and  an  evangelist. 
That  I  might  attract  others  to  the  right  path,  I  have 
published  such  knowledge  as  I  possess,  but  my  strain 
of  communication  has  been  too  humble.  Now,  how- 
ever, when  I  see  that  my  moderation  tends  to  impede 
the  progress  of  the  gospel,  I  am  unwilling  to  yield 
any  longer  even  to  please  a  prince,  as  I  did  last  year, 
not  through  fear,  but  for  a  different  reason.  I  ven- 
tured to  enter  Worms  without  dreading  innumerable 
devils,  and  since  duke  George  is  not  equal  in  power 

*  Seckend.  p.  197- 
2C 


202  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

to  one  devil,  the  faithful  have  cause  to  rejoice  and  to 
be  courageous,  for  they  have  God  the  Father,  on 
whom  they  can  call.  The  wrath  of  the  duke  should 
be  scorned,  and  for  my  part  I  am  resolved,  were  it 
necessary,  to  enter  Leipsic,  although  the  heavens 
should  pour  down  for  nine  days  together  nothing 
but  rulers  of  still  greater  cruelty.  I  write  these 
things  to  your  Highness  that  you  may  know  that  I 
return  to  Wittemberg  under  a  protection  far  more 
powerful  than  that  of  an  elector.  The  sword  is  not 
wanted  to  defend  my  cause,  for  God  will  take  it  into 
his  own  hands.  Your  Highness's  faith  is  weak,  and 
I  cannot  think  of  relying  on  it  for  my  defence.  You 
wish  to  know  what  you  should  do,  and  say  you  have 
done  less  than  became  you. — I  reply,  that  you  have 
nothing  to  do,  and  have  already  done  too  much.  It 
is  contrary  to  the  will  of  God,  that  your  Highness  or 
I  should  have  recourse  to  arms  in  the  defence  of  my 
cause.  If  you  put  belief  in  these  things,  you  will  be 
saved  ;  if  not,  I  at  least  believe  them,  and  must  per- 
mit your  incredulity  to  be  a  source  of  vexation  to  you. 
Since  I  decline  obeying  you,  you  are  not  to  blame  if 
I  be  apprehended  and  put  to  death.  I  have  no  wish 
to  oppose  force  to  the  emperor,  that  the  world  may 
see  that  he  has  the  power  of  treating  the  persons  and 
property  of  your  subjects  as  he  pleases.  You  cannot 
be  asked  to  act  the  part  of  an  executioner  to  me. 
Were  that  to  be  required,  and  I  to  be  made  acquaint- 
ed with  the  situation  in  which  it  placed  your  High- 
ness, I  should  take  care  (you  may  believe  it  or  not,) 
that  on  my  account  you  should  be  safe  and  uninjured 
in  body,  soul  and  property." 

Frederick  received  this  communication  the  day 
after  it  was  written,  and  appears  to  have  pardoned 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  203 

the  singular  freedom  which  Luther  took.  Lest  the 
Reformer's  warmth,  however,  should  carry  him  too 
far,  and  lead  him  to  measures  injurious  to  himself, 
the  elector  commissioned  SchurfT  to  converse  with 
him  and  to  treat,  him  kindly.  No  notice  was  taken 
of  the  letter  which  we  have  just  quoted;  and  it  was 
merely  proposed  that  Luther  should  address  to  the 
elector  such  a  statement  as  might  be  fit  to  be  shown 
to  others.  It  was  to  contain  a  plain  enumeration  of 
his  reasons  for  returning  to  Wittemberg;  adding  that 
the  step  was  taken  without  the  elector's  knowledge, 
and  was  meant  to  injure  no  one.  It  was  farther  to 
be  understood  that  Luther  was  not  to  preach  in  the 
great  church  of  Wittemberg.  To  all  this  the  Re- 
former assented,  and  assigned,  in  the  letter,  three 
reasons  for  his  return  to  Wittemberg — the  invitation 
of  the  ecclesiastics  and  inhabitants  of  that  city ;  the 
trouble  in  which  his  flock  was  involved ;  and,  lastly7, 
the  confusion  which  he  apprehended  might  arise  in 
Germany  in  consequence  of  the  imprudent  conduct 
of  some  of  his  adherents.  He  took  care,  however,  to 
subjoin  the  significant  remark,  that  he  should  be  un- 
der no  apprehension  were  the  contents  of  his  former 
letter  to  be  made  known  to  the  public. 

Luther's  return  to  Wittemberg  gave  occasion  to 
lively  demonstrations  of  joy,  the  learned  and  un- 
learned partaking  equally  in  the  general  exultation. 
Various  reasons  induced  him  to  lose  no  time  in  ex- 
pressing his  sentiments  on  the  commotions  which 
had  occurred  in  his  absence.  He  therefore  stated 
explicitly,  in  seven  separate  discourses,  his  opinion 
on  the  controverted  points.  After  insinuating  that 
the  weak  should  be  treated  with  kindness,  and  that, 
hasty  measures  were  contrary  to  the  spirit. of  tho 


204  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Gospel,  he  proceeded  in  a  strain  which  was  chiefly 
remarkable  as  indicative  of  his  remaining  attachment 
to  several  of  the  superstitious  customs  of  the  church 
of  Rome.  He  was  not  yet  prepared  for  the  abolition 
of  public  mass,  and  consented  to  the  disuse  of  private 
mass,  from  a  sense,  not  of  the  folly  inherent  in  the 
institution,  but  of  the  abuses  which  had  crept  into  its 
practice.  In  expatiating  on  the  evils  of  compulsory 
proceedings,  he  made  a  direct  allusion  to  his  having 
had  it  in  his  power  to  excite  a  tumult  at  Worms,  had 
he  chosen  to  render  the  emperor's  stay  there  uncom- 
fortable. In  regard  to  images,  he  thought  that,  if  not 
worshipped  in  churches,  they  might  have  been  tole- 
rated there,  had  not  the  excessive  abuses  introduced 
in  regard  to  them  rendered  their  removal  expedient. 
The  question  of  fasting,  or  abstaining  from  flesh,  he 
left  to  every  man's  option.  In  treating  of  admission 
to  the  Lord's  supper,  he  expatiated  on  the  necessity 
of  a  pious  preparation,  faith  above  all  being  indispen- 
sable, and  that  without  which  no  one  could  be  a 
worthy  partaker  of  the  ordinance.  He  concluded 
these  discourses  with  what  appears,  in  our  age,  a 
singular  recommendation, — the  utility  of  practising 
confession  to  priests. 

While  we  praise  the  modesty  with  which  Luther 
submitted  to  advise,  where  he  might,  in  a  certain 
measure,  have  commanded,  it  is  obvious  that  his 
views  on  some  important  doctrines  were  still  obscure. 
Several  of  his  disciples,  among  others  Carolostad, 
were  more  exempt  from  prejudice  in  particular  points, 
however  inferior  on  a  comprehensive  comparison  of 
their  attainments.  Whether  it  was  owing  to  the  per- 
plexity of  these  intricate  discussions,  or  to  alarm  at 
the  dissensions  which  he  saw  springing  up  among  the 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  205 

reformed,  certain  it  is  that  Luther  was  at  this  time  a 
prey  to  many  painful  fluctuations.  The  divisions 
among  his  followers  caused  him  much  more  vexation 
than  the  avowed  hostility  of  the  church  of  Rome ; 
and  the  alternations  of  confidence  and  despondence, 
which  prevailed  in  his  mind,  are  distinctly  to  be  traced 
in  documents  which  still  remain.  In  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Langus,  an  ecclesiastic  of  Erfurt,  he  writes, 

"  I  am  not  permitted  to  come  to  you,  nor  is  it 
lawful  to  tempt  God  and  unnecessarily  to  court  dan- 
gers, since  here  at  Wittemberg  I  must  lay  my  account 
with  a  sufficient  number — I,  who  have  been  excom- 
municated by  the  pope,  put  under  the  ban  of  the  em- 
pire, exposed  to  death  on  every  side,  protected  by 
none  but  God."*  About  the  same  time,  in  writing 
to  the  elector,  he  thus  expressed  himself:  "  I  am  of 
opinion  that  the  opposition  or  kindness  of  your  High- 
ness, and  even  the  hatred  of  the  whole  world,  ought 
to  be  to  me  only  secondary  considerations  in  the 
present  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  church.  Your 
Highness  is  master  of  my  body  and  of  my  destiny  in 
this  world,  but  Christ  is  the  Lord  of  souls.  The 
gospel  which  I  preach,  has,  I  am  assured,  its  origin 
from  God,  and  by  God's  grace  no  death  or  persecu- 
tion shall  wrest  it  from  me.  Neither  cruelty  nor  ter- 
ror can  extinguish  this  light."  f 

Of  his  various  subjects  of  disquietude,  one  of  the 
principal  continued  to  proceed  from  the  vehement 
temper  of  his  friend  Carolostad.  The  latter  is  repre- 
sented to  have  made  light  of  all  classical  education, 
and  to  have  maintained  that  the  Scriptures  alone 
should  be  studied  in  universities.  In  the  same  spirit 
of  innovation,  he  is  said  to  have  been  an  advocate  for 

*  Seckend.  p.  200.  t  Ibid.  p.  196. 


206  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

abrogating  such  honorary  distinctions  as  the  degrees 
of  "  Master  of  Arts  and  of  Doctor."  Nor  did  he  find 
it  easy  to  bring  Luther  fully  into  his  opinion,  that 
"  at  the  Lord's  supper  it  was  necessary  for  the  com- 
municants to  partake  of  the  wine  as  well  as  of  the 
bread."  So  minute  were  the  causes  of  division  of 
opinion  on  this  subject,  that  serious  disputes  arose  on 
the  question,  whether  the  communicants  should  take 
the  bread  and  cup  into  their  own  hands,  or  receive 
them  from  those  of  the  priest. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Luther  had  occasion  to 
write  to  the  Bohemians.  They  were  beginning,  he 
heard,  to  waver  in  their  favourable  disposition  to- 
wards the  new  creed,  in  consequence  of  the  divisions 
arising  among  its  followers.  He  argued  strongly, 
that  to  return  to  the  church  of  Rome  was  not  the 
way  to  escape  the  evils  of  discussion,  since  no  com- 
munion was  more  distracted  by  multiplicity  of  schisms. 
Indefatigable  in  his  labours  against  the  papacy,  he 
soon  after  published  a  work,  entitled,  Adversus  /also 
nominatvM  ordinem  Episcoporum.  It  is  of  impor- 
tance to  remark,  that  the  persons  attacked  were  only 
those  "  falsely  called  bishops,"  Luther  never  having 
entertained  any  doubt  of  the  divine  origin  of  the  epis- 
copal office.  It  was  at  the  intellectual  and  moral 
defects  of  the  occupants  of  the  station,  and  not  at  the 
station  itself,  that  he  aimed  the  shafts  of  censure. 
Whoever  is  acquainted  with  the  history  of  that  pe- 
riod, must  be  fully  aware  that  ample  scope  was  given 
him  by  the  vices  and  ignorance  of  the  bishops.  Lu- 
ther exposed,  with  no  sparing  hand,  their  indecent 
luxury,  their  unbounded  vanity,  and  their  gross  igno- 
rance of  Scripture  and  religion.  Seldom  has  there  ap- 
peared a  .more  successful  attack ;  and  numerous  as 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  .207 

were  the  parties  interested  in  its  refutation,  no  satis- 
factory answer  could  be  given  to  it.  It  is,  in  my 
opinion,  the  happiest  of  all  his  polemical  works,  and 
contains  a  most  striking  illustration  of  the  tendency 
of  monastic  institutions  to  propagate  dissolute  man- 
ners.— Having  now  been  deprived  of  his  sacerdotal 
character,  and  stripped  of  his  doctor's  degree,  by  the 
excommunication  of  the  pope  and  emperor,  Luther 
contented  himself  with  assuming  the  simple  designa- 
tion of  "  Ecclesiastes  "  or  "  Preacher." 

The  next  of  his  numerous  publications  was  a  small 
treatise,  entitled  De  Doctrinis  hominum  vitandis. 
This  may  be  considered  an  abridgment  of  his  former 
book  on  "  Monastic  Vows."  In  both  works  he  argues 
against  the  merit  of  fasting  and  celibacy,  but,  in  the 
latter,  he  takes  occasion  to  pass  a  strong  censure  on 
those  who,  like  his  friend  Carolostad,  were  advancing 
too  fast  in  the  race  of  innovation.  "  Let  these  for- 
ward men,"  he  says,  "  who  boast  of  their  reformation 
because  they  have  ceased  to  resort  to  confession,  and 
have  relinquished  abstinence  from  eggs  and  flesh,  or 
because  they  have  gone  the  length  of  breaking  down 
images  ;  let  these  persons  know  that  I  account  them 
similar  to  those,  who,  contrary  to  the  command, 
(Deut.  xxiii.  12.  14.)  polluted  the  camp  of  the  Is- 
raelites. We  tolerate  them  until  they  be  corrected 
by  God  ;  but  my  writings  are  intended  for  the  mise- 
rable, afflicted,  and  as  it  were  captive  consciences  of 
those  who  know  not  how  to  exonerate  themselves, 
without  self-reproach,  from  their  vows." 

A  production  from  the  pen  of  Melancthon  was  the 
next  publication  on  the  side  of  the  reformed.  Lu- 
ther, having  procured  a  manuscript  commentary  of 
his  unassuming  friend  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 


208  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

caused  it  to  be  printed  without  his  knowledge,  and 
afterwards  wrote  to  him  that  he  preferred  his  labours 
to  those  of  Jerome  and  Origen.  He  likewise  pub- 
lished an  edition  of  the  works  of  Gensevoit,  a  native 
of  Groningen  in  Friezland,  who  flourished  in  the  fif- 
teenth century,  and  ventured,  above  fifty  years  before 
Luther,  to  step  forward  as  a  censor  of  the  corruptions 
of  the  church,  publishing  his  works  under  the  assumed 
name  of  Wesselus.* 

Questions  of  doctrine  and  moral  conduct  had  hi- 
therto so  much  occupied  Luther,  as  to  prevent  him 
from  bestowing  sufficient  attention  on  the  ritual  of 
the  church.  The  ordinance  of  baptism  continued  to 
be  administered  with  the  service  in  Latin.  Luther 
translated  the  service  into  German,  but,  by  way  of 
discouraging  hasty  innovation,  he  retained  for  a  time 
the  chief  part  of  the  Romish  ceremonies,  ridiculous  as 
they  were.  The  exorcism  performed  by  the  priest 
breathing  three  times  on  the  child,  the  practice  of  put- 
ting salt  into  the  child's  mouth,  of  touching  the  ears 
and  nose  with  consecrated  oil,  of  putting  a  small  mi- 
tre on  the  head  and  wax  candle  into  the  hand,  along 
with  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  the  forehead,  were  all 
continued  by  Luther  during  the  short  remaining  pe- 
riod of  Frederick's  government.  The  elector  had 
not  acceded  to  the  wish  of  his  senate  to  patronise  the 
diffusion  of  the  new  doctrine,  and  it  was  not  till  two 
years  after,  and  under  the  more  decided  government 

*  This  eminent  person  was  born  in  1400  and  died  in  1489- 
His  learning  was  such  as  to  gain  him  the  appellation  of  "  light  of 
the  world."  His  character  is  given  in  Mosheim,  vol.  iii.  p.  257, 
and  an  abridgment  of  his  work  is  inserted  in  Seckendorff,  p.  226. 
Luther  had  not  seen  his  book  when  he  commenced  his  attack  on 
Indulgences,  though  his  enemies  insisted  that  he  had. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  209 

of  his  brother  and  successor,  John,  that  Luther  re- 
vised the  ritual  of  baptism,  and  abrogated  all  these 
superfluous  forms,  except  exorcism  and  the  sign  of 
the  cross. 

The  Catholics  meanwhile  continued  to  exert  them- 
selves with  the  different  princes  of  the  empire,  to  op- 
pose the  progress  of  the  new  heresy.  They  were 
unfortunately  too  successful  in  their  efforts  with 
several  of  them,  particularly  with  Luther's  inveterate 
enemy,  George,  duke  of  Saxony.  Leipsic  was  the 
chief  theatre  for  the  display  of  these  persecutions. 
The  early  introduction  of  the  Reformation  into  that 
city,  the  celebrated  disputation  between  Luther  and 
Eckius,  but  particularly  Luther's  translation  of  the 
New  Testament,  all  concurred  to  create  a  partiality 
for  the  new  doctrines.  The  bigoted  George  proceed- 
ed to  buy  up  the  copies  of  this  translation,  and  to  in- 
flict punishment  on  those  of  his  subjects  who  ventured 
to  retain  them.  At  his  instigation  the  bishop  of  Mers- 
burg  visited  the  university  of  Leipsic,  and  interdicted 
the  use  of  this  obnoxious  translation,  a  prohibition 
soon  followed  by  an  injunction  to  avoid  repairing  to 
the  neighbouring  territory  of  the  elector  Frederick, 
for  the  purpose  of  hearing  religious  discourses. — 
These  measures,  however,  were  altogether  ineffica- 
cious. The  youth,  impatient  of  restraint,  deserted 
the  university  of  Leipsic,  and  resorted,  in  great 
numbers,  to  Wittemberg. — The  other  persecutors  of 
the  reformed  faith  were  Henry  of  Brunswick  and 
Ferdinand,  the  emperor's  brother.  The  scene  of 
their  oppression  was  laid  in  the  Austrian  dominions 
and  in  the  duchy  of  Wurtemburg.*  In  the  month  of 
October   the    Augustinian   monastery   at   Antwerp, 

*  Sleid.  iii.     Seckend.  p.  240? 

2D 


210  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

and  all  the  monks  who  had  been  instrumental  in 
the  diffusion  of  Luther's  doctrine,  were  either  forced 
to  recant  or  put  to  death. 

Notwithstanding  the  hostile  disposition  of  duke 
George  of  Saxony,  Luther  ventured  to  pass  through 
his  territory  in  his  way  to  Zwickau.  That  town  was 
at  three  days  journey  from  Wittemberg,  and  it  has 
been  supposed  that  Luther,  who  had  now  acquired  a 
powerful  influence  over  the  minds  of  men,  went  thi- 
ther by  Frederick's  desire  to  tranquillize  certain  dis- 
contents which  had  arisen.  Be  that  as  it  may,  his 
fame  had  gone  before  him,  and  strangers,  to  the 
number,  it  is  said,  of  fourteen  thousand,  were  col- 
lected to  hear  him.  The  points  on  which  he  chose 
to  discourse  were  predestination,  the  merit  of  good 
works,  and  the  lawfulness  of  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy.  He  was  heard  with  the  greatest  attention, 
and  the  multitude  were  so  much  struck  with  his  ar- 
guments on  the  last  of  these  topics,  that  they  actually 
obliged  the  Franciscan  monks,  who  were  resident 
there,  to  withdraw  from  the  city  and  neighbour- 
hood. 


It  is  now  time  to  turn  our  eyes  towards  the  court 
of  Rome.  On  the  death  of  Leo,  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  competition  took  place  among  the  parties 
who  were  interested  in  nominating  his  successor. 
All  the  artifice  and  finesse,  which  are  practised  by 
men  grown  grey  in  intrigue,  were  exerted ;  but  the 
party  of  the  emperor  Charles  prevailed.  The  indi- 
vidual chosen  was,  in  point  of  personal  character,  by 
no  means  the  man  whom  the  public  would  have  ex- 
pected to  see  advanced  to  the  papacy  in  times  of  so 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  211 

much  difficulty  and  alarm.  His  name  was  Adrian, 
and  he  had  filled  the  office  of  tutor  to  Charles.  His 
promotion  to  the  rank  of  cardinal  had  been  compara- 
tively recent.  It  had  taken  place  in  July,  1517,  at 
the  time  when  Leo,  having  got  notice  of  a  combina- 
tion against  him  in  the  conclave,  created  no  fewer 
than  thirty-one  cardinals  in  one  day.  Adrian  was 
thus,  in  a  great  measure,  a  stranger  to  the  manoeuvres 
of  ecclesiastical  policy.  In  early  life,  he  had  attached 
himself  to  the  study  of  scholastic  theology.  Being  a 
native  of  Utrecht,  he  had,  from  vicinity  of  situation 
as  well  as  congeniality  of  pursuits,  been  intimate  with 
Erasmus.  Catholic  writers,  aware  of  this,  and  un- 
willing to  acknowledge  the  preponderance  of  political 
intrigue  in  the  conclave,  allege  that  Adrian's  supe- 
riority in  learning  was  the  great  motive  of  his  nomi- 
nation. The  times,  they  said,  called  for  a  pope  fa- 
miliar with  the  weapons  of  controversy.  Doctis  he- 
reticis  doctiorem  se  opponere  dicebant pontificem* 

If  we  find  a  difficulty  in  subscribing  to  so  lofty  an 
encomium  on  Adrian's  erudition,  we  can  have  none 
in  ascribing  to  him  the  merit  of  good  intentions.  His 
measures  against  the  reformed,  severe  as  they  were, 
seem  rather  to  have  arisen  from  errors  of  judgment 
than  from  a  disposition  to  tyrannize.  His  first  step 
in  this  respect  was  to  write  to  Frederick,  on  October 
5,  1522,  in  terms  of  high  compliment  to  the  well 
known  orthodoxy  of  the  elector  and  his  ancestors. 
The  letter  might  have  been  called  a  repetition  of  one 
of  Leo's  epistles,  had  it  not  contained  a  reference  to 
Adrian's  intimacy  with  the  elector  before  he  was 
raised  to  the  papal  chair,  and  an  assurance  that  his 
friendship  had  undergone  no  abatement.    It  was  car- 

*  Seckend.  p.  252. 


212  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

ried  to  Frederick  at  the  Diet  assembled  at  Nurem- 
berg;, where  prince  Ferdinand  presided  as  regent, 
during  his  brother's  absence  in  Spain.  The  pope's 
agent  at  this  diet  was  Francis  Cheregato,  a  skilful 
diplomatist.  Neither  his  intrigues,  however,  nor  the 
letter  to  Frederick,  promising  any  successful  result, 
recourse  was  had  to  an  address,  in  the  name  of  the 
pope,  to  the  assembled  princes  of  the  empire. 

This  address  was  accordingly  delivered  to  the  Diet 
on  25th  November,  and  the  Reformation  was  handled 
in  it  in  a  tone  which  forms  a  curious  contrast  with 
the  letter  to  Frederick.  No  meays,  it  is  said,  had 
been  left  untried  to  reclaim  the  new  heretics,  and  to 
guard  the  Lord's  people  from  a  contagion  which 
threatened  to  "  overthrow  property  and  dissolve  the 
bands  which  unite  civil  society." 

The  drift  of  this  language  was  to  identify  the  in- 
terests of  the  civil  power  with  those  of  the  church, 
and  to  spread  among  princes  that  alarm  which  hither- 
to had  been  felt  only  by  ecclesiastics.  With  a  ran- 
cour which  no  provocation  could  justify,  the  sacrifice 
of  Liiither's  life  is  represented  in  this  address  as  a 
meritorious  deed.  The  fate  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and 
Abiram,  of  Ananias  and  Sapphira,  is  brought  forward 
with  as  much  solemnity  as  if  the  decision  of  the  pope 
were  equivalent  to  the  interposition  of  God.  The 
examples  of  perfidy  exercised  towards  John  Huss 
and  Jerome  of  Prague,  are  appealed  to  without  any 
sense  of  shame.  This  violent  manifesto  was  followed 
by  equally  violent  anathemas  against  Luther's  books. 

These  declamations  are  so  much  at  variance  with 
Adrian's  character,  that  we  are  induced  to  regard 
him  on  this  occasion  as  a  passive  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  his  counsellors.     In  other  things  we  are 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  213 

enabled  to  trace  the  prevalence  of  his  personal  quali- 
ties. He  was  not  only  more  sincere  than  his  prede- 
cessors, but  better  qualified  to  judge  of  the  extent  of 
present  corruption  by  a  knowledge  of  the  history  of 
the  church  in  her  purer  days.  Neither  Julius  nor  Leo 
understood  or  cared  for  church  discipline,  except  in 
as  far  as  it  was  connected  with  the  prosecution  of 
their  political  schemes.  But  Adrian  made  no  scruple 
in  acknowledging,  in  his  instructions  to  his  legate, 
Chcregato,  that  extraordinary  and  manifold  corrup- 
tions had  crept  into  the  church.  His  communication 
on  this  head  is  not  a  little  remarkable  : 

"  Many  abominable  things,"  he  said,  "  have  been 
committed  in  this  holy  chair  for  several  years  past. — 
Abuses  in  spiritual  things,  excesses  in  the  mandates 
given,  and,  in  fine,  every  thing  changed  for  the  worse. 
No  wonder,  therefore,  that  sickness  should  descend 
from  the  head  to  the  members,  from  the  elevated  pon- 
tiffs to  inferior  prelates.  In  what  relates  to  us,  you 
will  therefore  promise,  that  we  shall  do  our  endea- 
vours, that  our  court,  from  which  perhaps  all  this 
evil  has  proceeded,  undergo  a  speedy  reform.  If 
corruption  has  of  late  flowed  from  it,  sound  doctrine 
and  reformation  shall  now  proceed  from  the  same 
source.  To  this  we  shall  account  ourselves  the  more 
obliged  to  attend,  as  the  whole  world  appears  most 
ardently  to  desire  the  accomplishment  of  such  a  re- 
form. I  have  accepted  the  pontificate,  that  I  might 
reform  the  spouse  of  Christ,  assist  the  neglected  and 
oppressed,  and  appropriate  to  the  learned  and  virtu- 
ous the  money  which  has  of  late  been  squandered 
on  grooms  and  stage-players."* 

Candid  as  was  the  disposition  of  Adrian,  his  ac- 

*  Seckend.  p.  255.     Sleid.  L.  iv. 


214  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

knovvledgments  conveyed  but  a  feeble  picture  of  the 
disorders  of  the  church.  The  ecclesiastical  profes- 
sion had  long  been  followed  throughout  Europe,  but 
particularly  in  Italy  and  Germany,  as  a  mere  trade. 
The  younger  sons  of  families  of  rank  were  provided 
with  the  richest  benefices,  without  any  regard  to  their 
morals  or  education.  It  often  happened  that  persons 
in  the  station  of  bishops,  were  novices  in  the  know- 
ledge of  religion.  The  clergy  arrogated,  notwith- 
standing, as  many  privileges  and  immunities  as  if 
they  had  been  beings  of  a  higher  order.  They  re- 
fused to  be  tried  by  the  same  laws  as  the  laity,  while 
the  possessions  of  the  church  were  declared  to  be  un- 
alienable, and  could  not  of  course  fail  to  be  in  a  regu- 
lar state  of  increase.  The  popes,  having  usurped  the 
patronage  of  ecclesiastical  appointments  throughout 
a  great  part  of  Europe,  were  enabled  to  introduce 
emissaries  in  all  directions,  and  to  keep  the  whole 
ecclesiastical  body  in  a  state  of  expectation  and  de- 
pendence. On  many  occasions,  the  preferments  to 
livings  were  publicly  sold  ;  and  it  has  been  said,  that 
companies  of  dealers  were  known  to  buy  them  by 
wholesale  at  Rome  to  be  subsequently  retailed,  at  an 
advanced  price,  in  the  provinces.  Among  priests  of 
a  lower  order,  the  want  of  education  and  of  morals 
was  notorious.  For  a  proof  of  this  we  need  go  no 
farther  than  the  proposition  submitted  to  the  Diet  of 
Nuremberg,  a  twelvemonth  after  the  time  we  are 
treating  of.  This  proposition  came  from  a  quarter 
friendly  to  the  church,  and  gravely  recommended 
that  priests  should  be  prohibited  from  "  meddling  in 
traffic,  from  frequenting  taverns,  and  from  keeping 
concubines." 
The  confessions  of  Adrian  were  too  important  to 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  215 

escape  the  observation  of  Luther.  He  lost  no  time 
in  translating  them  into  German,  and  in  publishing 
them  with  his  own  remarks.*  Among  the  adherents 
of  the  papacy  these  extraordinary  acknowledgments 
of  Adrian  could  hardly  fail  to  give  great  offence. 
However  well  informed  in  regard  to  the  vices  of  ec- 
clesiastical dignitaries,  he  showed  himself  unconscious 
of  their  obstinacy,  and  of  that  unblushing  hypocrisy 
which  induced  them  to  hold  out  the  conduct  of  the 
members  of  the  church  as  wholly  devoid  of  blame. 

These  explicit  acknowledgments  of  Adrian  were 
followed  by  a  still  more  explicit  declaration  on  the 
part  of  the  princes  of  the  empire.  They  had  long 
been  sufferers  by  the  vices  and  exactions  of  the  cler- 
gy, and  they  embraced  the  present  opportunity  of  a 
threatened  schism,  and  of  the  accession  of  a  new 
pope,  to  make  a  strong  representation  of  their  case. 
Hence  the  origin  of  the  Centum  Gravamina,  or  cele- 
brated catalogue  of  one  hundred  grievances,  drawn 
up  at  this  Diet  for  the  purpose  of  being  transmitted 
to  Rome.  The  princes  here  enumerated  the  gross 
corruptions,  in  doctrine  as  well  as  in  conduct,  of  the 
members  of  the  church,  and  insisted  on  the  necessity 
of  speedy  reform.  These  things  they  neither  could 
nor  would  suffer  any  longer,  but  were  driven  by  the 
iniquity  of  the  case,  to  devise  means  by  which  they 
might  be  relieved  from  them.  They  proposed  to  his 
Holiness  to  assemble  a  general  Council  in  some  part 
of  Germany,  while  they,  in  the  mean  time,  should 
endeavour  to  prevail  on  Frederick  to  prevent  Luther 
from  publishing  any  thing  until  the  decision  of  the 
Council  should  be  known.   They  declared,  however, 

*  Sleid.  L.  iv. 


216  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

the  necessity  of  carrying  the  edict  of  Worms  into 
effect,  and  desired  that  those  who  preached  the  new 
doctrine  should  be  provisionally  suspended  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  functions.* 

On  the  receipt  of  this  memorable  remonstrance, 
Cheregato  became  sensible  that  Adrian's  instructions 
had  admitted  too  much.  He  demanded,  as  a  kind  of 
counterpoise,  the  adoption  on  the  part  of  the  Diet  of 
new  measures  against  the  reformed,  and  on  failing  to 
obtain  their  consent,  he  left  Nuremberg  in  anger  and 
Without  taking  leave.  He  returned  forthwith  to  Italy 
and  joined  the  faction  opposed  to  Adrian,  to  whom 
the  compliment  so  grossly  misapplied  to  Leo,  of  being 
a  "  lamb  in  the  midst  of  wolves,"  might  be  very  justly 
addressed.  The  cardinals,  offended  at  the  instruc- 
tions given  to  the  legate,  imagined  that  the  best  me- 
thod of  correcting  that  imprudent  measure,  was  to 
prevail  on  the  pontiff  to  write  a  letter  to  the  elector 
of  Saxony,  expressed,  as  far  as  regarded  Luther,  in 
very  violent  terms.  At  the  same  time,  Adrian,  seri- 
ously believing  that  the  balance  of  sound  reasoning 
was  altogether  in  favour  of  the  church,  ascribed  the 
want  of  success  on  the  part  of  the  Catholics  to  their 
unskilfulness  in  handling  the  weapons  of  controversy. 
Under  this  impression,  he  appointed  Faber,  suffragan 
of  Constance,  to  harangue  against  Luther's  doctrines, 
and  to  counteract  their  progress  by  a  strenuous  dis- 
play of  argument. 

The  injunction  by  the  Diet  to  suspend  preaching 
on  controverted  topics  till  the  convocation  of  a  gene- 
ral Council,  was  differently  explained  by  Luther  and 
by  the  Catholics.     The  chief  point  was  to  define  the 

*  Frederick  protested  against  this.     Seckend.  260. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  217 

doctrine  coming  under  this  description.  The  Catho- 
lics laid  stress  on  the  authority  of  Thomas,  Scotus, 
and  other  scholastic  doctors ;  while  Luther  refused 
attention  to  these  obsolete  luminaries,  and  founded 
his  interpretations  on  the  writings  of  Augustine,  Cy- 
prian, and  Hilary.  Were  the  notions  of  the  former 
admitted,  there  would,  he  argued,  be  no  necessity  for 
holding  the  required  Council. — In  regard  to  the  pub- 
lication of  obnoxious  books,  persons  had  been  ap- 
pointed, in  consequence  of  an  Imperial  edict,  to  su- 
perintend the  press.  The  Catholics  wished  to  include 
in  the  proscription  Luther's  translation  of  the  Bible, 
but  the  Reformer  contended  that  no  personal  excep- 
tion to  him  should  be  allowed  to  restrain  the  circula- 
tion of  the  word  of  God. 

The  death  of  one  of  Luther's  patrons,  Seckingen, 
having  taken  place,  his  papers  happened  to  fall  into 
hands  inimical  to  Luther.  Eberhard,  count  of  Ko- 
nigstein,  boasted  that  he  had  found  among  them  a 
letter  from  Luther,  which  contained  expressions  dis- 
respectful to  the  emperor,  and  tending  to  promote 
insurrection  in  the  empire.  Of  this  Luther's  ene- 
mies contrived  to  make  a  great  handle,  which,  joined 
to  some  other  alarming  considerations,  made  his 
friends  advise,  him  to  submit  again  to  a  secret  con- 
finement. To  such  recommendations,  however,  he 
gave  a  decided  negative.  "  Let  Behemoth  rage," 
said  he,  "  I  will  withdraw  no  more  into  a  corner." 

Prince  Ferdinand  of  Austria,  the  emperor's  bro- 
ther, continued  to  declare  himself  an  inveterate  ene- 
my to  Luther's  doctrine.  The  queen  of  Denmark, 
his  sister,  having,  when  passing  through  Saxony 
along  with  her  husband,  sent  for  Luther,  and  having 

2E 


>/ 


218  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

listened  to  his  discourse,  Ferdinand  was  heard  to  de- 
clare, that  he  would  sooner  have  learnt  that  his  sis- 
ter had  perished  in  the  sea  than  conversed  with  such 
a  heretic.  King  Christiern,  however,  was  of  a  very 
different  way  of  thinking.  "  Never,"  said  he,  "  have  I 
heard  the  gospel  so  well  explained  as  by  Luther.  So 
long  as  I  continue  to  live,  I  shall  hold  his  discourse 
in  remembrance,  and  shall  submit  with  greater  pa- 
tience to  whatever  I  am  destined  to  endure."* 

The  conduct  of  our  Henry  VIII.  was  more  in  the 
spirit  of  Ferdinand  than  of  Christiern.  His  vanity 
and  impatience  could  ill  brook  the  triumphant  and 
sarcastic  tone  displayed  in  Luther's  answer.  Urged 
by  his  ministers  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Refor- 
mation, he  came  forward  and  declared  it  improper  to 
bring  the  Scriptures  within  reach  of  the  common 
people.  He  exerted  himself  accordingly  to  prevent 
the  diffusion  of  Luther's  translation,  and  addressed 
letters  to  that  effect  to  the  elector  Frederick,  to  his 
brother  John,  and  to  George,  duke  of  Saxony. 
George,  who  was  exceedingly  eager  to  suppress  the 
circulation  of  the  translation  of  the  Bible,  returned  a 
very  cordial  answer,  and  lamented  that  Luther  was 
not  within  his  jurisdiction.  Frederick  and  his  bro- 
ther, between  whom  the  utmost  cordiality  always 
subsisted,  replied  in  the  same  evasive  style  as  they 
had  adopted  on  former  occasions.  They  attempted 
to  sooth  the  violent  Henry,  and  were  not  altogether 
unsuccessful,  though  they  were  a  good  deal  offended 
at  the  freedom  taken  by  the  English  ambassador  in 
publishing  Henry's  letter  in  Saxony  before  they  had 
received  a  copy  of  it. 

*  Seckend.  p.  263. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  219 

But  the  injury  to  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  from 
the  opposition  of  particular  cabinets,  was  greatly  out- 
weighed by  the  advantages  attendant  on  the  general 
circulation  of  the  Scriptures.  The  obstacles  thrown 
in  the  way  tended  to  redouble  the  zeal  of  the  advo- 
cates of  translations  of  Scripture.  Many  persons  ac- 
counted it  honourable  to  devote  themselves  to  preach- 
ing and  commenting  on  the  sacred  volume.*  They 
were  more  particularly  occupied  in  demonstrating 
the  analogy  of  Luther's  doctrine  to  the  precepts  of 
Scripture,  and  their  ministrations  were  received  with 
great  joy  by  the  people.  In  the  zeal  of  the  age,  all 
methods  of  disseminating  religious  knowledge  appear 
to  have  been  embraced.  Persons  who  had  a  poetical 
turn  composed  hymns  and  sacred  ballads,  to  be  put 
into  the  hands  of  poor  people,  who  made  a  livelihood 
by  singing  them  through  the  country.  One  cannot 
well  imagine  a  more  effectual  method  of  rendering 
Scripture  history  familiar  to  the  minds  of  the  lower 
orders.  Among  the  persons  who  exerted  themselves 
in  turning  such  subjects  into  verse  was  Paul  Spretter, 
a  man  of  rank  from  Suabia,  who  was  indefatigable 
in  forwarding  the  Lutheran  cause  in  Prussia.  On 
one  of  the  occasions  on  which  he  had  turned  into 
verse  the  subject  of  his  discourse,  it  is  related,  that 
the  poor  man  who  received  the  printed  copies  of  the 
rhymes,  repaired  to  Wittemberg,  and  in  the  course  of 
his  progress  through  the  town,  sung  them  under  Lu- 
ther's window.  The  attention  of  the  Reformer  was 
caught  by  the  subject ;  he  listened  with  pleasure  to 

*  The  names  of  the  more  remarkable  among  these  preachers 
are  to  be  seen  in  Seckend.  p.  270. 


220  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

the  song,  and  when,  on  inquiry,  he  learned  the  name 
of  its  author,  he  is  said  to  have  burst  into  tears,  and 
rendered  thanks  to  God  for  making  such  humble  ex- 
pedients conducive  to  the  propagation  of  sacred  truth.* 
By  this  time,  the  diffusion  of  a  spirit  of  liberty 
had  induced  many  Augustinian  monks  to  withdraw 
from  an  unnatural  state  of  seclusion  and  an  inactive 
life.  This,  though  strongly  censured  by  the  Catho- 
lics, had  ceased  in  the  case  of  the  male  sex  to  be 
matter  of  surprise.  But  in  the  spring  of  this  year, 
the  public  attention  had  been  excited  by  a  different 
circumstance.  Nine  nuns  effected  their  escape  from 
the  convent  of  Nimptschen,  near  to  Grimma.  They 
were  assisted  in  this  by  Leonard  Coppe,  a  senator  of 
Torgau,  as  well  as  by  other  respectable  citizens. 
They  were  all  of  genteel  families,  and  among  the 
number  was  Catheiine  dp  Bora,  who  became,  two 
years  afterwards,  the  wife  of  Luther.  This  unex- 
pected evasion  surprised  all  parties,  and  supplied  a 
great  handle  of  declamation  against  Luther's  doc- 
trine. Frederick,  when  requested  to  provide  for  the 
support  of  these  female  refugees,  until  they  should  be 
sent  back  to  their  parents,  thought  proper  to  give  his 
aid  in  secret.  Other  persons  imitated  his  caution, 
but  Luther  spoke  boldly  out,  and  decidedly  under- 
took the  defence  of  the  nuns,  as  well  as  of  those 
who  had  aided  them  in  effecting  their  escape.  He 
blamed,  in  very  severe  terms,  those  parents  who 
were  guilty  of  so  great  a  crime  as  to  immure  their 
children  in  a  convent,  without  consulting  their  incli- 

*  Seckend.  271  •  The  word  ballad  in  our  language  originally 
signified  a  sacred  song.  Thus  in  the  old  translations  of  the  Bible, 
Solomon's  Song  is  called  the  Ballad  of  Ballads. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  221 

nation,  or  considering  the  grievous  nature  of  the 
yoke  imposed  on  them.* 

Luther  had  long  experienced  difficulty  and  vexa- 
tion from  the  conduct  of  many  of  the  canons  in  the 
Wittemberg  monastery.  Their  adherence  to  private 
mass  and  other  absurd  ceremonies  of  the  Romish 
church,  their  habits  of  idleness  and  vice,  were  griev- 
ances not  to  be  overcome  by  the  power  of  reasoning. 
By  degrees,  however,  as  the  elder  brethren  died,  the 
juniors  adopted  the  new  doctrine.  Such  was  now 
the  alteration  of  opinion  in  respect  to  the  monastic 
vow,  that  the  abbot  of  Heisfeld,  although  he  con- 
tinued a  Catholic  himself,  left  the  monks  and  nuns 
at  perfect  liberty  to  quit  the  monastery  if  they 
thought  proper.  Linccius,  vicar  of  the  Augustinians 
at  Nuremberg,  and  Luther's  early  friend,  relinquished 
that  situation  and  came  to  Altenburg,  where  he  en- 
tered into  the  married  state  and  became  the  pastor  of 
a  congregation. 

The  Bohemian  dissenters  from  the  Romish  church, 
though  not  exactly  coincident  in  opinion  with  Lu- 
ther, looked  towards  him  with  a  friendly  and  res- 
pectful eye.  In  the  course  of  this  year,  they  had 
occasion  to  communicate  with  him  on  two  subjects. 
The  first  regarded  the  sacrament,  and  was  discussed 
by  a  deputation  to  the  Reformer  from  a  particular 
sect,  descended  from  the  disciples  of  Huss,  and 
known  by  the  name  of  "  Picards."  In  their  verbal 
conferences  with  Luther  on  the  subj  ect  of  the  sacra- 
ment, there  seemed  to  exist  little  difference  of  opi- 
nion ;    but  on  a   subsequent   examination   of  their 

*  Seckend.  272,  et  seq.  Not  long  after,  sixteen  nuns  deserted, 
under  similar  circumstances,  the  convent  at  Widerstetten  in  the 
county  of  Mansfeld. 


222  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

doctrine  expressed  in  writing,  Luther  was  induced  to 
state  to  them  a  series  of  contrary  arguments,  which 
are  marked,  we  must  confess,  with  the  ordinary  ob- 
scurity of  his  views  on  this  subject.* 

The  next  topic  of  discussion  was  more  general, 
and  comprehended  the  Bohemian  schismatics  at 
large.  These  well-intentioned  religionists  laid  great 
stress  on  what  may  be  termed  the  "  lineal  descent 
of  ministers  of  the  gospel."  Though  at  variance  in 
several  respects  with  the  See  of  Rome,  they  consi- 
dered the  pope  as  the  successor  of  the  apostles,  and 
were  desirous  that  their  pastors  should  receive  or- 
dination at  the  hands  of  him  or  his  subordinates. 
Their  differences  with  the  church  regarded  the  irre- 
gular lives  of  the  clergy,  and  the  impurity  of  cer- 
tain points  of  doctrine  ;  objections  which,  however 
serious,  did  not,  in  their  opinion,  affect  the  pope's 
right  of  ordination.  But  the  Catholic  bishops  in 
Bohemia,  inveterate  against  the  schismatics  for  va- 
rious reasons,  but  particularly  for  the  grand  offence 
of  giving  the  cup  to  the  laity  at  the  administration 
of  the  sacrament,  refused  to  be  the  instruments  of 
granting  the  desired  ordination  to  their  ministers. 
The  latter  accordingly  were  under  the  painful  neces- 
sity of  submitting  to  a  journey  to  Rome;  where, 
as  every  thing  was  venal,  they  were  accustomed  to 
get  their  wish  accomplished  on  payment  of  stipulated 
fees. 

On  this  subject  the  senate  of  Prague  had  recourse 
to  Luther's  advice.  His  answer  was,  that  they 
should  unanimously  resist  these  exactions,  and  if 
there  were  no  means  by  which  such  fatiguing  and 
disgusting  journeys  could  be  rendered  unnecessary, 

*  See  Appendix  B  B. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  223 

it  would,  in  his  opinion,  be  much  better  that  they 
remained  without  ministers  of  religion.  Fathers  of 
families,  he  added,  might  read  the  gospel  to  their 
household  and  baptize  children,  though  they  durst 
not,  or  could  not,  take  the  eucharist  during  the 
whole  course  of  their  lives.  A  neighbourhood  might 
associate  together,  and  if  they  exercised  faith  and 
charity,  they  might  rest  assured,  that  Christ  was  in 
the  midst  of  them,  though  they  had  no  one  present 
who  had  been  anointed  with  oil.  Soon  after  this 
Luther  published  a  treatise,  in  which  he  attempted 
to  prove,  from  reason  and  Scripture,  the  right  pos- 
sessed by  Christians  to  judge  of  doctrines,  to  ap- 
point individuals  to  the  office  of  ministers,  or  to 
depose  them  if  they  became  unfaithful.  He  went 
farther,  and  declared  it  the  right  of  every  respect- 
able Christian  to  act  as  minister  whenever  there  ap- 
peared a  deficiency  of  regular  clergymen.  The  lati- 
tude of  Luther's  tenets,  in  these  respects,  has  been 
warmly  opposed  by  episcopalians,  and  as  vigorously 
supported  by  other  denominations  of  Christians. 
To  enter  on  a  discussion  of  the  controversy  would 
be  altogether  unsuitable  to  the  plan  of  this  work, 
but  it  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  the  length  to 
which  Luther  went  in  declaring  every  Christian 
competent  to  perform  clerical  duties,  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  been  in  some  measure  prompted  by 
the  urgency  of  circumstances  in  the  peculiar  situa- 
tion of  the  Bohemians.* 

*  These  sentiments  of  Luther  lead  us  to  advert  to  the  "  Inde- 
pendents "  in  our  country.  Of  these  the  first  were  the  Brown- 
ists,  a  sect  which  has  been  much  misrepresented  by  persons  who 
have  not  taken  the  trouble  to  peruse  what  the  defenders  of  that 


224  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Luther's  next  collision  was  with  his  former  oppo- 
nent, George,  duke  of  Saxony.  That  prince  having 
got  into  his  possession  some  letters  which  had  been 
written  by  Luther  to  a  friend,  named  Croneberg, 
was  highly  offended  at  the  free  animadversions  which 
they  contained  on  his  own  conduct.  In  an  indig- 
nant tone  he  demanded  of  Luther  in  writing,  whe- 
ther he  acknowledged  himself  the  author  of  these 
letters.  Luther,  without  any  direct  admission  to 
that  effect,  replied  to  the  duke  in  a  style  of  great 
freedom.  He  declared  that  he  had  written  nothing 
about  the  duke  which  he  was  not  ready  to  defend  on 
good  grounds ;  repeated  the  charge  of  his  being  un- 
merciful and  disposed  to  accredit  falsehoods ;    but 

system  have  advanced.  Ainsworth,  the  celebrated  commentator 
on  the  Pentateuch,  was  a  Brownist.  The  learning,  judgment 
and  ingenuity  which  he  discovers  in  all  his  works,  as  well  as  his 
extraordinary  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  ought  to  induce  those, 
who  make  no  scruple  of  profiting  by  his  labours,  and  of  allowing 
him  extraordinary  merit  as  a  commentator,  to  hesitate,  whether 
a  man  of  his  character  was  likely  to  associate  himself  with 
such  persons  as  some  have  described  the  Brownists.  The  best 
account,  as  far  as  it  goes,  which  I  have  seen  of  that  sect,  is  pre- 
fixed to  Ainsworth's  Treatise  on  the  Communion,  published  at 
Edinburgh  by  Dr.  Charles  Stuart,  in  1789-  The  errors  of  Neale 
and  others  are  there  corrected  by  a  reference  to  the  works  in 
which  the  different  controversies  are  discussed.  In  the  same 
train  of  thinking  followed  Dr.  John  Owen,  who  may  be  con- 
sidered the  chief  founder  of  what  is  called  the  Independents  in 
England.  Sir  Peter  King,  in  his  "  Inquiry  into  the  Constitu- 
tion, Discipline,  Unity,  and  Worship,  of  the  Primitive  Church," 
adopted  a  similar  system ;  and  one  of  the  persons  who,  in  late 
years,  approached  nearest  to  the  sentiments  of  Luther,  was 
Principal  George  Campbell,  of  Aberdeen,  in  his  lectures  on 
ecclesiastical  history. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  225 

added,  that  he  would  pray  for  him,  though  an 
enemy,  and  would  not  be  wanting  in  respectful  be- 
haviour, although  he  stood  in  no  dread  of  bulls. 
Albert,  count  of  Mansfcld,  having  soon  after  con- 
versed with  Luther,  and  urged  him  to  pacify  the 
duke  by  a  milder  reply,  the  Reformer  made  an- 
swer, "  That  were  it  not  to  impair  the  glory  of  the 
gospel,  he  would  willingly  declare  himself  the  de- 
voted slave  of  that  prince  and  of  every  personal 
enemy,  as  became  a  Christian ;  that  the  count  was 
at  liberty  to  promise  every  thing  to  the  duke,  pro- 
vided he  would  desist  from  persecuting  the  word  of 
God  ;  but  unless  that  was  agreed  to,  he  was  de- 
termined to  take  no  step  to  appease  the  duke's  fury 
and  blindness." 

Nearly  about  this  time,  Louis,  the  young  king 
of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  was  stimulated  to  declare 
himself  on  the  same  side  as  duke  George.  He  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  the  elector  Frederick,  advising 
him  to  withdraw  his  protection  from  Luther,  be- 
cause he  had  defamed  the  Christians  and  extolled 
the  Turks.  Frederick  replied  with  his  usual  com- 
posure, assuring  him  that  none  of  the  things  of 
which  he  complained  were  protected  in  his  princi- 
pality, and  insinuated  that  it  must  have  been  Lu- 
ther's enemies  who  had  calumniated  him.  This 
youthful  sovereign  was  not  destined  to  arrive  at  the 
age  in  which  he  might  have  proved  either  an  ef- 
fectual friend  or  enemy  of  the  Reformation,  being 
killed  in  1526,  at  the  battle  of  Mohatz  against  the 
Turks,  in  his  twenty-second  year. 

I  have  now  the  painful  task  of  adverting  to  a  melan- 
choly example  of  the  cruelty  of  the  persecutors  of  the 

2  F 


226  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

Reformed.  Though  in  Germany  their  hatred  did 
not  go  the  length  of  inflicting  capital  punishments, 
the  case  of  the  Netherlands  was  very  different. 
Jerome  Aleander  the  pope's  nuncio,  and  his  cruel 
associates,  Nicholas  Egmond,  a  Carmelite,  and 
James  Hoogstraaten,  a  Dominican,  with  other 
monks  of  Louvain  and  Mechlin,  acted  an  unrelenting 
part  toward  the  protestants,  and  were  supported  in 
their  nefarious  proceedings  by  Margaret,  the  regent 
and  sister  of  the  emperor  Charles,  as  well  as  by  the 
imperial  magistrates.  The  first  victims  in  the  cause 
of  Lutheranism  were  two  Augustinian  monks  of 
Antwerp,  named  Henry  Voes  and  John  Esch. 
While  in  prison  they  were  treated  with  alternate 
lenity  and  severity,  and  every  effort  was  tried  to 
induce  them  to  recant,  but  no  length  of  confine- 
ment or  extent  of  suffering  could  shake  their  con- 
stancy. A  resolution  was  finally  taken  to  commit 
them  to  the  flames,  after  divesting  them  of  their 
office  of  priest,  since  no  one  holding  that  rank  could 
be  made  the  object  of  an  ignoble  punishment. 
They  were  both  brought  to  the  stake  at  Brussels  on 
1st  July,  1522,  and  endured  the  dreadful  punish- 
ment, not  only  with  patience  but  with  exultation. 
Henry,  the  younger  of  the  two,  was  a  very  inte- 
resting character.  He  openly  declared  that  he  pre- 
ferred reading  the  Scripture  with  Luther's  com- 
mentary, to  all  the  decrees  of  pontiffs  or  decisions  of 
doctors.  The  pope,  he  affirmed,  was  not  consti- 
tuted by  Christ  his  vicar  upon  earth,  but  merely 
his  servant  to  preach  and  to  tend  his  flock.  True 
faith,  he  added,  cannot  be  separated  from  charity, 
because  charity  is  the  effect  of  faith,  and  with  our 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  227 

charity  faith  is  dead.  His  persecutors  endeavour- 
ing to  attach  to  Luther  the  whole  blame  of  these  he- 
retical tenets,  he  freely  admitted  that  he  had  come 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  by  means  of  Luther's 
writings.  On  their  blaming  him  as  one  who  had 
been  seduced  by  Luther,  he  gave  this  memorable 
reply,  "  I  have  been  seduced  by  him  as  the  Apostles 
were  by  Christ." 

The  fate  of  these  victims  was  a  signal  to  Luther 
and  his  friends,  of  the  lot  that  awaited  them  when- 
ever the  church  should  be  in  possession  of  a  favour- 
able opportunity.  The  awful  prospect  formed  a 
powerful  bond  of  confirmation  in  their  belief,  and 
in  their  mutual  attachment.  Luther  celebrated  the 
fall  of  these  martyrs  in  a  hymn  which  long  conti- 
nued to  be  sung  in  the  churches  of  Germany,  and 
which  has  been  published  in  various  collections  of 
hymns  of  modern  date.  He  wrote  likewise  a  letter 
of  condolence  to  the  brethren  in  Holland,  Brabant, 
and  Flanders,  and  inserted  in  it  a  most  animating 
and  affecting  account  of  the  death  and  behaviour  of 
the  victims. 

Notwithstanding  the  increasing  popularity  of  his 
cause,  this  year  proved  a  season  of  much  anxiety 
to  Luther.  Like  the  great  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles, 
he  might  say  that  the  care  of  all  the  churches  came 
on  him  daily.  Many  who  were  favourable  to  his 
cause  had  very  indistinct  conceptions  of  his  doc- 
trine, and  imagined  that  their  doubts  could  be 
solved  only  by  application  to  the  fountain  head. 
Hence  innumerable  applications,  both  personally 
and  by  letter,  to  Luther.  To  this  was  added  a 
heavy  demand  on  his  time  for  the  consolation  of 
friends  in  affliction.     The  pressure  of  such  an  ac- 


228  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

cumulation  of  tasks  became  almost  too  great  for  a 
constitution  which  had  never  been  strong.  His 
vexations  were  aggravated  by  what  appeared  to  him 
languor  and  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  elector 
Frederick,  as  well  as  by  the  embarrassment  attend- 
ant on  straitened  circumstances.  Yet  his  confidence 
in  God  made  him  bear  patiently  with  adversity,  and 
his  disposition  was  so  generous,  that  on  receiving 
presents  from  those  friends  who  perceived  his  dis- 
tress, he  frequently  bestowed  them  on  the  poor. 
On  one  occasion,  after  receiving  a  small  donation 
from  the  court,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  "  My  re- 
lations at  Mansfeld  have  extracted  it  from  me.  I 
do  not  wish  to  have  any  more  lest  I  be  deprived  of 
it,  I  ought  in  truth  to  have  nothing."  * 

The  name  of  Cochkeus  has  been  already  men- 
tioned as  hostile  to  the  cause  of  Luther.  This  per- 
son was  chaplain  to  George,  duke  of  Saxony,  and 
afterward  dean  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Frank- 
fort. Pertinacious  in  his  opposition,  he  omitted  no 
opportunity  of  encountering  the  new  doctrines,  and 
even  stooped  to  the  base  expedient  of  inventing 
falsehoods  for  the  personal  detraction  of  Luther. 
It  was  he  who,  many  years  after,  fabricated  the 
story  of  Luther  having  undertaken  his  opposition 
to  Tetzel  from  a  selfish  feeling  towards  his  own 
Order.  Indeed,  after  the  rough  manner  in  which 
Luther  handled  him,  during  this  year  in  parti- 
cular, we  need  hardly  wonder  at  his  proceeding  an 
extraordinary  length  at  a  time  when  the  Reformer 
was  no  longer  capable  of  contradicting  his  alle- 
gations.! 

*  See  Appendix  CC.  t  See  Appendix  DD. 


YEARS  1522  AND  1523.  229 

Among  the  more  respectable  opponents  of  the 
Reformation,  I  must  not  omit  the  name  of  John 
Fisher,  bishop  of  Roehester.  This  sincere  and  re- 
ligious member  of  the  church  impugned  Luther's 
theses,  and  wrote  a  treatise  against  the  Reformer, 
in  vindication  of  that  sovereign  who  was  one  day  to 
make  him  the  victim  of  his  constancy  in  adhering 
to  the  catholic  faith. 


230  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

CHAPTER  IX. 

YEARS   1524  AND  1525. 

IT  is  now  time  to  direct  our  attention  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  virtuous  but 
inexperienced  Adrian  had  paid  the  debt  of  nature  on 
the  14th  September,  1523.  Short  as  his  administra- 
tion had  been,  he  had  seen  enough  to  make  him 
lament  his  elevation  to  the  pontificate,  and  cast  a 
wishful  eye  to  the  happiness  of  private  life.  His 
plain  habits  and  antipathy  to  ostentation  prevented 
him  from  being  popular  among  the  Italians,  who 
had  been  dazzled  by  the  luxury  and  splendour  of  his 
predecessor  Leo.  His  death  gave  occasion,  as  usual, 
to  strong  contentions  of  interest  in  the  conclave.  At 
last,  Julius  of  Medicis  was  elected  in  the  end  of  No- 
vember, and  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  VII. 
His  character  formed  a  complete  contrast  to  that  of 
Adrian,  for  he  had  been  formed  to  business  during 
the  pontificate  of  Leo  X.  Having  had  the  manage- 
ment of  affairs  during  the  government  of  that  pope, 
he  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  politics  of 
the  court  of  Rome,  and  determined  to  follow  a  very 
different  course  of  conduct  from  Adrian.  The  chief 
difficulty  which  he  apprehended,  in  regard  to  the 
Reformation,  arose  from  the  extraordinary  admis- 
sions made  by  his  predecessor.  He  deemed  it  expe- 
dient, therefore,  to  negotiate  as  if  Adrian  had  taken 
no  active  part  in  these  unpleasant  proceedings.  His 
first  care  was  to  make  choice  of  a  legate  experienced 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  231 

in  diplomacy  and  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  Ger- 
man v-  With  that  view  he  fixed  on  cardinal  Cam- 
pegio,  who  had  been  nuncio  in  Germany  in  the  time 
of  the  emperor  Maximilian.  It  was  in  consequence 
of  his  former  residence  in  that  country  that  Clement 
in  a  letter  to  the  elector  Frederick,  said  with  refe- 
rence to  Campegio,  nee  minus  istce  provincice  notus, 
et,  ut  speramus,  earns* 

We  are  now  to  contemplate  some  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  papal  court  under  the  direction,  not  of 
the  indolent  Leo,  or  the  unsuspicious  Adrian,  but 
of  a  leader  thoroughly  conversant  with  its  politics. 
Agreeably  to  a  former  observation,  we  shall  here 
find  more  room  to  attribute  to  it  dexterity  in  diplo- 
macy than  a  comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  state 
of  society.  Blind,  like  most  bad  governments,  to  the 
real  cause  of  public  discontent,  Clement  and  his  ad- 
visers looked,  in  particular  circumstances  and  events, 
for  that  which  they  should  have  sought  in  the  gene- 
ral diffusion  of  information.  The  celebrated  com- 
plaint of  the  "  Hundred  Grievances"  was  attributed 
by  them,  not  to  the  detection  of  coarse  abuses,  or  to 
indignation  at  the  continuance  of  practices  fitted 
only  for  an  age  of  ignorance,  but  to  the  encourage- 
ment imprudently  afforded  by  the  acknowledgments 
of  Adrian.  Their  policy  accordingly  was  to  avoid 
all  admissions  of  the  nature  made  by  that  pontiff, 
and  to  take  as  little  notice  as  possible  of  the  remon- 
strance of  the  German  princes.     On  the  seventh  of 

*  Luth.  T.  ii.  p.  411.  Campegio  had  likewise  been  legate  in 
England,  and  was  at  a  subsequent  time,  the  bearer  of  the  bull  per- 
mitting Henry's  divorce  from  Queen  Catherine.  He  was  chosen 
for  this  office  because  Henry  and  cardinal  Wolsey  wished  the  pope 
to  employ  a  tractable  man.     Burnet's  Hist.  Reform,  ii. 


232  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

December  therefore,  Clement  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  elector  Frederick,  alluding,  in  general  terms,  to 
the  disturbances  existing  in  Germany,  and  expres- 
sing a  confident  belief  that  the  elector  would  advo- 
cate the  cause  of  the  church.*  This  letter,  in  imi- 
tation of  the  example  of  his  two  predecessors,  was 
intended  to  pave  the  way  for  the  farther  progress  of 
Campegio's  negotiation.  Accordingly  on  15th  Ja- 
nuary, 1524,  that  legate  being  about  to  repair  to  the 
Diet  assembled  at  Nuremberg,  the  pope  wrote  ano- 
ther letter  to  Frederick,  still  expressed  in  general 
terms,  but  in  a  style  of  studied  complaisance,  and  in- 
timating a  wish  that  the  elector  would  consult  with 
the  legate  in  regard  to  the  best  means  of  restoring 
peace  and  tranquillity  to  the  empire. 

Campegio  arrived  at  Nuremberg  on  14th  Febru- 
ary, and  learned,  with  much  disappointment,  that 
Frederick  had  left  that  city  and  gone  home.  He 
therefore  determined  to  transmit  the  pontiff's  letter 
enclosed  in  one  from  himself,  which  is  still  pre- 
served, and  is,  of  all  the  epistolary  compositions  ad- 
dressed to  Frederick  by  the  popes  or  their  agents,  by 
far  the  most  skilfully  prepared-!  It  was  in  sub- 
stance as  follows. 

"  I  lament  exceedingly  that  I  have  had  no  oppor- 
tunity of  meeting  your  highness  at  Nuremberg,  as 
the  pope's  letter  by  no  means  contains  all  that  I  have 
to  communicate.  Clement  commanded  me  to  state 
many  things,  which  it  is  now  impossible  for  me  to 
do  otherwise  than  by  means  of  a  nuncio  or  by  let- 
ter ;  neither  of  which  are  the  modes  of  communica- 

*Luth.ii.  411. 
t  Luth.  ii.  p.  412.     Sleid.  L.  iv.     Seckend.  287- 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  233 

tion  which  I  wish.  A  report,  I  hear,  has  been  cir- 
culated, that  your  highness  favours  the  new  heresy; 
but  nothing,  be  assured,  is  farther  from  the  pope's 
belief,  or  my  own,  since  we  consider  your  highness 
a  most  shining  star,  a  sedulous  observer  of  Christian 
piety,  and  a  warm  adherent  to  the  apostolic  see. 
How  can  a  prince  of  discrimination  be  otherwise  ? 
The  love  of  innovation  on  the  part  of  the  common 
people,  confined  at  present  to  matters  of  religion, 
would,  if  allowed  to  go  on,  be  very  soon  transferred 
to  a  subversion  of  that  subordination  to  princes  and 
magistrates,  without  which  civil  society  is  at  an  end. 
If  we  advert  to  the  recent  insurrections  in  Bohemia 
and  Hungary,  we  shall  find  that  all  the  tumults  and 
confusion,  which  have  taken  place,  have  been  owing 
to  the  dangerous  example  of  the  new  heresy.  Si- 
milar events,  we  may  confidently  predict,  will  hap- 
pen in  Germany,  unless  a  speedy  check  be  given  to 
such  presumption.  As  for  me,  I  have  been  sent  by 
the  holy  father,  to  restore  those  that  have  fallen,  to 
direct  the  wanderer,  and  to  receive  into  the  bosom 
of  the  church  all  who  are  disposed  to  return — an 
arduous  enterprise,  and  undertaken  chiefly  in  a  re- 
liance on  the  gracious  aid  of  your  highness." 

Ably  as  this  letter  was  penned,  it  does  not  appear 
to  have  extracted  any  answer  from  the  wary  Frede- 
rick. At  the  Diet,  Campegio  expressed  his  astonish- 
ment that  so  many  wise  princes  should  permit  the 
abolition  of  the  rites  in  which  they  had  been  edu- 
cated, without  perceiving  that  those  innovations  had 
a  direct  tendency  to  shake  the  stability  of  their  own 
power.  His  Holiness,  he  added,  did  not  prescribe  any 
thing,  but  had  commissioned  him  to  consult  with  the 
Diet  about  the  measures  best  adapted  to  prevent  the 

2G 


234  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

farther  progress  of  the  evil.  To  this  the  princes  re- 
plied, that  they  were  well  aware  of  the  dangers  to 
which  they  were  exposed,  and  had,  with  a  view  to 
meet  them,  delivered  to  Campegio's  predecessor  a  me- 
morial of  those  grievances  in  the  church  establishment 
which  they  could  no  longer  endure.  All  the  world, 
they  added,  were  apprised  of  their  subjects  of  com- 
plaint, as  they  had  caused  their  memorial  to  be  printed. 
Campegio  could  not  pretend  ignorance  of  the  me- 
morial, but  he  had  no  scruple  in  laying  stress  on  the 
circumstance  of  the  court  of  Rome  having  no  official 
knowledge  of  it.  The  pope  and  cardinals  had  seen 
copies  of  it  in  the  hands  of  individuals,  and  ascribed 
the  printing  of  it  to  some  enemy  of  the  church,  being 
unwilling  to  think  that  such  a  step  could  have  been 
adopted  by  order  of  the  princes.  Some  of  their  com- 
plaints were  derogatory  to  the  pope,  and  conse- 
quently heretical ;  but,  in  regard  to  those  relating  to 
other  topics,  he  was  willing,  though  without  instruc- 
tions, to  make  them  the  subject  of  a  conference.  A 
conference  accordingly  did  take  place,  but  it  produced 
no  other  effect  than  a  cold  promise  from  the  legate 
of  a  reform  among  the  Germanic  clergy.  His  plan, 
when  it  came  to  be  examined,  was  found  to  contain 
only  some  regulations  for  the  inferior  clergy,  without 
including  the  higher  dignitaries.  Such  indeed  was 
its  nature,  that  the  Diet  declared  that  instead  of  be- 
nefiting the  condition  of  Germany,  it  would  tend  to 
increase  her  evils,  and  seemed  fitted  only  to  augment 
the  influence  of  the  holy  see.  The  propositions 
which  ensued  were  equally  unavailing,  and  the  par- 
ties separated  in  mutual  disgust.* 

*  See  a  full  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Diet  in  Sleid.  L, 
iv.    Sarpi.  L.  i.  and  Seckend.  287.  et  seq. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  235 

The  publication  of  the  recess  of  the  Diet  took 
place  on  18th  April.*  It  was  divided  into  two  ge- 
neral heads,  the  first  regarding  Luther  and  his  doc- 
trine, the  second  treating  of  the  dangers  which 
threatened  Germany.  To  meet  these  difficulties, 
the  princes  proposed  that  the  pope,  with  the  consent 
of  the  emperor,  should  assemble  a  free  council  in 
Germany,  and  that  the  Diet  should  meet  at  Spires 
on  11  th  November  next,  to  consider  what  ought  to 
be  done  until  the  convocation  of  the  council.  Mean- 
time  competent  persons  were  to  be  chosen  by  diffe- 
rent princes  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  princi- 
pal points  treated  in  Luther's  works;  and  the  ma- 
gistrates were  to  be  enjoined  to  take  care  that  the 
Gospel  should  be  preached  according  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  writers  approved  by  the  church.  All  books 
and  pictures  which  slandered  the  court  of  Rome, 
were  to  be  suppressed.  Such  was,  in  substance,  the 
resolution  of  the  Diet, 

Campegio,  after  some  remonstrance  on  the  impro- 
priety of  laymen  interfering  in  matters  of  faith  and 
doctrine,  consented  to  lay  their  views  before  the 
pope.  However,  he  soon  took  a  step  at  variance 
with  this  promise;  for,  after  the  breaking  up  of  the 
Diet,  he  assembled  those  princes  whom  he  knew  to 
be  favourable  to  his  cause.  These  were  Ferdinand 
the  emperor's  brother,  William  mid  Louis,  princes  of 
Bavaria,  the  archbishop  of  Saltzburg,  the  bishops  of 
Trent,  Ratisbon,  Bamberg,  Spires,  Strasburg,  Augs- 
burg, Constance,  Bazil,  Freysingen,  Brixen,  and 
Passau.  The  reformation  had  taken  such  deep  root 
at  Nuremberg,  and  the  adoption  of  counter-resolu- 
tions on  the  spot  where  the  late  Diet  had  been  held, 

*  See  it  at  length  Luth.  ii.  418.  et  seq. 


236  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

would  have  been  so  indecorus,  that  it  was  thought 
advisable  to  assemble  this  new  meeting  at  Ratisbon. 
But  nothing  further  was  attempted  than  to  carry  in- 
to effect  the  edict  issued  at  Worms  against  Luther. 
His  innovations  were  condemned  anew,  and  the  old 
established  customs  of  the  church  were  declared  to 
be  confirmed. 

This  irregular  meeting,  accounted  by  some  an  ad- 
mirable stroke  of  policy,  gave  great  offence  to  the 
absent  members  of  the  Diet.  Nor  was  there  any 
prospect  of  compliance  on  the  part  of  the  pope,  with 
the  request  of  the  princes  to  assemble  a  general 
council.  The  popes  have  generally  been  extremely 
averse  from  resorting  to  this  alternative.  Clement 
was  in  the  habit  of  saying  that  the  assembling  of  a 
council  would  be  always  advantageous  if  they  ab- 
stained from  meddling  with  the  power  of  the  pope ; 
but  that,  under  present  circumstances,  such  a  mea- 
sure was  wholly  unnecessary,  as  Leo  had  already 
condemned  Luther.4* 

Luther,  having  speedily  obtained  a  copy  of  the 
recess  published  by  the  Diet,  was  strongly  agitated 
by  the  conduct  of  the  princes.  With  that  disregard 
of  consequences  which  so  frequently  marked  his 
conduct,  he  instantly  republished  the  edict  of  Worms 
of  eighth  May,  1521,  and,  contrasting  it  with  that  of 
Nuremberg,  had  no  hesitation  to  call  the  princes, 
"  miserable,  infatuated  men,  set  over  the  people  by 
God  in  his  anger."  He  ridiculed  the  emperor's  pre- 
sumption in  assuming,  like  the  king  of  England  and 
the  king  of  Hungary,  the  title  of  "  Defender  of  the 
Catholic  faith,"  and  he  went  the  length  of  exhorting 
all  Christians  to  pause  in  contributing  their  services 

*  Sarpi.  L.  i. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  237 

or  their  money  to  a  war  with  the  Turks,  "  since  the 
Sultan  was  far  superior  to  the  German  princes  in 
ability,  integrity,  and  moderation."*  A  letter  of  this 
description  must  have  been  regretted  by  all  the  con- 
siderate part  of  Luther's  friends,  from  the  handle 
given  by  it  to  his  enemies  to  accuse  him  of  a  depar- 
ture from  that  moderation  which  he  enjoined  to 
others. 

The  pope,  meanwhile,  exerted  in  private  all  his 
influence  with  the  emperor,  to  counteract  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  Diet  as  far  as  it  regarded  the  assemblage 
of  a  general  council.  Charles  was  so  much  inte- 
rested in  detaching  the  court  of  Rome  from  connec- 
tion with  his  great  rival,  Francis,  that  he  did  not  he- 
sitate to  take  a  decided  part  against  the  Reformation. 
Accordingly,  in  the  beginning  of  July,  the  emperor 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  states  of  the  empire  re- 
echoing the  resolutions  adopted  at  Ratisbon,  and 
demanding  a  more  peremptory  enforcement  of  the 
edict  of  Worms.  His  letter  was  accompanied  by  a 
notice  that  he  would  not  permit  the  Diet  to  assem- 
ble, as  appointed,  on  11th  November,  lest  he  should 
incur  the  wrath  of  God  and  the  pope.  Conscious, 
however,  that  he  was  attempting  an  exertion  of 
power  which  might  be  found  to  exceed  the  limits  of 
his  prerogative,  he  transmitted  this  despatch  through 
the  medium  of  his  brother  Ferdinand,  and  cautioned 
him  not  to  produce  it  if  he  was  apprehensive  of  se- 
rious opposition.  Ferdinand,  a  bigoted  Catholic, 
paid  no  attention  to  his  brother's  caution,  and  ea- 
gerly published  a  despatch  which  he  thought  would 
have  the  effect  of  pledging  the  imperial  authority 

*  Luth.  T.  ii.  413.  et  seq.     Sleid.  L.  iv.     Seckend.  291. 


238  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

to  the  condemnation  of  the  Lutherans.  The  princes 
were  greatly  offended,  but  forbore  to  insist  on  hold- 
ing a  Diet  at  Spires.  In  their  opposition  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  edict  of  Worms  they  discovered  greater 
firmness,  and  it  accordingly  remained  little  else  than  a 
dead  letter  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Germany.* 
The  impolitic  resistance  of  the  pope  to  the  wishes 
of  the  Diet  disappointed  many  leading  men  in  Ger- 
many, and  made  them  the  more  eager  to  investigate 
the  subjects  of  controversy.  Nothing  could  be  more 
favourable  to  the  cause  of  the  Lutherans,  for,  con- 
fident in  the  superiority  of  their  arguments,  exami- 
nation was  all  they  desired.  During  the  sitting  of 
the  Diet  at  Nuremberg,  the  new  doctrines  had  been 
publicly  preached  in  that  city.  Albert,  elector  of 
Brandenburg,  already  favourably  disposed  toward 
them,  was  here  made  a  thorough  convert  by  the  dis- 
courses of  a  preacher  of  the  name  of  Andrew  Osi- 
ander.  Luther's  works  had  met  with  a  cordial  re- 
ception from  many  persons  in  his  electorate,  and  it 
deserves  to  be  noticed  that  George  von  Polentz,  a 
Prussian  prelate,  was  the  first  Catholic  bishop  who 
recommended  the  perusal  of  Luther's  works  in  his 
diocess.  With  this  zealous  convert  Albert  now  co- 
operated, and  commenced  in  good  earnest  the  work 

*  There  must  have  been  a  curious  contrast  between  the  real  and 
ostensible  disposition  of  the  church  of  Rome  towards  Frederick. 
While  affecting  to  lavish  flattering  epithets  on  him  for  his  con- 
stancy to  the  Catholic  faith,  hopes  were  secretly  entertained  that 
the  emperor  might  venture  to  declare  him  a  heretic  and  deprive 
him  of  his  electoral  franchise.  Cum  Saxonice  electore,  quia  ver- 
borum  blanditid  nihil  ejftcerelur,  visum  est  severe  procedendum, 
utj  pro  hcerctico  habitus,  Septemviratu  dejiceretur.  Seckend.  288. 
The  electors  were  then  only  seven  in  number. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  239 

of  Reformation  in  his  dominions.*  Being  master 
of  the  Teutonic  Order,  which,  like  the  Order  of 
Malta,  is  pledged  to  celibacy,  Albert  passed  by  Wit- 
temberg  and  consulted  Luther  in  regard  to  the 
necessity  of  adhering  to  this  unnatural  injunction. 
Luther's  answer  is  recorded  in  one  of  his  letters. 
"  I  advised  Albert  to  despise  that  foolish  rule,  and  to 
marry  ;  as  well  as  to  reduce  Prussia  into  the  politieal 
shape  either  of  a  principality  or  a  dukedom.  Me- 
lancthon  seconded  what  I  said.  He  (Albert)  smiled 
and  made  no  reply,  but  I  perceived  that  the  advice 
was  agreeable  to  him."  , 

We  are  now  to  advert  to  a  less  pleasant  topic — the 
dilferences  between  Luther  and  Carolostad.  No 
good  understanding  had  subsisted  between  them 
since  Luther's  return  from  his  seclusion  atWartbur°'. 
Those  who,  during  the  continuance  of  that  confine- 
ment, had  been  attracted  by  the  boldness  of  Carolos- 
tad's  innovations,  forsook  him  on  hearing  the  disap- 
proving discourses  of  Luther.  The  consequence 
was  that  Carolostad  withdrew  from  Wittemberg  and 
retired  to  Orlamunda,  a  village  near  Sala,  where  he 
was  invested  with  a  parochial  charge.  Though  thus 
retired  from  the  scene  of  active  discussion,  he  was  of 
too  warm  a  temper  to  relinquish  the  assertion  of  his 
peculiar  tenets.  These  related  chiefly  to  an  imme- 
diate disuse  of  images,  and  to  the  much  disputed 
point  of  the  sacrament.  Luther  attached  too  much 
consequence  to  these  doctrines  to  remain  silent  under 
their  propagation.  Though  he  recommended  the 
disuse  of  images,  he  dreaded  the  consequences  of 
hasty  attempts  at  their  abolition.  Besides,  Carolos- 
tad's  vehemence  was  ill  calculated  to  permit  the  en- 

*  See  Appendix  E  E. 


240  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

jovment  of  tranquillity  to  a  mind  so  ardent  as  Lu- 
ther's. Stimulated  by  these  considerations,  Luther 
repaired  to  Jena,  where  he  understood  there  were 
several  favourers  of  the  obnoxious  doctrine.  Here 
he  both  preached  and  held  a  disputation  against 
them.  Unfortunately,  the  discourses  on  each  side 
bore  the  stamp  of  the  irritability  of  the  leaders ;  and 
this  abusive  language  was  calculated  to  lower  the 
cause  of  reform  in  the  public  estimation.  However, 
when  the  alternative  of  convoking  a  synod  was  pro- 
posed to  Luther,  he  had  the  good  sense  to  decline  it, 
and  at  last  consented  that  he  and  his  opponent  should 
exercise  mutual  toleration,  and  maintain  a  spirit  of 
Christian  charity.  He  contented  himself  with  ad- 
dressing to  the  magistrates  of  the  different  cities  of 
Germany  a  spirited  remonstrance  against  the  indif- 
ference to  learning  recommended  by  Carolostad.* 

It  was  nearly  about  this  time  that  Luther  wrote 
against  the  extraordinary  innovations  of  Munster  and 
the  Anabaptists.  His  views  in  other  respects  conti- 
nued to  expand,  and  he  ventured  on  ninth  October, 
1524,  to  lay  aside  his  monastic  habit  and  to  assume 
the  dress  of  a  professor  or  preacher.  His  tenacious 
adherence  to  the  opinions  which  he  had  once  es- 
poused, a  feature  in  his  character  not  generally  un- 
derstood, was  strongly  illustrated  by  the  circum- 
stances of  this  transaction ;  for  it  is  a  fact  that  all  the 
Augustinians,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  prior, 
had  left  the  monastery  before  Luther  could  prevail 
on  himself  to  adopt  that  resolution. 

The  advocates  of  papal  authority,  alarmed  at  the 
dissemination  of  the  Reformed  doctrine,  and  finding 
arbitrary  edicts  of  little  avail,  now  looked  around  for 

*  Seckend.  306. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  241 

a  literary  champion  who  might  be  instrumental  in 
stemming  the  current  of  revolution.  Nor  could  they 
long  remain  in  doubt  as  to  the  man,  when  there  was 
a  prospect  of  engaging  Erasmus  in  the  cause.  Per- 
sons in  the  most  celebrated  stations,  particularly 
Henry  VIII.  and  pope  Adrian,  had  urged  this  emi- 
nent scholar  to  enter  the  lists  with  Luther.  To  this 
however  there  were,  on  the  part  of  Erasmus,  consi- 
derable objections.  He  was  conscious  of  the  neces- 
sity of  ecclesiastical  reform,  and  aware  of  the  popu- 
larity of  its  advocates.  He  had  already,  as  we  have 
seen,  expressed  his  approbation  and  his  good  wishes 
in  regard  to  several  of  Luther's  publications.  Un- 
fortunately the  wants  of  Erasmus  were  not  suffi- 
ciently simple  to  render  him  independent  of  the  as- 
sistance of  the  great.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  re- 
ceiving pensions  from  crowned  heads,  among  others 
from  our  Henry  VIII.  who  was  at  that  time  invete- 
rate againsf  Luther,  and  eager  to  recommend  himself 
to  the  papal  see  with  the  view  of  accelerating  his  di- 
vorce from  Queen  Catharine.  Cardinal  Wolsey,  the 
organ  of  all  his  important  communications,  pressed 
Erasmus  to  write  against  Luther ;  and  Tonstall,  bi- 
shop of  London,  whose  letter  is  still  extant,  urged 
him  to  the  same  effect.* 

Prompted  by  these  and  other  applications,  Eras- 
mus determined  to  embark  in  the  Catholic  cause. 
Soo  politic  to  deny  the  necessity  of  reform,  he  con- 
Id  himself  to  an  attempt  at  shaking  Luther's  high 
reputation  by  questioning  his  accuracy  in  speculative 
points.  The  particular  topic  of  which  he  made 
choice  was  Luther's  opinion  on  the  "  Freedom  of 
the  Will."    Erasmus's  treatise  on  this  subject  was 

*  Seckend.  p.  309.    Tonstall's  letter  was  in  July,  1523. 
2H 


242  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

published  in  September,  1524.*  Though  composed 
with  studied  moderation,  we  find  him  writing  to 
England,  a  day  or  two  after  the  publication,  that 
he  laid  his  account  with  a  tumult,  and  perhaps  with 
being  stoned  by  the  people.  He  would  willingly 
have  dedicated  his  work  to  his  patron  Wolsey,  had 
not  the  notorious  violence  of  that  minister  been  cal- 
culated to  create  prepossessions  unfavourable  to  the 
cause. 

Elevated  as  Erasmus  was  in  reputation,  he  was 
by  no  means  tranquil  in  regard  to  the  reception  of 
his  work.  He  dreaded  the  vindictive  pen  of  Luther, 
and  was  doubtful  of  operating  conviction  on  the 
minds  of  even  the  more  temperate  adherents  of  the 
Reformer.  A  letter  written  by  him  to  Melancthon, 
sometime  after  his  treatise  came  forth,  is  indicative 
of  solicitude  in  these  respects,  as  well  as  of  no  ordi- 
nary share  of  personal  vanity.  He  augured  right  in 
laying  his  account  with  an  answer  in  a  decided  tone 
from  Luther.  It  appeared  in  a  short  time,  and  the 
adverse  essays  brought  both  these  distinguished  cha- 
racters prominently  before  the  public.  But  the  sub- 
ject was  unfavourable  to  a  display  of  their  respective 
talents.  It  is  in  itself  extremely  difficult,  and,  from 
a  reciprocal  want  of  accuracy  in  definition,  it  re- 
ceived very  little  illustration  at  their  hands.  Both 
declare  man  an  accountable  creature,  though  they 
differ  in  the  detail  of  their  expositions.  Their  va- 
riance would  have  been  less  had  they  written  wmi 
more  precision  of  language.  But  Erasmus,  though 
educated  for  the  church,  had  been  chiefly  conversant 
with  classical  pursuits,  and  found  himself  out  of  his 
depth  when  involved  in  metaphysics.     In  regard  to 

*  De  Libero  Arbitrio.    Erasm.  Op. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  243 

Luther,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  in  vain  that  his  zea- 
lous admirer,  SeckcndorfT,  exerts  himself  to  prove 
that  he  was  no  predestinarian.  He  is  desirous  of 
imputing  the  origin  of  that  doctrine  to  Calvin ;  but 
on  comparing  Luther's  treatise  with  the  more  fi- 
nished labours  of  the  Geneva  professor,  we  must 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  difference  seems 
to  consist  in  the  greater  clearness  and  precision  of 
the  latter.* 

If,  in  point  of  philosophical  reasoning,  Luther's 
treatise  was  uninteresting,  it  was,  in  another  respect, 
abundantly  emphatic — I  mean  in  personal  abuse  of 
his  antagonist.  Nothing  could  be  more  mortifying 
to  one  who  was  exquisitely  alive  to  whatever  affected 
his  favour  with  the  public.  Accordingly  we  find 
Erasmus  making,  some  time  after,  a  vehement  re- 
monstrance against  Luther  to  the  elector  John,  Fre- 
derick's successor,  and  entreating  him  to  interfere  to 
prevent  Luther  from  indulging  in  a  repetition  of 
similar  invectives.  Extat  Erasmi  autographon  ad 
Johannem  Elect.  Sax.  d.  2.  Mart,  datum  in  quo  in- 
credibilem  bilem  effundit  adversus  Lutherum,  a  quo 
famam  suam  capitalibus  mendaciis  Icesam  esse  que- 
ritur.j 

A  part  of  this  year  was  passed  by  Luther  in  a 
manner  much  more  profitable  than  controversy.  He 
translated  the  psalms  into  German  verse  for  the  use 
of  the  common  people,  and  added  sacred  hymns  of 
his  own  composition.  In  the  course  of  the  work  he 
invited  the  assistance  of  Spalatin   and  of  another 

*  See  Calvin's  Institutions,  L.  iii.  cap.  21 — 24.  They  contain 
as  good  a  defence  of  the  doctrine  of  predestination  as  any  that  is 
before  the  public. 

t  Seckend.  p.  312. 


244  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

friend,  named  Dolzy,  in  regard  to  the  versification  ; 
and  for  the  composition  of  the  tunes,  of  which  he 
was  an  excellent  judge,  he  engaged  a  person  of  the 
name  of  John  Walther.  His  pains  were  amply  re- 
warded, for  his  version  became  extremely  popular. 


The  elector  Frederick  had  now  reached  his  sixty- 
third  year.  His  constitution  was  undermined  by  se- 
vere complaints,  and  he  closed  a  life  of  great  public 
utility  on  fifth  May,  1525.  His  protection,  though 
in  Luther's  opinion  sometimes  too  cautiously  be- 
stowed, was  all  along  steady  and  effectual.  He  was 
found  to  perform  more  than  he  promised,  and  to  ad- 
here firmly  to  the  Reformer  under  the  most  alarming 
circumstances.  The  funeral  of  this  lamented  prince 
was  conducted  under  the  direction  of  Luther  and 
Melancthon.  They  were  allowed  to  omit  all  the 
ceremonies  of  the  church  of  Rome.  The  place  of 
interment  was  the  church  of  All  Saints  at  Wittem- 
berg.  Melancthon  delivered  a  Latin  oration  over 
the  grave,  and  Luther  preached  a  sermon  from  the 
text  (1  Thessalonians,  iv.  13.)  "Brethren,  concerning 
them  which  are  asleep,  sorrow  not,  even  as  others 
which  have  no  hope." 

Prince  John,  Frederick's  successor,  was  a  good 
deal  different  in  character  from  his  brother.  With- 
out possessing  equal  depth  of  reflection,  his  temper 
was  much  keener  and  his  determinations  more 
promptly  taken.  Frederick's  great  care  had  been  to 
restrain  the  haste  of  the  Reformers,  and  to  trust  to 
the  operation  of  a  gradual  progress.  But  John  was 
actuated  by  no  such  backwardness,  and  had  no  ob- 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  245 

jcction  to  become  the  ready  instrument  of  carrying 
their  speculations  into  effect.  The  character  of  Fre- 
derick was  evidently  best  fitted  to  foster  and  give 
strength  to  a  beginning  cause ;  that  of  John  was 
suitable  to  a  season  when  it  had  attained  conside- 
rable growth,  and  had  become  independent  of  such 
tender  cares.  The  death  of  Frederick  was  to  the 
Catholics  a  matter  of  great  exultation;  but  their 
hopes  were  soon  disappointed,  and,  all  things  taken 
together,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  cause  of  reform 
prospered  as  much  under  John  as  if  his  brother's  life 
had  been  prolonged. 

The   death   of  Frederick   was   nearly   cotempo- 
rarv  with  the  formidable  insurrection  in  Germany, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  "  war  of  the  peasants." 
The  condition  of  this  humble  class  of  the  community 
was  still  deplorable  throughout  great  part  of  the  em- 
pire.    In  some  places  they  were  subject  to  personal 
and  domestic  slavery,  and  liable  to  be  transferred, 
like  any  other  vendible  property,  from  one  master  to 
another.     Even  in  quarters  where  their  liberty  was 
less  restrained,  they  cultivated  land  under  conditions 
of  great  hardship.     To  these  were  now  added  the 
imposition  of  taxes  on  several  of  the  necessaries  and 
comforts  of  life.     Driven  to  despair,  they  took  up 
arms  to  obtain  a  redress  of  their  grievances.     The 
first    commotions    appeared   in    Suabia,   and   soon 
spread  to  the  north  amid  the  converts  to  the  Refor^ 
mation.     It  happened  in  this,  as  in  other  insurrec- 
tions, that  the   multitude,  once   roused,  knew   not 
where  to  stop.     They  went  beyond  all  bounds,  and 
seemed  to  aim  at  an  absolute  equality  of  persons 
and  property.     The  elector  John,   along  with   the 
landgrave  of  Hesse  and  duke  of  Brunswick,  found  it 


246  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

necessary  to  assemble  a  military  force  against  them. 
Having  succeeded  in  surrounding  them,  the  princes 
endeavoured  to  quell  the  insurrection  by  amicable 
negotiation.  But  the  infatuation  of  the  peasants  and 
of  their  leader  Muncer,  rendering  this  impracticable, 
it  was  necessary  to  resort  to  the  painful  alternative 
of  assault.  Several  thousands  fell  in  the  field,  and 
their  leader  being  taken,  the  rebellion  was  finished 
by  one  blow.* 

The  enemies  of  Luther  laboured  greatly  to  throw 
the  odium  of  this  insurrection  on  him  and  his  doc- 
trine. But  though  the  insurgents  became,  in  the 
progress  of  the  commotion,  enthusiastic  opponents  of 
the  church  of  Rome,  and  held  some  tenets  in  com- 
mon with  Luther,  this  coincidence  is  to  be  viewed 
as  a  secondary  and  collateral  circumstance,  which 
had  no  influence  on  the  origin  of  the  sedition.  The 
insurgents  asserted  that  Luther  had  by  no  means 
done  justice  to  the  cause  of  freedom ;  while  he,  on 
the  other  hand,  employed  the  whole  force  of  his  elo- 
quence to  convince  the  peasants  of  the  criminality  of 
their  conduct,  and  to  prevent  others  from  co-operating 
with  them.  In  a  work  addressed  expressly  to  them, 
he  strongly  recommended  forbearance  by  his  own 
example :  "  The  pope  and  the  emperor  have  raged 
against  me,  but  it  has  turned  out,  in  consequence  of 
my  patience,  that  the  more  violent  they  have  been, 
the  wider  has  been  the  diffusion  of  the  Gospel.  I 
have  exercised  no  revenge.  I  have  never  caused  the 
sword  to  be  drawn  from  the  scabbard.  The  power 
of  magistrates  I  have  supported  as  far  as  I  was  able, 
even  of  those  who  have  persecuted  the  Gospel  and 

*  Sleid.  L.  v.  and  Seckend.  L.  ii.  from  p.  1  to  15,  have  given 
an  ample  account  of  this  war. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  247 

me.  I  have  committed  all  to  God,  and  put  my  re- 
liance in  his  power  and  protection.  God  hath  ac- 
cordingly preserved  me  in  life,  in  spite  of  the  pope 
and  all  my  enemies,  which  is  looked  on  as  a  miracle 
by  many  and  acknowledged  as  such  by  myself.  But 
you  have  now  interposed  unseasonably,  and  in  wish- 
ing to  promote  the  gospel  by  violence,  you  are  not 
aware  that  you  impede  its  progress." 

We  have  next  to  record  an  event  in  Luther's  his- 
tory, which,  while  it  had  a  powerful  influence  on 
his  personal  comfort,  was  calculated  to  excite  in  no 
small  degree  the  surprise  of  the  public.  We  have 
seen  him  relinquish,  step  by  step,  the  prejudices  and 
habits  of  his  early  years ;  raising  his  voice  first 
against  the  grosser  abuses  of  the  church,  and  sub- 
sequently questioning  her  fundamental  doctrines. 
In  that  discussion,  which  more  immediately  affected 
himself,  the  obligation  of  the  monastic  vow,  we  have 
observed  him  begin  by  lamenting  the  premature  age 
at  which  such  engagoments  were  undertaken  ;  pro- 
ceeding, in  the  next  place,  to  sanction  the  relinquish- 
ment of  the  pledge  in  other  persons,  and  finally  with- 
drawing from  the  fraternity  himself.  He  now  went  a 
farther  length,  and  determined  to  settle  himself  in 
marriage.  This  step,  remarkable  in  itself  on  the  part  of 
one  who  had  sworn  celibacy,  was  rendered  still  more 
so  by  the  existence  of  a  similar  obligation  on  the  part 
of  her  whom  he  espoused.  Among  the  nuns  who 
escaped  from  the  convent  of  Nimptschen,  was  one 
Catherine  de  Bora  or  Boria.  It  appears  that  soon 
after  the  time  of  the  evasion,  Luther  had  conceived 
an  attachment  to  her,  but  repressed  a  feeling  which 
he  found  it  difficult  to  justify.  His  change  of  opi- 
nion, however,  removed  this  as  well  as  other  scru- 


24B  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

pies,  and,  after  mature  reflection,  he  addressed  the 
object  of  his  affection,  and  entered  on  the  married 
state.  The  step  was  taken  without  consulting  his 
friends  at  Wittemberg.  Some,  he  apprehended,  might 
object  to  it  on  religious  considerations,  while  others 
might  pronounce  it  unseasonable  at  a  time  when  the 
country  was  agitated  by  popular  insurrection.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  Luther  appears  to  have  been  deter- 
mined to  take  the  whole  responsibility  on  himself. 
It  was  an  act,  we  must  confess,  of  considerable  bold- 
ness; for,  independently  of  the  objection  in  public 
opinion,  few  individuals  were  less  fitted  to  make 
provision  for  a  family.  His  friend  and  well-wisher, 
Albert,  elector  of  Brandenburg,  had  advised  him  to 
set  up,  for  this  purpose,  a  school  or  academy.  But 
Luther  was  ill  qualified  to  bear  the  necessary  con- 
straint, and  chose  rather  to  live  in  a  very  plain  man- 
ner ;  prescribing  the  greatest  simplicity  in  regard  to 
the  wants  of  himself  and  those  about  him,  and  sub- 
mitting to  much  that  would  have  appeared  privation 
in  the  eyes  of  others. 

The  advocates  of  the  church  of  Rome  poured  out 
the  most  vehement  declamation  against  Luther  on 
the  occasion  of  his  marriage  with  a  nun.  Some 
affirmed  that  he  was  mad,  or  possessed  with  an  evil 
spirit.*  Our  Henry  VIII.  had  no  scruple  in  accusing 
Luther  of  a  crime  equivalent  to  incest,  forgetting 
how  open  to  reprehension  his  own  conduct  was  in 
respect  to  matrimony.  Seckendorff  has  entered  into 
a  long  detail  of  the  circumstances  of  this  affair,  but 
his  narrative  is  chiefly  valuable  by  containing  an 
ample  letter  on  the  subject  from  Melancthon  to  his 
friend  Camerarius.f      In  this  epistle,   Melancthon. 

*  Sleid.  L.  v.  t  Seckend.  L.  ii.  17- 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  249 

declining  as  unnecessary  the  vindication  of  Luther 
against  popular  prejudice,  represents  him  as  impelled, 
like  most  other  men,  to  take  the  measure  which  he 
did,  by  powerful  affection  for  the  object. 

The  elector  John  now  consented  to  take  steps  to 
make  the  Lutheran  the  predominant  religion  in  his 
dominions.  Though  the  majority  of  his  subjects 
were  favourably  inclined  to  it,  the  change  was  too 
great  to  be  effected  otherwise  than  by  degrees.  The 
university  of  Wittemberg  being  accounted  the  foun- 
tain head  of  theological  instruction,  Luther  prevailed 
on  the  elector  to  inci-ease  his  patronage  to  it,  as  well 
as  to  augment  the  supply  of  preachers  by  encouraging 
schools  of  learning  in  other  places.  He  and  his 
friends,  Melancthon  and  Pomeranus,  now  ventured 
to  introduce  some  changes  in  the  form  of  worship, 
among  which  the  use  of  the  German  language  in  ad- 
ministering the  sacrament  was  the  most  remarkable. 
About  this  time  also,  Luther  published  a  commentary 
on  the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  His  controversy  with 
Carolostad,  being  unfortunately  revived,  attracted  \ 
the  attention  of  Ulric  Zwinglius,  the  famous  Swiss  ] 
reformer,  a  writer  second  to  none  of  his  cotempora- 
ries  in  talents  or  purity  of  intention.  Zwinglius  es- 
poused the  side  of  Carolostad,  and  did  not  hesitate 
to  attack  Luther's  opinion.  We  shall  have  occasion 
to  enter  afterwards  more  into  the  particulars  of  the 
dispute  ;  at  present  suffice  it  to  remark,  that,  eminent 
as  the  controversialists  were,  the  discussion  failed  in 
producing  conviction  on  either  part,  and  tended  only 
to  display  that  acrimony  and  improper  freedom 
which  characterized  the  writings  of  the  age. 

A  singular  exchange  of  epistolary  composition  took 
place  this  year  between  Luther  and  Henry  VIII.  of 

21 


250  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

England.  Reports  having  been  circulated  of  a  fa- 
vourable change  in  Henry's  religious  creed,  the 
friends  of  Luther,  and  in  particular  Christiern,  king 
of  Denmark,  were  of  opinion  that  the  Reformer 
ought  to  make  up  for  his  former  virulence  by  a  re- 
spectful overture.  From  this  Luther  was  the  less 
averse,  because  he  was  of  opinion  that  Henry  was 
not  the  author  of  the  book  which  went  under  his 
name.*  But  if  Luther  was  so  far  amicably  disposed, 
no  man  could  be  more  deficient  in  the  precaution  ne- 
cessary for  managing  a  delicate  negotiation.  The 
plan  he  took  was  to  address,  without  much  previous 
inquiry,  a  letter  to  Henry,  mentioning  that  persons, 
worthy  of  credit,  had  assured  him  that  the  book  pub- 
lished under  his  majesty's  name  was  not  of  his  com- 
position, and  seemed  to  be  the  production  of  some 
crafty  sophist.  Imagining  that  Wolsey  had  had  the 
chief  hand  in  that  publication,  he  alludes  to  him  in 
the  severest  terms,  and  goes  so  far  as  to  style  him 
11  a  monster,  and  object  of  the  hatred  of  God  and 
man."  Under  this  impression,  Luther  declared  he 
had  no  objection  to  retract  what  he  had  written,  and 
to  express  himself  respectfully  of  his  majesty,  sub- 
joining in  one  short  proposition  what  he  considered 
the  cardinal  point  of  Christian  doctrine.f  The  re- 
joinder from  England,  however,  soon  showed  that 
Luther  was  ill  informed  about  Henry's  disposition, 
and  injudicious  in  the  manner  of  addressing  him. 
The  influence  of  Wolsey  was  not  yet  shaken,  and  the 
answer  partook  of  the  violence  both  of  the  sovereign 

*  Certissimum  est  istum  libellum  ab  ipso  rege  nequaquara  esse 
conscriptum  ;  tamen  adeo  me  non  latuit  autor  ejus,  quin  ipsum  sua 
ipsius  verba  prodant.     Luth.  T.  ii.  p.  494. 

t  Luth.  T.  ii.  493.     Sleid.  L.  vi.     Seckend.  L.  ii.  37,  38. 


YEARS  1524  AND  1525.  251 

and  minister.  Luther,  nowise  discouraged,  soon 
printed  a  reply  to  this  royal  epistle,  and  entitled  it 
"  Maledici  et  contumeliosi  scripti  regis  Anglice  res- 
ponsio."  In  this  he  laboured,  with  considerable  suc- 
cess, to  free  himself  from  the  charge  of  inconsistency 
in  his  behaviour  towards  Henry,  and  retorted,  with 
redoubled  violence,  the  abusive  epithets  of  the  mo- 
narch. A  correspondence,  similar  in  some  degree, 
took  place  this  year  between  Luther  and  George, 
duke  of  Saxony ;  *  but  it  was  productive  of  no  other 
serious  consequence  than  an  altercation  between  the 
elector  John  and  the  Duke. 

Toward  the  end  of  1525  an  attempt,  it  was  said, 
was  intended  to  be  made  to  cut  off  Luther  by  poi- 
son. The  rumour  wTas  that  a  Polish  Jew  of  the  me- 
dical profession  had  undertaken  to  perpetrate  the 
deed  for  a  reward  of  two  thousand  crowns.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  suspicion  of  some  of  Luther's  friends, 
the  Jew  and  several  other  persons  were  arrested  at 
Wittemberg,  but,  on  their  examination,  nothing  could 
be  discovered,  and  Luther  interceded  that  they  might 
not  be  put  to  the  torture.  They  were  accordingly 
set  at  liberty. 

*  Luth.  T.  ii.  488.     Sleid.  L.  vi.     Seckend.  L.  ii.  38. 


252  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

CHAPTER  X. 

FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537. 

IN  the  beginning  of  1526,  the  Protestants  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  Philip,  the  landgrave  of  Hesse, 
follow  the  example  of  the  elector  John,  of  Saxony, 
and  declare  the  Lutheran  the  established  religion  of 
his  dominions.  The  support  of  these  and  other 
princes,  joined  to  the  accession  of  the  free  cities  of 
Nuremberg,  Frankfort,  and  Hamburgh,  now  made 
the  progress  of  the  Reformation  the  most  interesting 
event  in  the  situation  of  Germany.  The  negotia- 
tions and  disputes  of  which  it  was  productive  became 
numerous  and  complicated,  and  lead  naturally  to  a 
change  in  the  plan  of  our  narrative.  Hitherto  Lu- 
ther had  been  not  only  the  origin  but  the  main  spring 
of  the  opposition  to  the  papacy;  but  the  range  which 
it  now  embraced  was  too  wide  to  be  directed  by  the 
exertions  of  an  individual.  The  farther  progress 
of  this  opposition  belongs,  therefore,  to  general  his- 
tory, and  would  be  wholly  misplaced  in  a  biographi- 
cal relation.  The  remainder  of  our  work  will  ac- 
cordingly be,  in  a  great  measure,  confined  to  the  pri- 
vate events  of  Luther's  life,  and  our  account  of  the 
succeeding  years  will  be  comprised  in  a  compara- 
tively smaller  space.  This  brevity  of  detail  is  pro- 
moted likewise  by  the  tranquil  nature  of  several  of 
his  occupations,  much  of  his  time  being  employed  in 
finishing  and  correcting  his  translation  of  the  Bible. 

Luther  had   divided  this  stupendous  labour  into 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         253 

three  parts  ;  the  books  of  Moses,  the  subsequent  his- 
tory of  the  Jews,  and  lastly,  the  prophetical  and 
other  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  In  December, 
1523,  we  find  him  writing  to  a  friend  that  he  had 
finished  the  second  of  these  divisions,  and  was  pro- 
ceeding to  the  third,  the  greatest  and  most  difficult. 
In  March,  1524,  he  was  busily  employed  with  the 
Book  of  Job,  and  complained  of  his  task  to  Spalatin 
in  ludicrous  terms.  "  We  find  so  much  difficulty," 
he  said,  "  from  the  sublimity  of  the  style,  that  Job 
seems  a  great  deal  more  impatient  of  our  translation 
than  of  the  consolation  of  his  friends,  or  he  would 
certainly  have  sat  for  ever  on  the  dunghill ;  unless 
perhaps  its  author  meant  that  it  should  never  be 
translated.  This  has  been  the  cause  of  the  great 
delay  of  the  press." 

The  version  of  the  "  Prophets"  did  not  begin  to 
appear  till  1527,  and  in  completing  this  part  of  his 
task,  Luther  received  benefit  from  the  assistance  of 
some  Jews  of  the  city  of  Worms.  The  Book  of 
Isaiah  was  printed  in  1528 ;  Daniel  followed  soon 
after,  and  in  1530  the  whole  was  completed.  His 
chief  coadjutors  in  this  noble  undertaking  were  Bu- 
genhagen,  better  known  by  the  name  of  Pomeranus, 
Justus  Jonas,  Melancthon,  and  Matthew,  surnamed 
Aurogallus.  There  were,  likewise,  other  persons  by 
whose  aid  he  was  benefited  in  regard  to  detached 
portions  of  his  translation.  In  a  labour  of  such 
length  and  difficulty,  the  name  of  the  corrector  of  the 
press  has  a  claim  to  be  mentioned ;  he  was  called 
George  Rorar,  or,  agreeably  to  the  pedantic  fashion 
of  the  times,  Rorarius.  Luther's  occupation  did  not 
end  with  the  completion  of  the  translation.  He  un- 
derwent the  labour  of  revising  the  whole  for  a  new 


254  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

edition,  which  was  published  in  1534,  and  was  fol- 
lowed by  impressions  still  farther  amended,  in  the 
years  1541  and  1545.  Like  our  own  translation  of 
the  Bible,  Luther's  was  accounted  remarkably  pure 
for  the  age ;  and  it  long  remained  in  Germany  a  kind 
of  standard  for  prose  composition. 

The  year  1526  was  the  first  since  1517  that  Lu- 
ther allowed  to  pass  without  publishing  a  book 
against  the  Catholics.  In  another  way,  however,  he 
carried  on  a  warfare  calculated  to  shake  the  power- 
ful hold  which  that  superstition  naturally  takes  of 
the  faith  of  the  lower  orders.  He  published  a  series 
of  wood-cuts  representing  the  pope,  cardinals,  and 
bishops,  along  with  nearly  sixty  different  orders  of 
monks  and  religious  knights.  To  each  of  these 
homely  portraits  he  subjoined  rhymes  explanatory  of 
the  origin  of  their  names,  and  descriptive  of  their  pe- 
culiar habits.  To  this  curious  compilation  he  added 
a  preface  and  epilogue.*  A  more  serious  task  con- 
sisted in  writing  commentaries  on  Jonah  and  Habak- 
kuk,  which,  along  with  some  lesser  pieces  of  Scrip- 
ture criticism,  he  published  in  the  course  of  the  year. 

Another  topic,  to  which  the  increasing  freedom  of 
inquiry  drew  the  public  attention,  was  the  question, 
whether  it  was  "  lawful  for  a  Christian  to  go  to 
war."  It  deserves  to  be  remarked  that  the  papal 
court  never  thought  it  necessary,  during  the  many 
centuries  that  it  had  governed  Christendom,  to  agi- 
tate a  question  so  interesting  to  humanity.  Luther 
entered  on  the  discussion  at  some  length,  and  was  of 
opinion,  that,  in  a  general  view,  war  was  lawful ;  but 
he  made  several  important  distinctions  and  limita- 
tions, the  sum  of  which  amounted  to  the  simple  pro- 

•  Seckend.  L.  ii.  51. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         255 

position,  that  the  lawfulness  of  hostility  depended  al- 
together on  the  justice  of  the  cause. 

The  Imperial  Diet  assembled  at  Midsummer  at  the 
city  of  Spires,  and  the  pressure  of  business  was  such 
as  to  require  the  attendance  of  the  elector  John  du- 
ring several  months.  Luther  continued  occupied  in 
plans  for  the  progress  of  the  Reformation,  which 
were  to  be  submitted  to  the  elector  as  soon  as  more 
urgent  business  permitted  him  to  give  them  his  atten- 
tion.— An  unfortunate  event,  which  took  place  this 
year,  tended  to  show  the  strength  of  Luther's  attach- 
ment to  his  favourite  city  and  university.  A  pesti- 
lential disorder,  after  raging  for  some  time  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Wittemberg,  became  so  serious, 
that  the  professors  and  students  were  ordered  to  re- 
move to  Jena.  Luther,  however,  ventured  to  refuse 
a  compliance  with  the  order,  though  proceeding  from 
the  elector.  Agreeably  to  his  usual  practice  he  pub- 
lished the  reasons  of  his  conduct.*  In  a  case  like 
this  of  serious  danger,  it  would  be  difficult  to  vin- 
dicate such  a  mode  of  acting  ;  but  if  we  must  admit 
Luther  to  have  been  wrong,  it  is  but  just  to  add, 
that  he  by  no  means  remained  from  a  pride  of  braving 
danger,  or  from  a  silly  expectation  that  he  was  the 
object  of  the  peculiar  care  of  Providence.  His  friend, 
Pomeranus,  and  the  deacons  of  the  church  of  Wit- 
temberg, thought  proper  to  follow  his  example  and 
to  remain  at  their  station. 

The  courage  thus  displayed  by  Luther  will  appear 
to  many  readers  a  singular  contrast  to  what  we  are 
now  going  to  mention.  He  who  was  so  bold  in  as- 
serting the  cause  of  Christianity,  and  so  fearless  of 
personal  danger  in  its  promotion,  was,  not  unfre- 

*  Seckend.  p.  85,  86, 


256  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

quently,  sunk  in  despondency,  and  was  doubtful  even 
whether  he  was  a  real  Christian.  In  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Justus  Jonas,  dated  26th  December,  1526,  he 
entreats  him  to  "  offer  up  his  prayers  that  Christ 
may  not  desert  him  nor  reject  him  from  among  the 
number  of  the  faithful."  "  Non  cessa  pro  me  orare, 
ut  Christus  me  non  deserat  nee  sinat  esse  impiorum 
quos  sentio,  sed  filiorum ;  ne  deficiat  fides  mea  in 
finem."* 

The  correction  of  abuses  in  the  church  of  Saxony 
had  long  been  an  object  very  near  his  heart.  At 
last,  in  1527,  the  elector  consented  to  appoint  visi- 
tors invested  with  power  to  make  inquiry  into  the 
personal  conduct  of  the  clergy,  as  well  as  into  the 
other  departments  of  church  discipline.  Among 
these  visitors  Luther  held  a  conspicuous  place. 
Their  labours  were  not  limited  to  the  correction  of 
temporary  abuses,  but  formed  the  basis  of  perma- 
nent provision  for  the  Saxon  church.  The  regu- 
lations founded  on  their  visitation  embraced  the 
church  revenue,  the  ritual  of  worship,  and  the  situa- 
tion of  the  clergy  generally.  The  report  was  drawn 
up  by  Melancthon,  and  though  Luther's  name  was 
not  introduced  in  it,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  from  the 
filial  regard  entertained  for  him  by  Melancthon,  that 
he  was  consulted  upon  every  point  of  importance. 
The  elector,  John,  lost  no  time  in  carrying  the  re- 
commendations of  the  memorial  into  effect.f 

Next  year,  1528,  Luther  published  his  commen- 
tary on  Genesis  and  Zachariah,  as  well  as  a  letter 
to  thevfeishop  of  Misnia,  respecting  the  Eucharist. 
He  had  also  a  renewal  with  Zwinglius  of  the  never- 
ending  controversy  on   that  subject. — It  happened 

*  Seckend.  L.  ii.  80.  t  Ibid.  106,  107- 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         257 

somewhat  unexpectedly  that  the  measures  of  the 
Diet  held  the  year  before  at  Spires,  had  been  favour- 
able to  the  Lutherans.  This  had  been  owing  to  the 
distracted  situation  of  the  emperor's  affairs,  and  par- 
ticularly to  his  dissension  with  the  pope,  who  had  al- 
lied himself  for  a  season  with  Francis  f.  A  change, 
however,  having  taken  place  in  the  politics  of  the 
court  of  Rome,  Charles  determined  to  direct  his  at- 
tention anew  to  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  Germany, 
and  to  manage  them  to  the  satisfaction  of  Clement 
VII.  with  whom  he  was  now  closely  connected. 

The  Diet  met  again  at  Spires  on  15th  March, 
1529,  and  the  majority,  influenced  by  the  emperor, 
proceeded  to  declare  a  repeal  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
former  Diet.  But  the  Protestant  princes  of  the  em- 
pire had  now  gained  strength  and  confidence  enough 
to  prevent  their  being  intimidated  either  by  the  em- 
peror's will,  or  by  the  numerical  superiority  of  Ca- 
tholic votes.  The  court  of  Rome,  aware  of  the  de- 
sire of  the  friends  of  the  Reformation  for  the  convo- 
cation of  a  general  Council,  determined  to  amuse 
them  by  holding  out  the  expectation  of  it.  With  this 
view  a  proposition  was  brought  forward  at  the  Diet 
to  delay  all  innovations  in  religion  until  the  meeting 
of  a  general  Council. 

Had  the  Lutherans  put  confidence  in  their  oppo- 
nents, they  would  have  had  little  hesitation  in  ac-, 
ceding  to  the  offer.  But  the  known  temper  of  the 
pope,  his  recent  treaty  with  the  emperor,  and  the 
long  established  maxims  of  the  court  of  Rome,  pre- 
vented them  from  placing  any  reliance  on  the  pro- 
mise of  a  Council.  By  dint  of  the  superior  numbers 
on  the  emperor's  side,  the  proposition  against  inno- 
vations was  carried,  but  a  protest  was  entered  by  the 

2K 


258  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

dissentients  on  the  19th  April,  which  procured  to  the 
reformed  the  name  of  Protestants,  and  will  be  for 
ever  memorable  in  the  history  of  Christianity.*  The 
names  of  the  princes  who  thus  stood  boldly  forward 
deserve  to  be  recorded.  They  were  John,  elector  of 
Saxony,  George,  elector  of  Brandenburg,  Ernest  and 
Francis,  dukes  of  Luneburg,  Philip,  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  and  Wolfang,  prince  of  Anhalt.  They  were 
joined  by  fourteen  of  the  principal  cities  of  Germany, 
viz.  Strasburg,  Nuremberg,  Constance,  Ulm,  Reut- 
linghen,  Windzheim,  Memminghen,  Lindau,  Kemp- 
ten,  Heilbron,  Isny,  Weissemburg,  Nordlingen,  and 
St.  Gall.  This  spirited  measure  appears  to  have 
given  considerable  disquietude  to  Ferdinand,  who  re- 
presented his  brother  Charles  at  the  Diet.  He  with- 
drew from  Spires  before  the  protest  was  given  in,  but 
the  princes,  nowise  shaken  in  their  resolution,  drew 
up  and  published  a  formal  narrative  of  the  whole 
transaction.  During  the  agitation  of  this  affair,  the 
elector,  John,  was  in  the  habit  of  making  frequent 
communications  to  Luther;  and  Melancthon  who  at- 
tended that  prince  at  Spires,  was  probably  the  writer 
of  the  narrative  which  I  have  mentioned. 

The  landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel,  zealous  in  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation,  spared  no  pains  to  esta- 
blish a  good  understanding  between  Luther  and  the 
Zwinglians.  In  conformity  with  the  custom  of  the 
age,  the  best  method  of  accomplishing  this  seemed  to 
be  by  a  public  disputation.  A  meeting  of  that  kind 
was  accordingly  appointed  between  the  Swiss  and 
German  champion.  The  beginning  of  October  was 
fixed  dh  as  the  time,  and  Marpurg,  a  city  in  the 

*  Sleid.  L.  vi.     Seckend.  L.  ii.  130. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         259 

landgrave's  dominions,  as  the  scene  of  debate.*  Lu- 
ther, still  as  poor  as  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  re- 
ceived a  new  suit  of  clothes  from  the  elector  of  Sax- 
ony, and  repaired  to  Marpurg,  along  with  Melanc- 
thon,  Justus  Jonas,  and  other  friends.  Zwinglius 
was  attended  by  Ocolampadius  of  Basil,  and  joined 
on  the  road,  at  Strasburg,  by  his  friends  Bucer  and 
Hedio.  The  disputation  that  ensued  is  thus  described 
in  a  letter  from  Justus  Jonas  :  f 

"  We  reached  Marpurg  on  26th  September,  and 
were  received  by  the  prince  of  Hesse,  not  only  in  a 
polite  but  in  a  courteous  manner.  Lodgings  had 
been  provided  for  us  in  the  city,  but  the  prince  hav- 
ing changed  his  mind,  received  us  in  the  castle  and 
entertained  us  at  his  own  table.  On  the  first  Oc- 
tober, by  direction  of  the  prince,  the  leaders  on  both 
sides  had  a  private  conference,  Luther  with  Ocolam- 
padius, and  Melancthon  with  Zwinglius ;  but  they 
could  come  to  no  agreement.  Next  day,  Saturday, 
the  disputation  began.  It  was  not  altogether  public, 
but  there  were  present,  in  addition  to  those  who  had 
accompanied  the  disputants,  the  prince,  his  courtiers 
and  chief  counsellors.  On  the  one  side  were  Zwin- 
glius, Ocolampadius,  Bucer,  Hedio,  Jacob  Sturm,  a 
senator  of  Strasburg,J  Ulric  Fundi,  a  senator  of 
Zurich,  and  Rudolphus  Frey,  of  Basil.  On  the 
other,  Luther,  Melancthon,  Eberhard,  Thane  of  Is- 
senach,  myself,  Caspar  Cruciger,  and  others.  Lu- 
ther, Melancthon,  Ocolampadius,  and  Zwinglius, 
were  seated  at  a  table  before  the  prince  and  the  other 

*  Sleid.  L.  vi.     Maimb.  L.  ii.  1529-     Seckend.  L.  ii.  loG. 
t  Seckend.  ii.  139. 

|  This  was  the  person  who  assisted  Sleidan  in  the  composition 
ef  his  great  work. 


260  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

courtiers.  In  the  early  part  of  the  debate  Ocolam- 
padius  pressed  hard,  and  continued  the  argument  al- 
most for  two  days,  '  that  Christ  had  but  one  body, 
which  was  in  heaven,  and  that  no  real  body  could  be 
at  the  same  time  in  more  places  than  one.'  He  also 
relied  much  on  the  spiritual  eating  of  the  flesh  and 
drinking  of  the  blood  in  John  vi.  But  Luther  de- 
clared that  he  would  not  allow  the  plain  words  of 
our  Saviour  to  be  distorted.  They  were,  in  his  opi- 
nion, simple  and  unambiguous — 'this  is  my  body;' 
and  again  the  words  of  Paul,  '  I  have  received  of  the 
Lord.'  His  opponents,  however,  affirmed  that  this 
wTas  nothing  else  than  begging  the  question,  and  the 
contest  was  very  keen  on  this  point.  On  Sunday, 
third  October,  the  disputation  was  continued,  in  the 
hope  of  an  amicable  understanding ;  but  it  was  fruit- 
lessly protracted  till  evening,  and  both  parties  sepa- 
rated in  a  pertinacious  adherence  to  their  own  opi- 
nions ;  nor  do  I  think  we  are  at  all  likely  to  agree  on 
the  nature  of  the  Lord's  supper.  To  day,  (fourth 
October)  the  prince  attempted  to  produce  an  unifor- 
mity of  sentiment  by  the  interference  of  his  counsel- 
lors and  learned  men,  but  it  would  not  do. — I  shall 
now  say  a  few  words  on  the  disposition  and  talents 
of  each.  Zwinglius  is  somewhat  rude  and  forward 
in  his  manner ;  Ocolampadius  is  remarkable  for  mild 
temper ;  Hedio  is  equally  distinguished  for  humanity 
and  liberality,  but  Bucer  has  all  the  cunning  of  a  fox. 
They  are  all  men  of  real  learning,  and  in  comparison 
with  them,  the  Catholics  are  not  worthy  to  be  ac- 
counted adversaries.  Zwinglius,  however,  I  cannot 
help  thinking,  is  learned  against  the  grain." 

Such  is  the  representation  of  Jonas ;   but,  in  re- 
ceiving from  him  a  character  of  Zwinglius  and  Bu- 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         261 

cer,  we  shall  do  well  to  keep  in  mind  that  he  was  a 
keen  Lutheran.  Both  parties,  as  usual,  claimed  the 
victory.  However,  the  dispositions  which  they  dis- 
covered toward  each  other,  were  much  less  hostile 
than  was  common  at  such  disputations,  a  circum- 
stance owing,  in  great  measure,  to  the  judicious  ar- 
rangements of  the  landgrave.  A  curious  proof  of 
this  is  given  in  the  care  taken  to  avoid  a  collision  be- 
tween two  such  fiery  combatants  as  Luther  and 
Zwinglius,  by  classing  them  respectively  with  a  mild 
opponent.  It  had  been  reported  that  Zwinglius  en- 
tertained erroneous  notions  of  the  divinity  of  Christ 
and  of  original  sin ;  but  his  explanation,  when  com- 
municated, was  admitted  as  perfectly  satisfactory. 
Other  points  also  were  discussed  at  this  meeting,  and 
there  was  no  material  difference  except  as  to  the  Eu- 
charist. 

Various  plans  were  at  this  time  in  contemplation, 
to  form  a  confederacy  for  the  purpose  of  repelling 
the  force  which  Charles  threatened  to  employ  against 
the  Protestants.  But  neither  were  the  minds  of  men 
sufficiently  prepared  for  so  serious  a  measure,  nor 
were  the  reformed  agreed  in  regard  to  the  preliminary 
question  of  the  legality  of  taking  up  arms  in  such  a 
cause.  Luther,  in  particular,  was  adverse  to  the  idea, 
and,  on  being  consulted  by  the  elector  of  Saxony, 
declared  that  he  would  rather  suffer  death  ten  times 
than  be  the  cause  of  commencing  a  war  in  defence  of 
the  Gospel.* 

A  task  much  more  congenial  to  Luther's  disposi- 
tion, was  the  composition  and  publication  of  a  cate- 
chism, which  long  retained  its  popularity,  and  is, 
even  at  present,  used  for  the  purpose  of  instilling  into 

*  Seckend.  ii.  141. 


262  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

youth  the  first  principles  of  religion.  He  strongly 
urged  the  necessity  of  private  as  well  as  of  public  in- 
struction, and  dwelt  on  the  obligation  on  masters  of 
families  to  interrogate  their  children  and  servants, 
particularly  on  Sundays.  "  I  also,"  he  added,  "  am 
a  doctor  and  a  preacher,  perhaps  as  learned  and  ex- 
pert as  those  who  rashly  and  frivolously  despise  these 
things:  I,  however,  imitate  the  example  of  the  boys 
who  are  learning  their  catechisms,  and  once  a  day, 
either  in  the  morning,  or  whenever  I  have  leisure,  I 
repeat,  word  by  word,  the  decalogue,  the  Lord's 
prayer,  and  several  of  the  Psalms." 

The  success  of  the  Turkish  arms  on  the  side  of 
Hungary  had  spread  considerable  alarm,  not  only  in 
the  neighbouring  country  but  throughout  Germany. 
Luther  determined  to  come  forward  and  exhort  his 
countrymen  to  oppose  this  formidable  foe.  In  the 
early  part  of  his  career,  he  had  gone  so  far  as  to 
hazard  the  assertion,  "  that  to  fight  against  the 
Turks  was  to  resist  God,  who  was  punishing  us  for 
our  iniquities  by  their  hostility."  This  expression, 
which  escaped  him  under  the  smart  of  provocation, 
he  now  found  it  necessary  to  retract.  He  was  still 
of  opinion  that,  as  Christians,  his  countrymen  were 
not  commanded  to  fight,  but  the  Turk  and  the  pope 
were,  he  said,  the  only  two  who  attempted  to  disse- 
minate their  tenets  by  the  sword.  He  added,  that  to 
"  expose  the  former,  he  should  one  day  publish  a 
German  version  of  the  Koran."  * 

Meantime  Charles,  having  finally  composed  his  dif- 
ferences with  the  pope,  and  been  solemnly  crowned 
by  his  hands,  had  pledged  himself  to  use  every  en- 
deavour to  accomplish  the  extirpation  of  the  Protes- 
tants in  Germany.     He  had  given  a  secret  promise 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.  2G3 

to  the  pontiff  to  oppose  the  assembling  of  a  Council. 
He  now,  in  1530,  called  a  meeting  of  the  Imperial 
Diet  at  Augsburg,  to  deliberate  on  the  Turkish  war, 
and  on  the  state  of  religion  in  Germany.  By  this 
time  the  Protestants  were  persuaded  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  present  to  the  Diet  a  clear  account  of  the 
doctrines  which  they  maintained,  as  considerable  ig- 
norance prevailed  in  regard  to  them.  So  early  there- 
fore as  14th  March,  the  elector  of  Saxony,  having 
received  a  summons  to  attend  the  Diet,  expressed  his 
wish  to  Luther,  Melancthon,  Jonas,  and  Pomeranus, 
that  they  would  transmit  to  him  at  Torgau,  where 
he  then  was,  a  statement  of  those  articles  of  the  Pro- 
testant faith  which  they  considered  as  of  the  greatest 
importance,  and  which  it  behoved  them,  as  Chris- 
tians, publicly  to  maintain.  The  declaration  was  to 
be  drawn  so  as  to  avoid  giving  unnecessary  offence, 
and  it  was  to  be  sent  to  him  without  delay.  This 
Luther  readily  accomplished,  comprising  the  articles 
of  religion  under  seventeen  heads,  and  transmitting 
them  to  the  elector  at  Torgau,  from  which  circum- 
stance they  are  generally  called  the  articles  of  Tor- 
gau.    Their  titles  were  as  follows : 

"  1.  God  and  the  Holy  Trinity.  2.  The  incarna- 
tion of  Christ.  3.  The  passion.  4.  Original  sin. 
5.  Justification.  6.  The  nature  of  justifying  faith. 
7.  The  preaching  of  the  Gospel.  8.  Sacraments. 
9.  Baptism.  10.  The  Eucharist.  11.  Private  con- 
fession. 12.  The  Catholic  church.  13.  The  last 
judgment.  14.  The  power  of  the  magistrate.  15. 
The  prohibition  of  marriage  and  of  the  eating  of  flesh. 
16.  The  abrogation  of  the  mass.  17.  Religious 
ceremonies."  These  articles  had  been  agreed  on  the 
year  before  at  Sultzbach,  and  they  were  destined  to 


264  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

form,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  the  basis  of  a  more 
extended  and  important  declaration. 

The  elector,  John,  aware  that  religious  discussions 
would  occupy  a  large  share  of  the  attention  of  the 
Diet,  determined  to  take  with  him  several  eminent 
theologians,  whose  advice  would  enable  him  to  be  of 
advantage  to  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  Accor- 
dingly Luther,  Melancthon,  Jonas,  and  John  Agri- 
cola,  who  was  in  the  train  of  Albert,  count  of  Mans- 
field, were  selected,  along  with  Spalatin,  as  his  coun- 
sellors on  this  important  occasion.  From  political 
reasons  it  was  deemed  unadvisable  that  Luther  should 
enter  Augsburg,  and  he  was  accordingly  left  at  Co- 
bourg,  in  Franconia.  Here  he  resided  in  the  castle, 
and  was  at  a  convenient  distance  to  be  consulted  by 
his  friends  on  any  emergency.  After  having  been 
proscribed  by  the  Diet  of  Worms,  the  Reformer 
might  not  only  have  exposed  himself  to  unnecessary 
danger  by  entering  Augsburg,  but.  his  appearance  be- 
fore the  emperor  would  have  looked  like  setting  his 
authority  at  defiance.  The  whole  plan  had  been 
concerted  with  the  concurrence  of  Luther,*  a  circum- 
stance which  seems  a  sufficient  answer  to  those  who 
would  gladly  ascribe  his  being  left  behind  to  a  sense 
of  the  untractability  of  his  temper. 

The  Protestant  princes  had  now  received  such  an 
accession  to  their  courage,  that  in  passing  through 
the  different  cities  of  Germany,  on  their  way  to 
Augsburg,  they  caused  the  ministers  in  their  train  to 
preach  regularly  before  them.  On  arriving  at  Augs- 
burg, they  continued  desirous  of  being  indulged  in 
this  important  privilege.  But  Charles  was  prevailed 
on  by  the  popish  agents  to  discourage  this  reasonable 

*  Mainvb.  L.  ii.     Seckend.  L.  ii.  152. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         265 

expectation.  Luther's  advice  being  asked  by  the 
Protestants,  he  recommended  that  a  petition  should 
be  presented  to  the  emperor,  but  that  if  the  point 
was  not  amicably  conceded,  it  should  not  be  farther 
insisted  on.  This  moderate  counsel,  combined  with 
other  incidents  in  Luther's  life,  furnishes  a  proof  of 
the  singular  union  of  impatience  and  forbearance 
which  entered  into  the  composition  of  his  character. 

It  was  at  this  Diet  that  the  Protestants  presented 
the  celebrated  declaration  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  It  extended  to  the  length  of 
twenty-eight  chapters,  and  contained  both  an  enume- 
ration of  the  doctrine  of  the  reformed,  and  an  expo- 
sition of  the  errors  of  the  church  of  Rome.  It  pro- 
ceeded from  the  pen  of  Melancthon,  and  was  an  ex- 
pansion of  the  seventeen  articles  drawn  up  in  a  com- 
pressed form  by  Luther.* 

Luther,  while  residing  at  Cobourg,  suffered  several 
attacks  of  ill  health,  but  nothing  could  relax  his  ap- 
plication to  his  studies.  He  employed  his  time  in 
the  translation  of  the  Books  of  the  Prophets,  and  in 
composing  his  Commentary  on  the  Psalms.  From 
the  fatigue  of  these  graver  employments  he  sought 
relaxation  in  composing  an  admonition  to  the  clergy 
assembled  at  Augsburg,  which  he  thought  proper  to 
send  to  that  city  to  be  printed.  It  was  entitled,  uAd- 
monitio  ad  Ecclesiastici  ordinis  congregates  in  Comi- 
tlis  Augustanis."  As  a  further  amusement,  he  passed 
a  part  of  his  time  in  writing  satirical  letters  to  his 

*  See  for  a  full  account  of  every  thing  connected  with  this 
"  Confession,"  Celestine's  History  of  the  Augsburg  Diet,  pub- 
lished in  1577;  also  Chytrseus,  who  wrote  expressly  an  account 
of  this  test  of  orthodoxy.  See  likewise  Seckendorff  on  the  year 
1530. 

2L 


266  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

friends,  and  in  making  a  translation  of  "  iEsop's  Fa- 
bles." But  whether  his  occupations  were  serious  or 
playful,  he  made  it  a  rule  to  pass  a  considerable  time 
of  each  day  in  the  exercises  of  devotion.  Thus, 
though  alone  and  absent  both  from  his  family  and 
his  literary  associates,  he  felt  nothing  of  the  languor 
of  inactivity  or  solitude.  He  kept  his  mind  steadily 
occupied  with  one  thing  or  another,  and  found,  in 
this  constant  application,  the  best  solace  for  the  dis- 
quietude inseparable  from  a  cause  in  which  such 
powerful  interest  was  set  at  work  in  opposition  to 
his  wishes. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  were 
such  as  to  put  the  patience  and  courage  of  the  Pro- 
testants to  the  test.  All  their  efforts  were  unable  to 
counteract  the  effects  of  the  connection  between 
Charles  and  the  pope,  joined  to  the  bigoted  attach- 
ment of  many  members  of  the  Diet  to  the  church. 
There  was  reason  to  apprehend  that  ere  long  hostile 
measures  might  be  employed  against  them.  Under 
this  impression,  the  protestant  princes,  although  re- 
luctant to  resort  to  force,  felt  the  necessity  of  hold- 
ing frequent  communications  for  the  purpose  of  ce- 
menting their  union  and  of  apprizing  their  enemies 
of  their  strength.  Hence  the  origin  of  the  meetings 
which  were  subsequently  held  at  Smalcald  and 
Frankfort.  In  all  these  transactions,  Luther  took  a 
lively  interest,  and  his  enemies  went  so  far  as  to  de- 
clare him  the  advocate  of  disobedience  to  the  Impe- 
rial authority.  On  this,  Luther  had  recourse  to  his 
usual  medium  of  vindication,  the  press.  To  Charles, 
as  a  civil  ruler,  he  professed  all  lawful  submission, 
but  farther  he  could  not  go.  No  authority,  how- 
ever elevated,  could   bind   him  to  obey   mandates 


FJIOM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         267 

which  were  immoral  and  unjust,  a  description  fully 
applicable,  in  his  opinion,  to  orders  hostile  to  the  re- 
formed doctrine. 

The  resistance  thus  justified  in  religious  matters, 
was  not  very  remote  from  the  display  of  a  similar 
spirit  in  regard  to  civil  government.  It  is  accord- 
ingly to  the  Reformation  that  Europe,  and  particu- 
larly our  own  country,  are  indebted  for  the  chief  part 
of  the  liberty  which  they  enjoy.  Before  the  age  of 
Luther,  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  pe- 
remptory commands  of  the  executive  power  was  a 
thing  unknown  throughout  almost  all  Europe.  The 
share  of  freedom  enjoyed  in  earlier  ages  had  been 
confined  to  the  aristocracy,  and  had  been  greatly 
abridged  by  the  successive  usurpations  of  the  throne 
and  the  altar. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1531,  a  reconciliation 
took  place  between  the  elector  John  and  duke  George, 
an  event  which  excited  the  most  lively  sensations  of 
joy  throughout  the  whole  of  Saxony.  The  severity 
of  Luther's  language  to  the  duke  being  strongly  in 
the  recollection  of  the  elector,  his  chancellor  received 
it  in  charge  to  warn  Luther  against  giving  the  duke 
any  fresh  provocations.  The  chancellor  having  made 
the  communication  in  writing,  soon  received  an  an- 
swer from  the  Reformer.  It  bore  the  marks  of  a 
remembrance  of  past  injury,  and  was  expressed  as 
follows : 

"  I  have  many  reasons  to  be  dissatisfied  with  duke 
George,  but  I  will  not  wantonly  write  against  him. 
Nay,  in  order  that  peace  and  concord  may  be  main- 
tained between  the  elector  and  duke,  I  will  pardon 
all  that  the  latter  has  done  against  me,  on  condition 
of  his  creating  me  no  new  cause  of  uneasiness,  and 


268  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

of  leaving  me  at  liberty  to  answer  my  other  adver- 
saries/3' * 

Luther  was  too  much  occupied  with  clerical  duty 
to  publish  much  in  the  course  of  this  year.  He  sup- 
plied at  Wittemberg  the  place  of  his  friend  Pome- 
ranus,  and  did  duty  not  only  on  Sundays  but  on  Wed- 
nesdays and  Saturdays.  His  attention  was  likewise 
diverted  from  any  thing  in  the  shape  of  controversy, 
by  the  death  of  his  mother,  which  took  place  this 
year.  He  loved  her  tenderly,  and  had  addressed  to 
her,  in  her  illness,  a  letter  of  condolence,  which  he 
afterwards  printed.  Her  death,  however,  took  place 
in  the  course  of  nature,  and  the  loss  thus  sustained 
was  confined  to  a  private  circle.  But  the  public  was 
destined  to  suffer  a  loss  of  a  different  kind — the  loss 
of  Zwinglius  and  Ocolampadius.  Zwinglius  fell  in 
the  field  of  battle  on  the  1 1th  October,  when,  accord- 
ing to  the  ancient  custom  of  the  inhabitants  of  Zu- 
rich, he,  as  chief  magistrate,  led  on  his  countrymen 
to  action.  He  was  left  on  the  spot  where  he  fell,  and 
his  barbarous  enemies  ireated  his  dead  body  with 
great  indignity.  He  was  in  the  vigour  of  life,  being 
four  years  younger  than  Luther.  Ocolampadius  was 
a  few  years  older,  having  reached  the  age  of  forty- 
nine.  His  affection  for  Zwinglius  was  of  the  most 
tender  and  ardent  kind.  His  health  had  for  some 
time  been  indifferent,  but  the  loss  of  his  excellent 
friend  rendered  irremediable  a  malady  which  till  then 
had  been  only  doubtful,  and  affected  him  so  deeply, 
that  after  becoming  progressively  worse  and  worse, 
he  expired  on  the  1  st  December. 

During  the  following  year,  1532,  Luther  published 
commentaries  on  different  portions  of  Scripture.     It 

*  Seckend.  L.  iii.  p.  16. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  152G  TO  1537.  269 

was  now  that  he  was  destined  to  lose  a  valuable 
friend  and  protector  in  the  person  of  John,  elector  of 
Saxony,  who  expired  of  apoplexy  on  16th  August, 
being  cut  off,  like  his  brother  Frederick,  in  his  sixty- 
third  year.  Luther  and  Melancthon  were  sent  for, 
on  his  being  struck  with  the  fatal  complaint,  but  they 
arrived  only  in  time  to  see  him  at  the  point  of  death.* 
His  conduct  proved  him  a  warm  friend  to  the  cause  of 
the  Reformation,  and  his  personal  attachment  to  Lu- 
ther was  equally  strong.  He  was  accustomed  to 
sooth  the  Reformer's  mind  when  in  distress,  and  to 
desire  him  to  forbear  anxiety  about  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, declaring  that  he  would  make  provision  for 
them  as  for  his  own. 

The  death  of  the  elector  John  put  a  period  to  the 
short  harmony  between  his  government  and  that  of 
his  relation  duke  George.     The  Reformation  had 
never  been  openly  suffered  to  spread  in  the  duke's 
dominions,  and  its  secret  progress  was  a  source  of  the 
greatest  jealousy  to  him.    But  to  arrest  its  extension, 
or  to  recall  the  converts  to  the  church,  exceeded  his 
power,  zealous  as  he  was.    Some  persons,  who  found 
the  restraints  imposed  on  the  exercise  of  their  mode 
of  worship  extremely  inconvenient,  determined  to  re- 
move to  a  quarter  where  they  might  have  it  in  their 
power  to  serve  God  and  receive  the  ordinances  of 
Christ  according  to  their  conscience.     To  enjoy  this 
liberty,  they  forsook  their  home  and  repaired  to  the 
neighbouring  territory  of  the  elector.     Others  had 
been  sent  from  their  residence  by  the  duke's  order. 
Luther,  affected  with  the  restraint  imposed  on  those 
who  remained  at  Leipsic,  had  written  to  them  conso- 
latory letters,  but  perceiving  that  gentle  means  were 

*  Seckend.  L.  iii.  p.  30.     Mosh.  Vol.  iii.  360. 


270  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

not  likely  to  obtain  a  favourable  change  in  the  duke;s 
treatment,  he  determined  to  break  silence  and  to  hold 
up  the  duke  to  public  odium.*  This,  as  usual,  he 
performed  with  unrelenting  severity,  and  had  no 
hesitation  in  declaring  him  "  an  apostle  of  the  devil." 
So  extraordinary  a  charge  enraged  the  duke  exceed- 
ingly, and  produced  an  application  to  the  regency  of 
the  electorate  for  an  interposition  of  their  authority 
to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  similar  invectives.  To 
sooth  the  duke's  rage,  Luther  was  called  upon  either 
to  make  an  apology,  or  to  assign  the  reason  for  ap- 
plying such  odious  language  to  a  prince,  the  near  re- 
lation of  the  house  of  Saxony.  As  usual,  Luther  re- 
turned a  prompt  answer  to  the  demand.  But  the 
defence  was,  if  possible,  wrorse  than  the  accusation, 
because  he  exhibited,  without  reserve,  his  reasons  for 
conceiving  the  title  exactly  applicable  to  the  duke. 
It  was  not,  he  said,  as  a  civil  ruler,  but  as  a  persecu- 
tor of  the  church  of  Christ,  that  he  had  ventured  to 
make  him  the  object  of  such  language.  The  series 
of  arguments  in  support  of  this  ungracious  distinction 
were  of  the  most  downright  and  provoking  descrip- 
tion. The  duke  was  not  of  a  disposition  to  suffer  in 
silence,  and  a  controversy  arose  which  was  protracted 
to  a  considerable  length. f 

Though  Zwinglius  and  Ocolampadius  were  no 
more,  the  never-ending  discussions  about  the  sacra- 
ment occupied  this  year  a  considerable  share  of  Lu- 
ther's attention.  It  was  in  vain  that  Bucer  attempted 
to  persuade  him  that  the  difference  was  more  in 

*  George  had  banished  from  Leipsic  about  eighty  citizens  with 
their  wives  and  children.  The  date  of  Luther's  letter  was  4th  Oc- 
tober, 1532. 

t  Sleid.  L.  ix.     Seckend.  L.  iii.  from  p.  55  to  p.  59. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.  271 

words  than  in  reality.  Luther  had  very  little  idea  of 
conceding  even  a  point  of  form  for  the  mere  sake  of 
conciliation,  and  in  none  of  his  opinions  was  he  more 
pertinacious  than  in  this.  Truly  might  he  say  to  his 
friendly  antagonist,  Bucer,  "  Quicquid  dico  in  hac 
summcl  Eucharistce  causa,  ex  corde  dico."*  Bucer, 
however,  continued  a  staunch  adherent  to  the  Refor- 
mation, and  was  of  the  most  essential  service  in  stop- 
ping the  progress  of  controversy  on  this  point  as  well 
in  Germany  as  elsewhere. 

The  subject  which  now  chiefly  engaged  the  public 
attention  was  the  expected  call  of  a  general  Council. 
The  reformed  were  solicitous  for  the  measure,  in  the 
hope  of  reducing  the  prerogative  of  the  pontiff, 
while  the  moderate  and  well-intentioned  part  of 
the  Catholics  looked  to  it  as  the  means  of  stopping 
the  farther  progress  of  schism.  The  majority  of  the 
Germanic  body  considered  it  the  only  effectual  me- 
thod for  the  preservation  of  peace,  and  had  made 
repeated  applications  for  it  to  the  court  of  Rome. 
After  many  delays,  the  unsteady  and  irresolute  Cle- 
ment VII.  at  last  declared  his  assent  to  the  long  ex- 
pected convocation.  Whether  he  was  sincere  in  this 
declaration,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  meant  only  an 
apparent  concession  to  the  wish  of  the  German  Diet, 
the  occurrence  of  his  death,  in  the  midst  of  the  ne- 
gotiation, has  left  a  matter  of  uncertainty.  Alexan- 
der Farnese,  to  whom  Clement  had,  in  a  manner, 
bequeathed  the  pontificate,  succeeded  him  without 
opposition,  and  assumed  the  name  of  Paul  III.  Be- 
ing descended  of  a  Roman  family,  his  accession  was 
matter  of  great  joy  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  city, 
who,   during  three   centuries,   had   been   ruled  by 

*  Seckend.  L.  iii.  62. 


272  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

strangers.  Paul  proceeded,  or  affected  to  proceed, 
on  the  plan  of  making  arrangements  for  the  convo- 
cation of  a  Council.  But  as  the  Reformed  were  now 
too  numerous  to  be  refused  access  to  the  Council, 
Paul  determined,  as  a  preliminary  step,  to  despatch 
a  confidential  person  to  confer  with  their  leading 
men.  His  nuncio  in  Germany,  Peter  Paul  Verger, 
a  native  of  Istria,  and  a  favourite  of  Paul's  prede- 
cessor, was  chosen  for  this  commission.  This  person 
proceeded  to  Wittemberg  to  meet  Luther.  The  in- 
terview was,  as  might  be  expected,  not  a  little  re- 
markable. Of  the  various  accounts  which  have  been 
given  of  it,  Seckendorff's  bears  the  greatest  appear- 
ance of  truth.  It  will  be  found  a  very  amusing  reci- 
tal, and  we  give  it  nearly  in  that  author's  own  words. 
"  When  the  pope's  nuncio  reached  Wittemberg 
on  6th  November,  1535,  with  a  suite  travelling  on 
twenty  horses,  he  was  conducted,  with  all  due  re- 
spect, into  the  castle  by  the  prefect  of  the  province. 
Next  day,  Sunday,  Luther  ordered  his  barber  to  be 
sent  for  at  an  early  hour,  and  on  seeing  the  man  sur- 
prised at  the  call,  he  said  jocularly,  that  he  was  in- 
vited to  visit  the  pope's  nuncio,  and  was  unwilling  to 
appear  before  him  in  a  slovenly  dress. — If  properly 
equipped,  he  might  have  a  chance  to  be  thought 
younger  than  he  was,  and  thus  alarm  his  opponents 
by  the  prospect  of  living  a  long  time.  Having  dressed 
himself  in  his  best  suit,  he  put  round  his  neck  an  or- 
nament, which  he  had  probably  received  as  a  pre- 
sent from  the  elector.  His  barber  being  surprised  at 
this,  and  remarking  that  it  would  give  offence,  Lu- 
ther declared,  "  That  is  the  very  reason  for  my  putting 
it  on.  The  pope's  adherents  have  not  been  sparing 
of  offence  to  us,  and  this  is  the  way  to  treat  serpents 


\ 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         273 

and  foxes."  Having  stepped  into  a  carriage  along 
with  Pomeranus,  who  had  been  sent  from  the  castle, 
he  observed,  in  the  same  vein  of  humour,  "  Here  sit 
the  pope  of  Germany  and  cardinal  Pomeranus.  This 
is  the  work  of  God."  On  reaching  the  nuncio's  re- 
sidence, Luther  was  immediately  admitted  to  him, 
but  not  saluted  with  his  customary  titles.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  converse  about  calling  a  council,  when 
Luther  expressed  his  apprehension  that  the  pope  was 
not  in  earnest,  and  meant  only  to  amuse  them.  "  Were 
it  even  to  assemble,  nothing  of  consequence  was  like- 
ly," he  said,  "  to  be  transacted.  Unmeaning  discus- 
sions about  tonsures  and  vestments  were  more  likely 
to  take  up  their  attention  than  the  doctrines  of  faith, 
justification,  or  Christian  concord."  He  added,  "  I 
and  those  who  think  with  me  have  our  minds  tho- 
roughly made  up  in  regard  to  faith.  The  assistance 
of  a  Council  in  that  respect  is  necessary  only  to  those 
ignorant  creatures  who  borrow  their  creed  from 
others.  But  if  you  will  actually  call  a  Council,  I 
will  come,  though  the  consequence  might  be  that 
you  committed  me  to  the  flames."  On  the  legate 
inquiring  what  town  he  would  prefer  for  the  assem- 
blage of  a  Council,  Luther  replied,  "  Let  it  be  where- 
ever  you  like,  at  Mantua,  Petavia,  Florence,  or  else- 
where." The  nuncio  then  asking  if  he  had  any 
objection  to  Bologna,  Luther  inquired  in  whose  pos- 
session that  city  was,  and  on  understanding  that  the 
pope  had  possession  of  it,  he  expressed  surprise  that 
his  Holiness  should  have  seized  upon  it,  but  added 
that  he  would  go  thither  likewise.  The  nuncio  hav- 
ing afterwards  said,  that  it  might  happen  that  the 
pope  would  come  to  Wittemberg,  Luther  replied, 
"  Let  him  come :  we  should  be  very  glad  to  see  him 

2M 


274  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

here."  "  But  do  you  wish,"  rejoined  Verger,  "  thai 
he  should  come  with  an  army,  or  not?"  "  Just  as  he 
pleases,"  said  Luther ;  "  we  shall  expect  him  in  either 
way."  The  legate  proceeded  to  ask  if  priests  were 
consecrated  in  Saxony.  "  Certainly  they  are,"  replied 
Luther,  "  because  the  pope  does  not  choose  to  ordain 
any  for  us;"  and  added,  pointing  to  Pomeranus, 
"  Here  is  a  bishop  whom  we  have  consecrated." 
During  the  whole  conversation  Luther  made  it  a  rule 
to  be  unreserved  with  the  nuncio,  as  well  in  regard 
to  the  views  of  the  Protestants,  as  to  his  own  con- 
tinued antipathy  to  the  church  of  Rome.  On  the 
breaking  up  of  the  conversation,  Verger,  imitating 
Luther's  jocular  manner,  called  to  him,  "  Take  care 
that  you  be  ready  for  the  Council ;"  to  which  Lu- 
ther replied,  with  a  significant  gesture,  "I  will  come, 
with  this  neck  of  mine." 

Verger  is  represented  by  the  Catholic  writers  to 
have  been  a  most  unfit  person  to  conduct  such  a  ne- 
gotiation, a  censure  probably  incurred  by  his  eventual 
desertion  of  the  church.  He  thought  proper  to  give 
a  very  different  account  of  this  interview  from  that 
which  is  inserted  in  Luther's  works ;  but  Father  Paul 
has  given  us  a  circumstantial  narrative  of  it,  according, 
in  every  material  point,  with  that  of  Luther's  friends. 
The  conference,  as  related  above,  contains  every  mark 
of  authenticity.  The  display  of  Luther's  humour, 
and  the  independence  of  his  tone,  are  quite  in  unison 
with  his  general  character.  After  the  interview  with 
Luther,  the  nuncio  proceeded  to  hold  conferences 
with  the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  landgrave  of 
Hesse,  which  led  to  nothing  of  importance. 

The  year  1536  was  remarkable  for  the  death  of 
the  great  Erasmus.     It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that 


t* 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1526  TO  1537.         275 

his  dispute  with  Luther  was  revived  two  years  be- 
fore with  a  great  share  of  mutual  asperity,  Luther 
having  gone  so  far  as  to  bring  the  charge  of  atheism 
against  his  antagonist.  Improperly  as  Erasmus 
acted  in  his  latter  years,  he  deserves  to  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  principal  founders  of  the  Reformation. 
His  indefatigable  labours  in  the  cause  of  literature, 
and  the  length  to  which,  at  one  time,  he  went  in 
ridiculing  popish  superstition,  were  highly  instru- 
mental in  preparing  the  public  mind  for  the  reception 
of  a  better  doctrine.  "  Illius  scriptis"  says  a  corres- 
pondent of  Melancthon,*  "  primum  via  strata  Luthe- 
ro,  et  lampas,  docte  Philippe,  tibi." 

Luther's  last  controversy  with  Erasmus  was  fol- 
lowed by  one  with  a  very  different  description  of 
opponents — the  Anabaptists.  That  sect  had  recently 
exposed  itself  to  the  indignation  of  the  public  by 
the  most  unexampled  excesses.  They  had  taken 
forcible  possession  of  the  city  of  Munster,  and  had 
begun  to  mark  their  mode  of  living  by  vices  wholly 
at  variance  with  the  good  order  of  society.  They 
were  accordingly  very  fit  objects  for  the  angry  effu- 
sions of  Luther,  as  well  as  for  resistance  by  force  of 
arms  on  the  part  of  the  civil  power. 

A  task  of  a  more  acceptable  kind  remained  to  be 
performed  by  desire  of  the  young  elector  of  Saxony, 
the  son  of  John.  That  prince  was  anxious  for  a 
shorter  summary  of  the  Protestant  creed  than  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  He  applied  accordingly  to 
Luther,  who  drew  it  up  with  the  assistance  of 
Amsdorff,  Agricola,  and  Spalatin.  The  fruit  of 
their  joint  labours  has  been  generally  known  by  the 
name  of  the  "  Articles  of  Smalcald." 


Buckholzer. 


J 


276  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

CHAPTER  XI. 

FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546. 

WE  are  now  arrived  at  Luther's  fifty-fourth  year, 
the  period  of  his  life  at  which  his  attacks  of  ill  health 
first  became  serious.  Excess  in  sedentary  confine- 
ment had  concurred  with  mental  agitation  to  expose 
to  severe  inroads  a  constitution  which  had  never  been 
strong.  The  chief  support  of  his  health  had  con- 
sisted in  his  steady  temperance;  an  advantage  to 
which  he,  no  doubt,  owed  the  preservation  of  it  during 
the  years  subsequent  to  the  indisposition  which  we 
are  now  about  to  mention. 

In  the  beginning  of  1537,  Luther  was  afflicted 
with  a  strangury,  and  the  symptoms  were  so  severe 
that  both  he  and  his  friends  began  to  despair  of  his 
life.  In  a  letter  to  his  wife  of  1 8th  February,  he  thus 
expressed  himself:  "  In  short,  I  was  at  the  point  of 
death,  and  I  commended  you  and  our  little  ones  to 
God,  our  good  master.  I  had  given  up  all  hopes  of 
seeing  you  again,  and  felt  great  sympathy  for  you. 
I  laid  my  account  with  the  grave;  but  so  many 
prayers  and  tears  were  poured  out  to  God  for  my  re- 
covery, that  it  pleased  him  to  afford  me  relief,  and  I 
am  now  considerably  revived." 

During  this  alarming  illness,  much  anxiety  was 
manifested  for  his  recovery,  as  well  by  his  friends  as 
by  the  public  characters  who  favoured  the  Reforma- 
tion. His  recovery  appears  to  have  been  complete, 
and  he  was  enabled  to  resume  his  labours  in  the  cause 


I 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.  277 

of  religion.  In  these  he  steadily  persevered  during 
the  remaining  nine  years  of  his  life.  lie  prepared  for 
the  press  two  editions  of  his  great  work,  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible,  and  published  them  suceessivcly  in 
1541  and  1545.  He  collected  also  his  various  com- 
positions and  printed  them  in  a  connected  shape,  with 
an  introduction  which  has  supplied  many  useful 
materials  to  his  biographers.  He  continued  to  dis- 
charge, with  his  accustomed  zeal,  his  official  duty  as 
a  preacher  and  a  professor.  He  published,  likewise, 
commentaries  on  various  parts  of  Scripture,  and 
showed  no  inclination  to  relinquish  his  former  habit 
of  sending  forth  a  popular  treatise  whenever  circum- 
stances in  the  state  of  religion  appeared  to  call  for  it. 
But,  amid  these  various  occupations,  it  was  remarked 
that  his  enterprising  spirit  appeared  to  undergo  abate- 
ment, and  that  in  his  latter  years,  he  was  found  to 
hazard  no  new  doctrines.  This  alteration  should, 
however,  be  ascribed  as  much  to  the  matured  state  of 
the  Reformation  as  to  the  progress  of  Luther's  years. 
The  season  was  now  come  in  which  it  was  fitter  to 
defend  established  opinions  than  to  advance  others 
that  were  new.  Judicious  and  appropriate  as  this 
plan  of  conduct  was,  it  has  unavoidably  the  effect  of 
shortening  the  narrative  of  Luther's  latter  years.  An 
account  of  his  publications  at  this  time  of  life  would^. 
be,  in  a  great  measure,  a  recapitulation  of  the  subjects 
mentioned  in  the  former  part  of  our  book. 

An  event  of  great  importance  to  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation  in  Luther's  neighbourhood  took  place 
in  1539.  This  was  the  death  of  his  obstinate  oppo- 
nent, George,  duke  of  Saxony.  So  bigoted  was  this 
prince  to  the  last,  that  he  introduced  into  his  will  a 
clause  bequeathing  his  territory  to  the  emperor  and 


» 


278  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

king  of  the  Romans,  if  his  brother  Henry,  who  was 
his  natural  successor,  should  apostatize  from  the  Ca- 
tholic religion.  Henry,  however,  knew  too  well  the 
secret  wish  of  his  subjects  to  be  alarmed  at  this  death- 
bed menace.  He  lost  no  time  in  inviting  Luther 
along  with  other  Reformers  to  Leipsic,  and  in  ac- 
complishing, with  their  assistance,  that  revolution  in 
the  mode  of  worship  which  had  long  been  desired  by 
the  people. 

The  years  1540  and  1541  were  remarkable  for 
conferences  held  between  the  leading  advocates  of 
the  Protestants  and  Catholics,  with  a  view  to  an 
agreement  on  the  principal  topics  in  dispute.  These 
took  place  first  at  Worms,  and  afterwards,  under  cir- 
cumstances of  greater  solemnity,  at  Ratisbon.  This 
measure  originated  with  the  Protestants,  and  had  the 
cordial  wishes  of  the  German  Catholics,  who  desired, 
above  all  things,  the  restoration  of  tranquillity  in  their 
native  country.  A  greater  approximation  to  concord 
was  made  on  this  than  on  any  former  occasion  ;  Me- 
lancthon  and  Bucer  on  the  part  of  the  Protestants, 
and  Grapper,  a  canon  of  Cologne,  on  that  of  the  Ca- 
tholics, conducting  their  disquisitorial  labours  in  a 
very  friendly  tone.  Eckius  also  assisted  at  these  con- 
ferences, and  appears  to  have  dropped  much  of  the 
vehemence  of  his  earlier  years.  After  all,  the  trouble 
of  these  distinguished  scholars  turned  to  very  little 
account,  as  the  points  on  which  they  agreed  had  little 
application  to  practice.  They  concurred  in  specula- 
tive tenets,  but  differed  widely  in  regard  to  that  most 
important  topic,  the  pope's  authority.  Had  they 
even  gone  the  length  of  harmonizing  on  this  point, 
matters  would  have  been  little  farther  advanced,  as 
the  pope  and  the  Italian  Catholics  disclaimed  the 


* 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.         279 

concessions  made  by  the  Romish  doctors  at  these 
conferences,  and  disapproved  of  the  measure  alto- 
gether. Luther,  who  had  no  idea  of  compromise, 
remonstrated  resolutely  against  the  yielding  tone 
adopted  by  his  friends;  and  the  young  elector  of 
Saxony  cordially  joined  him  in  disapproving  all  such 
concessions.  They  looked  forward  confidently  to 
the  eventual  triumph  of  their  cause ;  and  the  progress 
made,  from  year  to  year,  by  the  Reformation,  ap- 
peared to  justify  their  hopes. 

It  was  in  1545,  in  Luther's  sixty-second  year,  that 
his  constitution  began  to  exhibit  strong  symptoms  of 
decline.  He  had  for  some  time  back  been  subject  to 
attacks  of  a  malady  not  unusual  among  sedentary  men 
— the  stone;  and  in  this  year,  the  attacks  of  the 
complaint  became  both  more  frequent  and  severe. 
At  midsummer  his  friend  Pontanus  mentioned  in  a 
letter  that  Luther  had  then  laboured  during  eight 
days  under  that  excruciating  disease.  In  addition, 
his  attacks  of  headach,  which  had  long  been  trou- 
blesome, now  assumed  an  aggravated  appearance. 
The  injury  caused  to  the  system  by  these  attacks  was 
manifest  in  the  impaired  sight  of  one  of  his  eyes. 
Such  a  complication  of  illness  led  his  friends,  as  well 
as  himself,  to  conclude  that  the  period  of  his  dissolu- 
tion was  not  very  remote.  On  the  part  of  his  ene- 
mies an  indecent  wish  to  anticipate  the  event  did  not 
allow  them  to  wait  the  progress  of  nature.  Impa- 
tient to  record  the  end  of  the  man  who  had  been 
foremost  in  the  career  of  Reformation,  they  published 
premature  accounts  of  his  death  and  funeral.  They 
had  even  the  malignity  to  assert  that  the  course  of 
nature  was  inverted,  and  that  the  elements  themselves 
had  testified  their  abhorrence  of  the  heretic.    Luther, 

•    •  • 


280  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

however,  lived  long  enough  to  publish  a  contradic- 
tion, and  to  expose  to  shame  the  propagators  of 
these  falsehoods. 

But  bodily  infirmity  was  not  the  only  misfortune 
of  Luther.  That  constitutional  ardour  which  en- 
abled him  to  brave  the  threats  of  ecclesiastical  and 
temporal  rulers,  was  connected  with  a  temper,  pro- 
ductive, in  several  respects,  of  much  uneasy  sensa- 
tion to  its  possessor.  The  effect  produced  by  the 
opinions  of  Zwinglius  throughout  a  considerable  part 
of  the  Reformed  body,  appears  to  have  caused  him 
much  disquietude.  His  own  arguments  on  the  long 
disputed  subject  of  the  sacrament,  were  by  no  means 
of  that  clear  and  forcible  nature  that  enabled  him 
either  to  persuade  others  or  to  establish  completely 
his  own  conviction.  The  want  of  earnestness,  too, 
in  this  point,  of  the  friend  of  his  heart,  Melancthon, 
was  a  source  of  great  vexation  to  him.  That  emi- 
nent man,  as  different  from  Luther  in  point  of  temper 
as  can  well  be  imagined,  was  contented  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  disciple  of  the  Reformer.  They  had  la- 
boured together  during  many  years,  and  had  gone 
through  life  with  a  harmony  and  cordiality  which 
has  seldom  been  surpassed.  Whether  Melancthon 
privately  favoured  the  Zwinglian  notion  of  the  sacra- 
ment, and  was  withheld  from  an  open  declaration  by 
respect  for  his  friend,  is  not  known  ;  but  that  he  did 
not  enter  with  any  ardour  into  Luther's  tenets  on 
that  subject,  is  abundantly  apparent.  By  a  man  of 
Luther's  zeal  the  slightest  deficiency  of  acquiescence 
in  religious  doctrine  was  magnified  into  confirmed 
opposition.  The  elector  of  Saxony,  apprehensive 
of  the  progress  of  disunion  among  the  Protestants, 
thought  it  necessary  to  commission  his  chancellor 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.         281 

Pontanus,  to  recommend  forbearance  to  Luther  on 
the  subject  of  the  sacrament. 

It  happened  also  very  unfortunately,  that  the  even- 
ing of  Luther's  day  was  clouded  by  an  altercation 
with  the  lawyers  on  the  subject  of  clandestine  mar- 
riages. So  strong  was  the  effect  of  this  accumulation 
of  chagrin,  that  Luther  lost  his  attachment  to  his  fa- 
vourite city,  Wittemberg,  and  left  it,  in  the  month  of 
July,  (1545,)  apparenly  determined  never  to  return. 
His  wife  remaining  there,  he  charged  her  to  inform 
his  friends  Pomeranus  and  Melancthon  that  he  had 
retired,  because  he  could  no  longer  endure  the  con- 
tradiction and  displeasure  to  which  he  was  subjected. 
This  intelligence,  when  it  came  to  be  publicly  known 
at  Wittemberg,  was  productive  of  deep  and  general 
regret;  Luther  having  long  been  endeared  to  the  in- 
habitants, both  by  the  sincerity  of  his  heart  and  by 
the  extraordinary  services  which  he  had  rendered  to 
their  city.  His  fame  in  early  life,  as  a  professor, 
and  his  wonderful  reputation  after  becoming  a  re- 
former, had  attracted  crowds  of  students  to  the  uni- 
versity, and  had  been  the  source  of  great  advantage 
to  the  citizens.  Melancthon's  affection  for  him  con- 
tinued unabated,  and  so  deeply  was  he  distressed  by 
his  departure,  that  without  inquiring  whether  his 
grievances  were  well  founded,  he  was  eager  to  fol- 
low and  pass  in  his  society  the  remainder  of  life. 
The  consequence  of  this  concurrent  feeling  was  an 
application,  on  the  part  of  the  university,  to  the 
elector  (on  first  August,)  entreating  him  most  ear- 
nestly to  use  his  influence  and  authority  to  prevail 
on  Luther,  whom  they  called  their  dear  and  reverend 
father,  to  return.  They  promised  that  whatever 
had  given   him  offence  should  be  corrected.     The 

2  N 


282  THE  LIFE  QF  LUTHER, 

elector  wrote  forthwith  to  Luther,  in  the  kindest 
and  most  affectionate  manner,  and  even  took  the 
trouble  to  send  his  physician,  Razenberg,  to  whom 
he  begged  that  he  would  unbosom  himself  in  the 
most  confidential  manner.  Luther  yielded  to  those 
cordial  solicitations,  and  consented  to  resume  once 
more  his  residence  at  Wittemberg.  Here,  though  de- 
clining health  necessarily  contracted  the  degree  of  his 
exertion,  he  continued  to  write  against  the  doctors  of 
Louvain  and  other  adherents  of  the  papacy  with 
an  energy  that  revived  the  recollection  of  his  better 
years.* 

Though  Luther  continued  in  his  original  poverty, 
and  had  little  ambition  to  interfere  in  affairs  of  busi- 
ness, his  integrity  and  high  character  for  judgment 
induced  many  persons  to  apply  to  him  for  advice. 
A  dispute  had  for  some  time  existed  between  the 
counts  of  Mansfeld  respecting  the  brass  and  silver 
mines  at  Eisleben,  his  native  place.  He  had  been 
prevailed  on  to  undertake  the  difficult  task  of  at- 
tempting to  compose  these  differences,  and  had  ac- 
tually made  a  journey  thither,  but  without  success. 
The  parties  now  appearing  more  disposed  to  recon- 
ciliation, he  was  again  induced,  notwithstanding  his 
infirmity,  to  undertake  a  repetition  of  the  journey. 
In  doing  this  he  complied  with  the  wish  both  of  the 
counts  of  Mansfeld  and  of  the  elector  of  Saxony, 
who  had  interested  himself  in  the  business.  That 
Luther  was  in  a  very  feeble  state  will  appear  from 
the  following  extract  of  a  letter  to  a  friend,  written  on 
17th  January,  1546,  only  six  days  before  he  set  out. 
"  I  write  to  you  though  old,  decrepid,  inactive,  lan- 
guid, and  now  possessed  of  only  one  eye.     When 

*  Seckend.  L.  iii.  581,  582,  583. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.  283 

drawing  to  the  brink  of  the  grave,  I  had  hopes  of 
obtaining  a  reasonable  share  of  rest,  but  I  continue 
to  be  overpowered  with  writing,  preaching,  and  bu- 
siness, in  the  same  manner  as  if  I  had  not  discharged 
my  part  in  these  duties  in  the  early  period  of  life." 
Razenberg  had  some  time  before  prescribed  the 
opening  of  an  issue  in  his  left  leg.  This  was  found 
to  afford  him  considerable  relief,  and  to  enable  him 
to  walk  to  church  and  to  the  university  to  lecture. 
On  going  to  Eisleben,  however,  he  neglected  to  take- 
proper  dressings  with  him,  and,  from  the  pressure  of 
business,  unfortunately  paid  it  little  or  no  attention, 
a  neglect  which  was  evidently  a  cause  of  accelera- 
ting his  death. 

Nothing  could  be  more  indicative  of  Luther's  ar- 
dour than  the  undertaking  of  a  journey  in  the  month 
of  January,  under  such  a  pressure  of  bodily  infirmi- 
ties. The  river  Issel  having  overflowed  its  banks, 
he  was  five  days  on  the  road.  His  companions  were 
his  three  sons,  John,  Martin,  and  Paid,  and  his 
steady  friend  Justus  Jonas.  The  counts  of  Mans- 
feld  rode  out  attended  by  a  hundred  horsemen,  and 
followed  by  a  crowd  of  adherents  to  the  reformed 
doctrine,  to  meet  the  illustrious  stranger.  Soon  after 
entering  Eisleben,  Luther  suffered  an  access  of  ex- 
treme debility,  a  circumstance  not  unusual  with  him 
on  engaging  in  a  matter  of  deep  interest.  But  this 
attack  was  more  serious  than  on  former  occasions. 
He  recovered,  however,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  the 
hospitality  which  his  friends  were  anxious  to  show 
him.  His  time  was  past  in  an  attention  to  his  cus- 
tomary hours  of  daily  prayer,  in  the  transaction  of 
the  business  which  had  called  him  to  Eisleben,  and 
in  cheerful  and  good  humoured  conversation.     He 


284  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

partook  twice  of  the  Lord's  supper,  and  preached 
three  or  four  times  before  the  progressive  advance  of 
his  malady  led  to  the  exhaustion  of  his  frame.  After 
passing  nearly  three  weeks  at  Eisleben,  his  illness 
was  productive  of  a  fatal  termination.  He  expired, 
surrounded  by  friends,  and  under  a  full  sense  of  the 
nature  of  his  situation.  A  letter  written  by  Jonas 
to  the  elector  of  Saxony,  a  few  hours  after  the  oc- 
currence of  this  melancholy  event,  gives  a  clear  and 
faithful  account  of  the  circumstances  attending  it : 

"  It  is  with  a  sorrowful  heart  that  I  communicate 
the  following  information  to  your  Highness.  Al- 
though our  venerable  father  in  Christ,  doctor  Martin 
Luther,  felt  himself  unwell  before  leaving  Wittem- 
berg,  as  also  during  his  journey  to  this  place,  and 
complained  of  weakness  on  his  arrival ;  he  was  ne- 
vertheless present  at  dinner  and  supper  every  day  in 
which  we  were  engaged  in  the  business  of  the  counts. 
His  appetite  was  pretty  good,  and  he  used  humour- 
ously to  observe,  that  in  his  native  country  they  well 
knew  what  he  ought  to  eat  and  drink.  His  rest  at 
night  also  was  such  as  could  not  be  complained  of. 
His  two  youngest  sons,  Martin  and  Paul,  were  ac- 
customed, along  with  me  and  one  or  two  men  ser- 
vants, to  sleep  in  his  bed -room,  accompanied  some- 
times by  M.  Michael  Ccelius,  a  clergyman  of  Eisle- 
ben. As  he  had  for  some  time  back  been  accustomed 
to  have  his  bed  warmed,  we  made  it  a  rule  to  do  this 
regularly  before  he  retired  to  rest.  Every  night  on 
taking  leave  of  us,  he  was  accustomed  to  say  "  Pray 
to  God  that  the  cause  of  his  church  may  prosper,  for 
the  Council  of  Trent  is  vehemently  enraged  against 
it."  The  physician  who  attended  caused  the  medi- 
cines to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to  be  brought 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.         285 

from  Wittcmberg  ;  and  his  wife,  of  her  own  accord, 
sent  some  others.  The  affairs  of  the  counts  of  Mans- 
feld  continued  to  require  his  attention  every  other 
day,  or  sometimes  at  an  interval  of  two  days.  He 
was  accustomed  to  transact  business  for  one  or  two 
hours,  along  with  Wolfgang,  prince  of  Anhalt,  and 
John  Henry,  count  Schwarzburg.  But  yesterday, 
Wednesday  the  17th  of  February,  prince  Anhalt, 
count  Schwarzburg,  and  the  rest  of  us,  prevailed  on 
him  to  remain  in  his  study  till  mid -day,  and  to  do  no 
business.  He  walked  through  the  room  in  his  un- 
dress, looked  at  times  out  of  the  window,  and  prayed 
earnestly.  He  was  all  along  pleasant  and  cheerful, 
but  took  occasion  to  say  to  Coelius  and  me,  "  I 
was  born  and  baptized  at  Eisleben,  what  if  I  should 
remain  and  die  here."  In  the  early  part  of  the 
evening  he  began  to  complain  of  an  oppression  at 
his  breast,  and  had  it  rubbed  with  a  linen  cloth. 
This  afforded  him  some  ease.  A  little  after  he  said, 
"  It  is  not  pleasant  to  me  to  be  alone,"  and  repaired 
to  supper  in  the  parlour.  He  ate  with  appetite, 
ws  cheerful  and  even  jocular.  He  expounded 
several  remarkable  passages  in  Scripture,  and  said, 
once  or  twice  in  the  course  of  conversation,  "  If  1 
succeed  in  effecting  concord  between  the  proprietors 
of  my  native  country,  I  shall  return  home  and  rest  in 
my  grave." 

"  After  supper  he  again  complained  of  the  oppres- 
sion at  his  breast,  and  asked  for  a  warm  linen  cloth. 
He  would  not  allow  us  to  send  for  medical  assist- 
ance, and  slept  on  a  couch  during  two  hours  and  a 
half.  Coelius,  Drachsted,  the  master  of  the  house, 
whom  we  called  in  along  with  his  wife,  the  town 
derk,  the  two  sons  and  myself,  sat  by  him  watching 


2S6  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

till  half  past  eleven.  He  then  desired  that  his  bed 
might  be  warmed,  which  was  done  with  great  care. 
I,  his  two  sons,  his  servant  Ambrose  whom  he  had 
brought  from  Wittemberg,  and  other  servants,  lay 
down  in  the  same  room ;  Ccelius  was  in  the  adjoin- 
ing room.  At  one  in  the  morning  he  awoke  Am- 
brose and  me,  and  desired  that  oiie  of  the  adjoining 
rooms  might  be  warmed,  which  was  done.  He  then 
said  to  me,  "  O  Jonas,  how  ill  I  am ;  I  feel  an  op- 
pressive weight  at  my  breast,  and  shall  certainly  die 
at  Eisleben."  I  answered,  "  God,  our  heavenly  fa- 
ther, will  assist  you  by  Christ  whom  you  have 
preached."  Meantime,  Ambrose  made  haste  and 
led  him,  after  he  got  up,  into  the  adjoining  room. 
He  got  thither  without  any  other  assistance,  and  in 
passing  the  threshold  said  aloud,  "  Into  thy  hands  I 
commit  my  spirit."  He  then  began  to  walk  about, 
but  in  a  short  time  asked  for  warm  linen  cloths. 
Meantime  we  had  sent  into  the  town  for  two  phy- 
sicians, who  came  immediately.  Count  Albert  like- 
wise being  called,  he  came  along  with  the  countess, 
the  latter  bringing  some  cordials  and  other  medicines. 
Luther  now  prayed,  saying,  "  O  my  heavenly  Fa- 
ther, eternal  and  merciful  God,  thou  hast  revealed 
to  me  thy  Son,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  I  have 
preached  him,  I  have  confessed  him,  I  love  him,  and 
I  worship  him  as  my  dearest  Saviour  and  Redeemer, 
him  whom  the  wicked  persecute,  accuse,  and  blas- 
pheme." He  then  repeated  three  times  the  words 
of  the  psalm,  "  Into  thy  hands  I  commit  my  spirit — 
God  of  truth  thou  hast  redeemed  me."  Whilst  the 
physicians  and  we  applied  medicines,  he  began  to 
lose  his  voice  and  to  become  faint ;  nor  did  he  an- 
swer us,  though  we  called  aloud  to  him  and  moved 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1540.         287 

him.  On  the  countess  again  giving  him  a  little  cor- 
dial, and  the  physician  requesting  that  he  would  at- 
tempt to  give  an  answer,  he  said,  in  a  feeble  tone  of 
voice,  to  Ccelius  and  me,  "  yes "  or  "  no,"  accord- 
ing as  the  question  seemed  to  require.  When  we 
said  to  him,  "  Dearest  father,  do  you  verily  confess 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  our  Saviour  and  Re- 
deemer," he  replied,  "  Yes,"  so  as  to  be  distinctly 
heard.  Afterward  his  forehead  and  face  began  to  get 
cold,  and  although  we  moved  him  and  called  him  by 
name,  he  gave  no  answer,  but,  with  his  hands  clasped, 
continued  to  breathe  slowly  until  he  expired  between 
two  and  three  o'clock.  John  Henry,  count  Schwartz- 
burg,  arrived  early  and  was  present  at  his  death. — 
Though  much  affected  by  the  loss  of  him  who  has 
been  our  teacher  during  twenty-five  years,  we  have 
thought  it  proper  to  give  your  Highness  the  earliest 
intimation  of  his  death,  that  you  may  be  pleased  to 
give  us  directions  concerning  the  funeral.  We  shall 
remain  here  until  we  receive  them.  We  pray  also 
that  you  may  write  to  the  count  how  to  proceed. 
He  would  like  to  retain  the  body  in  Luther's  native 
country,  but  he  will  obey  the  orders  of  your  High- 
ness. We  also  beg  your  Highness  to  write  to  his 
wife,  to  Melancthon,  Pomeranus,  and  Cruciger,  be- 
cause you  know  better  how  to  do  it  than  we.  May 
God,  our  omnipotent  Father,  comfort  you  and  us  in 
our  affliction.* 

«  Eisleben,  Thursday,  18th  February,  1546." 

This  affecting  letter  reached  the  elector  of  Saxony 
on  the  day  on  which  it  was  written.  He  immedi- 
ately intimated  to  the  counts  of  Mansfclcl  how  much 

*  Sleid.  L.  xvi.     Seckend.  L.  iii.  634,  et  seq. 


288  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER, 

he  was  affected  by  Luther's  death,  and  requested 
them  to  permit  the  body  to  be  brought  away,  that  it 
might  be  buried  in  the  church  of  All  Saints  at  Wit- 
temberg.  Jonas  has  given  a  minute  account  of  the 
removal  of  the  body  and  of  the  interment. 

The  day  after  his  death,  19th  February,  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  body  was  brought  with 
great  solemnity  into  the  church  of  St.  Andrew,  the 
largest  at  Eisleben.  It  was  attended  by  the  prince 
of  Anhalt,  the  prince's  brothers,  and  many  other  no- 
blemen, along  with  a  number  of  ladies  of  rank,  and 
an  immense  concourse  of  the  lower  orders.  Jonas 
preached  the  funeral  sermon  from  the  fourth  chapter 
of  1  Thessalonians,  verse  14th,  "If  we  believe  that 
Jesus  died  and  rose  again,  even  so  them  also  which 
sleep  in  Jesus,  will  God  bring  with  him."  When  he 
had  concluded,  the  congregation  separated,  having 
left  the  body  in  the  church  under  the  care  of  ten  citi- 
zens, who  were  to  guard  it  during  the  night.  On 
hearing  that  the  body  was  to  be  carried  to  Wittem- 
berg,  Michael  Ccelius  gave  a  discourse  next  morning, 
taking  his  text  from  Isaiah  lvii.  verse  1st.  "  The 
righteous  perisheth,  and  no  man  layeth  it  to  heart — 
none  considering  that  the  righteous  is  taken  away 
from  the  evil  to  come.  He  shall  enter  into  peace." 
After  mid-day,  all  the  persons  whom  we  have  men- 
tioned, accompanied  the  body  from  the  church  through 
the  city  and  beyond  the  gate.  The  countrymen,  as- 
sembled by  the  ringing  of  bells,  came,  with  their 
wives  and  children,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  to  meet 
the  melancholy  procession.  The  body  was  brought 
to  Halle  about  five  in  the  afternoon,  and  was  met 
at  the  gate  by  the  senators  and  clergy.  The  streets 
of  the  city  were  so  crowded  by  the  multitude,  that 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1537  TO  1546.         289 

the  procession  moved  on  with  difficulty.  The  hour 
was  too  late  for  the  delivery  of  a  discourse,  but  a 
psalm  (the  130th)  was  given  out,  and  sung  in  so- 
lemn harmony  by  the  numerous  assemblage.  Early 
next  morning,  the  senate,  clergy  and  scholars,  at- 
tended the  departure  of  the  body.  On  Monday, 
22d,  the  funeral  reached  Wittemberg,  and  was  re- 
ceived at  the  gate  by  the  senate,  the  members  of 
the  university,  and  a  numerous  body  of  citizens. 
From  the  gate  the  procession  moved,  in  solemn  or- 
der, to  the  church,  the  prefect  of  Wittemberg  with 
the  counts  of  Mansfeld  and  their  horsemen  leading 
the  way.  The  body  followed  in  a  carriage,  and 
Luther's  wife  and  family,  accompanied  by  his  bn> 
ther  James  from  Mansfeld,  were  immediately  be- 
hind. Next  came  the  rector  of  the  university  and 
several  sons  of  counts,  princes  and  barons,  who 
were  students  at  Wittemberg.  Pontanus,  Melanc- 
thon,  Jonas,  Pomeranus,  Cruciger,  and  other  elderly 
ecclesiastics,  now  appeared,  and  were  succeeded  by 
the  professors,  the  senators,  the  students,  and  the 
citizens.  An  immense  crowd  of  the  lower  orders 
followed  in  the  rear.  The  body  was  deposited  in 
the  church  on  the  right  of  the  pulpit.  After  the 
singing  of  hymns,  Pomeranus  ascended  the  pulpit, 
and  delivered  an  excellent  discourse.  When  he 
had  concluded,  Melancthon  pronounced  a  funeral 
oration,  which,  while  it  bore  affecting  marks  of  his 
personal  sorrow,  was  intended  to  afford  consola- 
tion to  others  and  to  alleviate  the  grief  of  the  church. 
These  melancholy  offices  being  performed,  the  body 
was  committed  to  the  grave  by  several  members  of 
the  university.  A  stone  was  placed  over  the  grave, 
with  a  plain  inscription,  expressive  merely  of  the 

20 


290  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

name  and  age.  A  picture  of  Luther  and  an  epitaph 
were  afterwards  affixed  to  the  wall  by  order  of  the 
university. 


We  are  now  about  to  bring  our  account  of  this 
distinguished  man  to  a  close.  We  have  followed 
him  throughout  a  career,  which,  if  not  lengthened 
in  point  of  time  beyond  the  ordinary  course  of  na- 
ture, was  rendered  for  ever  memorable  by  his  inde- 
fatigable activity  of  mind.  At  whatever  age  we 
contemplate  Luther,  we  find  the  traits  of  no  com- 
mon disposition.  While  yet  a  boy,  we  have  seen 
him  devoting  himself  with  ardour  to  study,  and  out- 
stripping his  youthful  competitors  in  classic  attain- 
ments. Advancing  towards  manhood,  he  loses  in- 
deed a  valuable  portion  of  time  in  acquiring  a  famili- 
arity with  the  barbarous  jargon  of  the  schools  ;  but 
his  progress  in  this  unprofitable  department  is  such 
as  to  afford  a  satisfactory  indication  of  his  success 
in  a  better  cause.  When  arrived  at  the  time  of  life 
for  making  choice  of  a  profession,  he  exhibits  strik- 
ing marks  of  a  decided  character.  Young  as  he 
was,  he  had  determined  to  devote  himself  to  the 
service  of  God,  and  no  entreaty  of  friends,  no  temp- 
tation of  emolument,  could  shake  his  resolution. 
Having  taken  the  conclusive  step  and  become  an  in- 
habitant of  a  monastery,  he  avoids  the  idle  and  un- 
instructive  habits  of  his  brethren,  and,  without  the 
aid  of  any  advising  friend,  devotes  himself  to  theo- 
logical research.  In  this  he  resolutely  perseveres, 
notwithstanding  the  ridicule  of  those  around  him, 
whose  knowledge  of  their  duty  was  confined  to  the 
repetition,  by  rote,  of  a  few  prayers,  and  who  had 


HIS  CHARACTER.  291 

allowed  a  copy  of  the  Bible  to  lie  for  years  neglected 
in  a  corner. 

By  one  of  those  remarkable  dispensations  of  Pro- 
vidence, which  rendered  Luther  the  instrument  of  so 
much  public  good,  he  was  early  placed  in  a  situation 
to  distribute  to  others  the  fruits  of  his  study.  Though 
called  to  officiate  as  a  teacher  of  philosophy,  and  for 
some  time,  perhaps,  inadequately  qualified  to  fill 
the  theological  chair,  the  bent  of  inclination  remained 
as  before,  and  he  embraced  the  first  favourable  op- 
portunity of  making  his  duty  consist  in  that  which 
had  long  been  his  delight.  By  this  change  he  was 
placed  in  the  situation  best  fitted  to  enable  him  to 
instruct  others,  and  to  prosecute  his  researches  into 
the  true  nature  of  Christianity.  We  find  him  ac- 
cordingly holding  for  several  years  an  assiduous 
but  tranquil  course.  The  time  which  thus  elapsed 
was  sufficient  to  shake  in  him  the  foundation  of  the 
false  impressions  of  youth,  without  being  of  a  length 
to  carry  him  beyond  the  years  of  enterprising  ex- 
ertion. Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  so  or- 
dered that  the  abuses  of  papal  corruption  shall  be 
brought  under  the  eye  of  himself  and  his  country- 
men in  their  most  offensive  shape.  Luther  is  revolt- 
ed at  the  sight,  and  ventures  to  commence  an  op- 
position which,  under  a  different  sovereign,  or  in  any- 
other  country  in  Europe,  could  hardly  have  failed 
to  have  been  unsuccessful  and  disastrous.  This 
opposition  bears  no  mark  of  selfish  motives — it  im- 
plies, on  the  contrary,  a  relinquishment  and  forfei- 
ture of  professional  advancement.  In  all  Luther's 
proceedings,  various  as  they  are,  in  his  preachings, 
his  treatises,  and  disputations,  we  discern  no  step 
taken  for  the  gratification  of  personal  advantage  ;— - 


292  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

all  is  disinterested  and  zealous; — all  is  prompted  by 
an  anxiety  to  understand  and  promulgate  the  word 
of  God. 

Though  learned  beyond  his  cotemporaries,  Lu- 
ther had  much  to  acquire  after  coming  forward  as 
an  author.  His  theological  knowledge  was  derived, 
in  great  part,  from  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  and, 
familiar  as  he  was  with  Scripture,  he  had  to  study 
its  most  difficult  passages  without  the  assistance  of 
intelligent  commentators.  It  was  more  suitable, 
however,  to  his  constitutional  ardour  to  attack  cor- 
ruption at  once  with  the  weapons  which  lay  at  hand, 
than  to  allow  time  to  pass  in  preparing  arms  of  a  less 
defective  character.  Hence  those  changes  and  in- 
consistencies in  particular  topics,  which,  however 
suspicious  in  the  eyes  of  the  weak  or  the  malignant, 
afford  to  the  considerate  observer  a  complete  evi- 
dence of  his  sincerity.  Conscious  of  pure  intention, 
Luther  felt  no  shame  in  acknowledging  the  errors 
arising  from  haste  or  engendered  by  early  prejudice. 
He  journeyed  along  the  track  of  inquiry  without  as- 
sistance ;  he  was  obliged  to  feel  his  way ;  and  it  was 
only  step  by  step  that  he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the 
true  path.  He  was  long  in  the  hope  that  the  head  of 
the  church  would  disapprove  of  the  indecent  sale  of 
Indulgences,  and  would  extend  support  to  the  man 
who  came  forward  to  denounce  it.  When  less  con- 
fident of  this  support,  he  was  inclined  to  ascribe  to 
bad  advisers  that  protection  of  vice  of  which  he  ac- 
counted the  pontiff  incapable.  Nor  could  he  prevail 
on  himself  to  think  otherwise  till  after  the  most  con- 
clusive proofs  that  no  integrity  of  motive  was  ac- 
counted a  justification  of  the  capital  crime  of  de- 
veloping the  corruption  of  the  church.     When  this 


HIS  CHARACTER.  293 

was  clearly  ascertained,  Luther's  choice  was  no 
longer  doubtful — the  establishment,  which  refused  to 
listen  to  reform,  became  in  his  view  an  object  for  di- 
rect and  unmitigated  hostility.  Many  years  of  his 
life  were  yet  to  pass,  and  his  views  in  points  of  doc- 
trine were  destined  to  undergo  several  changes;  but 
no  solicitation  or  argument  had  effect  in  altering  his 
behaviour  towards  the  church  of  Rome. 

After  his  rupture  with  the  pope,  and  the  adoption 
of  the  new  doctrine  by  a  numerous  body  of  converts, 
Luther  became  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  men  in 
Europe.  Princes  embraced  opportunities  of  convers- 
ing with  him,  and  senates  were  not  backward  in  ap- 
plying to  him  for  advice.  These  distinctions,  and 
the  influence  attached  to  them,  were  enjoyed  by  Lu- 
ther above  twenty  years,  yet  in  no  single  instance  did 
he  seek  to  turn  them  to  his  personal  advantage.  In- 
difference to  money  is  not  unfrequent  among  men  of 
his  secluded  habits,  but  how  few  individuals  would 
have  possessed  Luther's  power  without  making  it 
subservient  to  the  acquisition  of  rank  or  honours? 
All  these  were  disdained  by  him,  and  his  mind  re- 
mained wholly  occupied  with  the  diffusion  of  reli- 
gious truth.  Even  literary  fame  had  no  attractions 
for  Luther.  The  improvement  of  the  condition  of 
his  fellow  creatures  was  the  object  which  with  him 
superseded  every  other  consideration.  No  tempta- 
tion of  ambition  could  remove  him,  in  his  days  of  ce- 
lebrity, from  his  favourite  university  of  Wittemberg. 
While  his  doctrines  spread  far  and  wide,  and  wealthy 
cities  would  have  been  proud  to  receive  him,  Luther 
clung  to  the  spot  where  he  discharged  the  duty  of  a 
teacher,  and  to  the  associates  whom  he  had  known 
in  his  season  of  humilitv. 


294  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

In  considering  Luther  as  an  author,  we  are  struck 
with  the  extent  and  variety  of  his  labours.  They 
consist  of  controversial  tracts,  of  commentaries  on 
Scripture,  of  sermons,  of  letters,  and  of  narratives 
of  the  chief  events  of  his  life.  The  leading  feature 
of  his  controversial  writings  is  an  unvaried  confi- 
dence in  the  goodness  of  his  arguments.  It  never 
seems  to  occur  to  him  to  entertain  a  doubt  of  the  ac- 
curacy of  the  proposition  which  he  undertakes  to  de- 
fend. It  unavoidably  followed  that  he  bestowed  too 
little  time  on  analyzing  the  reasoning  of  others,  and 
on  reconsidering  his  own.  His  natural  temper  led 
him  to  conceive  strongly,  and  his  triumphs  over  the 
Romanists  powerfully  seconded  this  constitutional 
tendency.  The  same  warmth  led  him  to  avail  him- 
self of  the  aid  of  whatever  weapons  were  calculated 
to  reach  his  adversary.  Sarcasm  in  all  its  shapes, 
raillery,  ridicule,  direct  personality,  and  even  pun- 
ning, abound  in  his  controversial  tracts  to  a  degree 
which  is  hardly  justified  by  the  example  of  other 
writers  of  the  age.  Impatience  and  irritability  were 
his  great  faults,  and  they  are  abundantly  conspicuous 
in  his  writings.  No  sooner  had  he  formed  an  idea 
of  the  motives  or  of  the  doctrine  of  an  individual  at 
variance  with  himself,  than  he  made  it  the  object  of 
unsparing  condemnation.  Hence  the  endless  com- 
plaints from  adversaries  of  his  precipitation  and  rude- 
ness. Without  desiring  to  excuse  such  exceptionable 
characteristics,  it  is  due  to  his  memory  to  observe 
that  they  originated  in  no  malignant  intention.  They 
were  not  displayed  towards  inoffensive  persons,  nor 
were  they  meant  as  the  foundation  of  lasting  ani- 
mosity. They  were  often  the  ebullition  of  the  mo- 
ment, and  appear  to  have  been  carried,  in  the  heat  of 


HIS  CHARACTER.  295 

composition,  to  a  greater  length  thatf  Nvas  intended 
at  the  outset.  The  freedom  of  his  language  in  treat- 
ing of  the  conduct  of  the  great,  arose  partly  from 
constitutional  ardour,  and  partly  from  an  habitual 
impression  of  the  all-powerful  claims  of  truth.  The 
lofty  attitude  so  often  assumed  by  Luther  is  not 
therefore  to  be  attributed  to  pride  or  vanity.  In 
treating  of  the  Scriptures,  he  considered  himself  as 
acting  in  the  presence  of  God,  whose  majesty  and 
glory  were  so  infinitely  exalted  above  all  created  be- 
ings, as  to  reduce  to  one  and  the  same  level  the  arti- 
ficial distinctions  of  worldly  institutions.  Under  this 
conviction,  the  prince  or  the  king  who  ventured  to 
oppose  what  Luther  considered  the  word  of  God, 
seemed  to  him  no  more  exempted  from  severe  epi- 
thets than  the  humblest  of  his  adversaries.  However 
we  may  censure  the  length  to  which  his  freedom 
was  carried,  the  boldness  of  his  conduct  was,  on  the 
whole,  productive  of  much  good.  An  independent 
and  manly  tone  in  regard  not  only  to  religion,  but  to 
civil  liberty,  literature,  the  arts  and  sciences,  was  cre- 
ated and  disseminated  by  his  example. 

His  compositions  of  all  kinds,  including  sermons 
and  epistolary  disquisitions,  are  calculated,  by  his  dis- 
tinguished biographer,  Seckendorff,  at  the  extraordi- 
nary number  of  eleven  hundred  and  thirty-seven. 
When  we  consider,  in  addition,  the  extent  of  his  pub- 
lic duty,  and  the  variety  of  his  correspondence,  w» 
cannot  fail  to  admire  the  prodigious  efforts  of  his  in- 
dustry. Where  the  mass  of  writing  was  so  large, 
we  must  expect  little  polish  of  style.  Luther's  ima- 
gination was  vigorous,  but  the  cultivation  of  taste  en- 
gaged no  part  of  his  attention.  His  inelegance  of 
style  has  been  chiefly  remarked  in  his  Latin  publica- 


296  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

tions.  His  taste  in  early  life  had  been  corrupted  by 
the  barbarous  diction  of  the  scholastic  divines,  and  in 
his  riper  years  he  was  too  impatient  to  communicate 
the  substance  of  his  thoughts,  to  bestow  much  atten- 
tion on  the  dress  in  which  they  appeared.  It  suited 
his  ardour  to  commit  to  paper  the  impression  of  the 
moment,  and  to  give  free  course  to  that  excitement 
which  grows  strongly  on  men  of  his  temper  in  the 
progress  of  composition.  The  consequence  is  that  his 
sentences  are  generally  of  great  length  ;  the  succeed- 
ing members  appearing  an  expansion,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  a  repetition,  of  what  had  gone  before.  No 
pains  were  taken  to  promote  clearness,  and  very  little 
to  correct  ambiguity.  As  he  was  wholly  indifferent 
to  the  praise  of  elegance,  he  gave  himself  no  trouble 
about  the  choice  of  words.  When  classical  vocables 
did  not  readily  occur  to  him,  he  had  no  scruple  in 
making  a  new  word  by  giving  a  Latin  termination  to 
an  expression  borrowed  from  the  Greek,  or  some 
other  language.  His  arrangement  is  equally  defec- 
tive, and  the  result  of  all  this  is,  that  his  works  are 
full  of  obscure  passages.  Some  of  them  are  so  much 
involved,  that  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  make  out  the 
meaning.  In  his  German  compositions  the  case  is 
different.  His  translation  of  the  Bible  has  been  al- 
ways admired,  and  his  hymns  have  given  way  to  ver- 
sifications of  later  date  in  consequence  only  of  the 
progressive  change  in  the  language. 

His  theological  system  he  professed  to  found  alto- 
gether on  the  authority  of  Scripture.  Such,  it  must 
be  allowed,  was  in  a  great  measure  the  case,  although 
his  predilection  for  the  writings  of  Augustine  influ- 
enced his  creed  to  a  degree  of  which  he  was  perhaps 
unconscious.     Of  his   commentaries   and   sermons. 


HIS  CHARACTER.  297 

many  were  printed  from  the  notes  of  hearers,  and, 
though  generally  shown  to  him  beforehand,  he  was 
so  indifferent  to  fame,  so  immersed  in  business,  and 
so  intent  on  the  object  of  the  moment,  that  he  al- 
lowed them  to  go  forth  without  much  correction. 
The  plan  of  his  discourses,  if  plan  it  can  be  called, 
was  not  calculated  to  procure  him  reputation  on  the 
score  of  composition.  The  leading  points  of  contro- 
versy between  him  and  the  Catholics  are  introduced 
on  all  occasions,  and  some  of  his  favourite  doctrines, 
such  as  justification  by  faith  without  works,  could 
never,  he  seems  to  have  thought,  be  out  of  season. 
On  the  other  hand,  few  writers  discover  greater 
knowledge  of  the  world,  or  a  happier  talent  in  ana- 
lyzing and  illustrating  the  shades  of  character.  In 
this  respect  Luther  is  greatly  superior  to  those  who 
form  their  notions  of  mankind  in  the  stillness  of  their 
closet.  It  is  equally  remarkable  that  no  man  could 
display  more  forcibly  the  tranquil  consolations  of  re- 
ligion. Though  unable  to  subdue  his  impetuosity  of 
temper,  he  was  anxious  to  moderate  it,  and  seems  to 
have  been  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  means  which 
it  is  incumbent  on  us  to  use  for  that  purpose. 

Let  us  now  turn  aside  from  Luther's  public  cha- 
racter, and  contemplate  him  in  the  scenes  of  private 
life.  Warm  as  he  was  in  temper,  and  unaccustomed 
to  yield  to  authoritative  demands,  he  yet  possessed 
much  of  the  milk  of  human  kindness.  Few  men 
entered  with  more  ardour  into  the  innocent  plea- 
sures of  society.  His  frankness  of  disposition  was 
apparent  at  the  first  interview,  and  his  communica- 
tive turn,  joined  to  the  richness  of  his  stores,  ren- 
dered his  conversation  remarkably  interesting.  In 
treating    of   humorous   subjects,   he   discovered   as 

2V 


298  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

much  vivacity  and  playfulness  as  if  he  had  been  a 
man  unaccustomed  to  serious  research.  The  visitor 
of  Luther's  domestic  circle  was  assured  of  witnessing; 
a  pleasing  union  of  religious  service  with  conjugal 
and  paternal  affection.  His  fondness  for  music  con- 
tinued during  life,  and  spread  a  charm  over  the  dis- 
charge of  his  serious  duties.  He  was  always  a 
zealous  advocate  for  the  use  of  music  in  public  wor- 
ship. In  an  evening  before  parting  from  his  family 
and  his  friends,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  regularly 
singing  a  hymn.  This  he  usually  did  in  a  high  key, 
and  with  all  the  advantage  of  a  delightful  voice.  In 
his  hours  of  occasional  dejection,  music  proved  his 
most  pleasant  and  effectual  restorative.*  It  was 
much  to  be  regretted  that  his  constitution,  though 
apparently  robust,  by  no  means  afforded  him  the 
steady  enjoyment  of  health.  Whether  from  taking 
too  little  exercise,  or  from  the  repeated  occurrence 
of  mental  agitation,  he  was  subject  to  frequent  and 
severe  headaches.  In  respect  to  diet,  he  was  re- 
markably abstemious,  a  habit  probably  acquired  in 
the  monastery,  and  continued  in  consequence  of  the 
sedentary  nature  of  his  occupations. 

The  diffusion  of  religious  knowledge  being  always 
foremost  in  Luther's  mind,  he  was  fond,  when 
along  with  his  friends,  of  turning  the  conversation 
in  that  direction.  Nor  was  there  any  objection  to 
it  on  the  part  of  his  associates.  The  fluency  of  his 
arguments  and  the  spirit  of  his  illustrations  were 
calculated  to  divest  serious  topics  of  whatever  might 
be  forbidding,  and  to  give  them  all  the  attraction  of 
subjects  of  amusement.  The  study  of  Scripture 
elucidated   by  Luther,   appeared   no  longer   in  the 

*  See  Appendix  F  F. 


HIS  CHARACTER.  299 

light  of  a  task,  and  the  ponderous  writings  of  the 
Fathers  seemed  in  his  hands  divested  of  their  cus- 
tomary incumbrance. 

If,  among  the  numerous  virtues  of  Luther,  we 
seek  for  that  which  more  particularly  characterized 
him,  we  shall  fix,  without  hesitation,  on  his  con- 
tempt for  the  terrors  of  power.  It  was  to  this  un- 
daunted spirit  that  he  was  chiefly  indebted  for  his 
usefulness  and  celebrity.  To  maintain  the  cause  of 
truth,  as  a  servant  of  God,  was  a  task  in  which  no 
danger  could  appal  him.  His  courage  arose  from 
no  hasty  resolution,  and  still  less  from  any  hidden 
ambition — it  was  a  firm,  deliberate  determination, 
founded  on  thorough  conviction,  and  unconscious  of 
abatement  under  the  most  embarrassing  circum- 
stances. Regardless  of  the  threats  of  foes,  or  the 
expostulations  of  friends,  he  persevered  in  his  course, 
and  looked  forward,  with  patience  and  confidence, 
to  "  reap  in  joy  what  he  had  sown  in  tears." 

Again,  if  we  pass  from  the  examination  of  his 
mind  to  a  view  of  the  different  capacities  in  which 
he  came  before  the  public,  we  shall  see  him  to 
greatest  advantage  in  the  character  of  a  preacher. 
He  mounted  the  pulpit  full  of  his  subject,  and  eager 
to  diffuse  a  portion  of  his  stores  among  his  audience. 
The  hearer's  attention  was  aroused  by  the  boldness 
and  novelty  of  the  ideas ;  it  was  kept  up  by  the 
ardour  with  which  he  saw  the  preacher  inspired. 
In  the  discourse  there  was  nothing  of  the  stiffness  of 
laboured  composition;  in  the  speaker  no  affectation 
in  voice  or  gesture.  Luther's  sole  object  was  to 
bring  the  truth  fully  and  forcibly  before  his  congre- 
gation.    His  delivery  was  aided  by  a  clear  clocu- 


300  THE  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

tion,  and  his  diction  had  all  the  copiousness  of  a 
fervent  imagination. 

Luther  left  the  little  property  which  he  possessed 
to  his  dear  Catherine  de  Bora.  She  removed  after 
his  death  to  Torgau,  and  survived  him  nearly  seven 
years.  His  family,  consisting  of  a  daughter  in  addi- 
tion to  the  three  sons  already  mentioned,  were  re- 
lieved from  hereditary  poverty  by  the  liberality  of 
the  elector  of  Saxony  and  the  counts  of  Mansfeld. 
The  grandson  of  Paul,  the  youngest  of  Luther's 
sons,  lived  in  the  time  of  Seckendorff,  and  occupied 
a  respectable  situation.* 

*  See  Appendix  G  G. 


AWaSUDSSU 


NOTES. 

[A.  page  18.] 

IT  would  be  tedious  and  disgusting  to  report  the  end- 
less calumnies  circulated  by  the  meaner  class  of  Catholic 
writers  in  regard  to  Luther.  Every  thing  respecting  his 
birth,  education  and  character,  is  made  to  wear  an  unna- 
tural shape.  As  a  specimen,  take  the  following  assertion 
from  the  works  of  Gabriel  Prateolus  Mareopius,  De  Vitis, 
Sectis,  et  Dogmatibus  omnium  Hereticorum.  Edit.  Cologn. 
1569.  271:  "  Sunt  qui  Lutherum  scribunt  incubo  natum, 
qui  ejus  matrem  balnei,  publici  servulam,  oppresserit." 
By  incubus  we  are  to  understand  a  demon  in  human  shape, 
and  by  way  of  giving  farther  consistency  to  the  story,  the 
appearance  said  to  be  assumed  was  that  of  a  slave  dealer, 
a  class  of  men  notorious  for  their  profligacy. 

Another  tale,  not  quite  so  absurd  or  monstrous,  was  the 
assertion  that  Luther  was  a  native  of  Bohemia,  and  a  de- 
scendant of  John  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague.  The  re- 
puted heresy  and  unfortunate  death  of  these  men,  who  had 
been  committed  to  the  flames  by  order  of  the  Council  of 
Constance,  were  calculated  to  affix,  in  vulgar  apprehension, 
a  stain  on  whoever  might  be  related  to  them. 


[B.  page  21.] 

Ignorance  of  the  Monks. — The  works  of  Ulrich  Hutten 
of  Franconia,  entitled  Epistolce  obscurorum  Virorum^  ridi- 
cules with  great  felicity  the  bad  Latin,  and  general  igno- 
rance of  the  opposers  of  the  revival  of  learning.  That 
which  Hutten  censured  in  Latin,  designedly  bad,  afforded 
to  Buchannan  an  admirable  subject  for  satire  in  his 
"  Franciscanus  "  and  "  Fratres  Fraterrimi."  The  classic 
elegance,  the  harmony,  and  the  nervous  declamation  of 


302  APPENDIX.— Notes  C.— D. 

the  Franciscanus,  lias  never  been  surpassed.  Juvenal,  it  i:> 
plain,  was  Buchannan's  model. — An  interesting-  account 
of  Hutten  is  to  be  seen  in  Seckendorff,  p.  130.  See  also 
Hottinger  de  Necessit.  Reform,  p.  13,  who  relates  that 
when  Erasmus  first  perused  the  Epistolce  obscurorurn  Vi- 
ronnn,  he  laughed  so  immoderately  as  to  burst  an  abscess 
in  his  face,  which  his  physician  had  directed  to  be  lanced. 
— A  farther  account  of  Hutten  is  given  in  Melchior.  Adam. 
Vit.  German.  Jurisconsult,  et  Politic.  Melchior.  Adam 
is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  being  an  indefatigable  compiler; 
but  there  is  very  little  original  composition  in  his  book, 
and,  in  regard  to  Luther,  he  has  transcribed  almost  all 
that  Melanethon  has  recorded  on  the  subject  of  his  life. 


[C.  page  22.] 

The  origin  of  degrees  in  the  universities  of  Europe,  is 
a  subject  of  curious  disquisition.  These  distinctions  were 
unknown  to  the  ancients,  and  appear  to  have  been  invented 
by  the  clergy,  who  were  the  only  scholars  in  the  dark  ages, 
by  way  of  giving  consequence  to  their  order.  The  most 
probable  account  is  that  they  were  introduced  when  Lom- 
bard's book  of  Sentences  made  its  appearance.*  Those 
who  commented  on  it  were  called  "  Doctors"  or  "  Teach- 
ers," while  Lombard  himself  was  named  "  Master." 


[D.  page  26.] 

Luther's  father  did  not  cease  to  express,  during  several 
vears,  a  disapprobation  of  his  monastic  vow.  Seckend.  p. 
19.  Luther  afterwards  acknowledged  that  this  reproof 
was  never  forgotten  by  him,  and  that  it  sounded  like  the 
voice  of  God.  De  Vot.  Monast.  It  is  a  singular  coinci- 
dence, that  Savonarola,  who  preceded  Luther  in  his  at- 
tempts at  reformation,  and  whose  fate  was  so  tragical,  also 
declared  that  he  became  a  monk  in  compliance  with  the 
express  command  of  Heaven.  His  parents  were  in  like 
manner  averse  from  the  resolution  he  had  taken.  Mirand. 
Vit.  Sav.  C.  5.  Also  Savonar.  Epp.  Spirit,  et  Ascet, 
translated  by  Quetif.  p.  9. 

Spelman's  Glossavium 


APPENDIX.— Notes  E.— F.  303 


[E.  page  27.] 

"  Initio  etiani  durius  a  fratribus  fuit  habitus,  dum  cus- 
todis,  at  vocant,  officio  fungi,  et  loca  immunda  purgare, 
coactus  fuit;  uti  et  cum  sacco  per  civitatem  ambulare,  Sec. 
Melch.  Ad.  Autor  est  duriter  habitum  fuisse  a  monarches 
vilissimisque  servitiis  gravatum,"  &c.     Seckend.  p.  21. 


[F.  page  30.] 

Of  Luther's  knowledge  of  Latin  and  Greek  in  the  early 
part  of  his  life,  Ludovicus  Vives  expresses  himself  thus  in 
Ids  celebrated  work,  "  Ue  Causis  corruptarum  Artium," 
Lib.  ii.  p.   363.     Edit.  Basil.   1555.     "  Quid,  v.imi  ndn 
etiam  Lutherns  et  dialecticus,  et  Sophista,  et  Theologu 
scholasticus,  et  quidem  magis  qUam  Latinus  ?  nam  Gra-;' 
nihil  penitus  noverat,  quum  ad  scribendum  aecessit,  Latim 
parum  adrnodum  ;    et  qua?  tuenda  susceperat,   dialecti 
et  argumentatiunculis  tutatus  est  non  linguis." 

Erasmus'  edition  of  the  New  Testament  was  publi 
in  February,  1516,  and  was  the  labour  of  live  month 
ly.     The  Polyglott  of  Ximenes  had  been  printed  . 
time  before  this,   but  in  consequence  either  of  an  int 
from  the  Pope,  or  from  not  procuring  leave  to  pub 
Erasmus  had  not  seen  it.     Vid.  Millie,  prolegom.  Ad.  N. 
T.  P.  iii.  also  Wetsten.  prolegom.  p.  120.     The  commen- 
tator in   the  highest  repute  at  that  time  was  Nicolas  de 
Lyra.      Father  Simon  gives  a  character  of  Lyra  in  his 
Hist.  Crit.  des  principaux  Commentat.  du  Nouveau  Tes- 
tament, Chap.  33,  and  also  in  his  Hist.  Crit.  du  Vieux 
Test.  Liv.  iii.  Chap.  xi.     Lyra's  commentary,  as  far  as  I 
have  consulted  it,  appears  to  be  a  work  of  considerable 
merit ;  he  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century.     Laurentius  Valla  distinguished  himself  in  the 
fifteenth  century  by  a  work  entitled,   De  Collatione  Novi 
Testament!  libri  duo.    Bellarmine  says  of  him,  "  Precur- 
sor quidam  Lutheranse  sectse  videtur."    Liber  i.  c.  7.    De 
Poenit.    Valla's  epitaph  may  be  seen  in  the  Lateran.     He 
died  in  1465.     See   his  character  as  a  critic  in   Simon's 
Hist.  Crit.  du  N.  T.  Chap.  34.     His  book  is  chiefly  phi- 
lological.    Revius  published  an  edition  at  Amsterdam  in 
1630.  in  18mo.  to  which  he  has  subjoined  a  few  annota- 


304  APPENDIX.— Note  G.— H. 

tions.     The  works  of  the  authors  mentioned  in  this  note, 
are  frequently  referred  to  by  Luther. 


[G.  page  32.] 

The  monk's  explanation  of  this  doctrine  of  the  creed 
was  curious.  "  Non  solum  in  genere  credendum  esse, 
aliquibus  remitti,  ut  et  Da?mones  credunt,  Davidi  aut  Pe- 
tro  remitti :  sed  mandatum  Dei  esse,  ut  singuli  homines 
nobis  remitti  peccati  credamus."  Melch.  Ad. — Luther,  it 
seems,  derived  comfort  from  this  reasoning.  It  contains 
an  obscure  enunciation  of  the  doctrine  called  the  act  of 
appropriation,  an  attachment  to  which  was  the  cause  of 
the  great  body  of  dissenters  in  Scotland  leaving  the  esta- 
blishment early  in  the  last  century.  This  goes  generally 
by  the  odd  name  of  the  Marrow  Controversy,  owing  to  one 
Fisher  having  published  in  England  about  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  a  book  which  he  called  the 
Marrow  of  Modern  Divinity,  the  republication  of  which 
gave  occasion  to  great  disputes.  Mr.  Hervey  defended 
the  same  doctrine  in  his  sixteenth  dialogue  between  Theron 
and  Aspasio,  which  was  vigorously  attacked  by  Robert 
Sandeman,  under  the  fictitious  name  of  Palsemon.  Cud- 
worth  answered  Sandeman. 


[H.  page  33.] 

Extemporary  preaching  appears  to  have  been  common 
in  and  before  the  days  of  Luther,  so  that  the  usual  way  of 
giving  to  the  public  the  subject  of  a  discourse,  was  from 
notes  taken  by  one  of  the  hearers.  Erasm.  Ep.  Lib.  xvii. 
Ep.  24.  On  the  titlepages  of  many  editions  of  the  dis- 
courses of  popular  preachers,  before  and  about  the  time  of 
Erasmus,  there  is  a  print  of  a  congregation  assembled,  with 
a  person  haranguing  them,  and  there  is  always  a  clerk  at 
the  foot  of  the  desk  with  a  book  and  a  pen  in  his  hand. — 
Indeed  many  of  those  sermons  were  published  by  the  Nota- 
ries, as  they  were  called.  Savonarola's  sermons,  many  of 
Luther's  discourses  and  commentaries,  (that  on  the  Gala- 
tians  in  particular,)  were  prepared  for  the  press  by  those 
persons.  An  interesting,  though  rudely  executed  print, 
is  to  be  seen  on  the  titlepage  of  the  edition  of  the  sermons 


APPENDIX.— Note  I.  305 

of  the  former,  published  in  Italian  at  Venice  in  1540.  A 
very  well  executed  print  by  Picart,  of  a  similar  description, 
is  prefixed  to  Gerson's  works.  Edit.  Antw.  1706,  published 
by  Dupin. 

[I.  page  34.] 

Savonarola  was  of  the  Dominican  order,  and  was  com- 
mitted to  the  flames  at  Florence  in  the  year  1498,  when  he 
bore  his  fate  with  triumphant  fortitude  and  serenity.  Mosh. 
Vol.  iii.  p.  257.  For  a  full  account  of  the  persecutions  of 
Savonarola  and  of  the  circumstances  by  which  his  destruc- 
tion was  accomplished,  as  well  as  a  refutation  of  the  false 
accusations  made  against  him,  consult  Seckend.  p.  119. 
See  also  his  life  by  JohnPicus  Mirandola,  published  at  Paris 
in  2  vols.  12mo.  with  ample  notes  and  additions,  in  1674. 
This  contains  a  great  deal  of  curious  matter,  blended,  it 
must  be  acknowledged,  with  a  large  portion  of  enthusiasm. 
Guicciardin  has  referred  to  him  in  various  parts  of  his  work. 
L.  i.  p.  132,  133.  156.  257.  291,  &c.  and  Vignier  de  Bar, 
De  l'histoire  de  l'Eglise.  p.  622.  Leyden,  1601. 

Mr.  Roscoe  in  his  Leo  X.  Vol.  i.  p.  278,  279,  and  in  his 
Loren.  di  Med.  Vol.  ii.  p.  269,  gives  a  very  unfavourable 
account  of  Savonarola.  This  unfortunate  man  was  not,  I 
allow,  without  his  faults  ;  but  the  reader  who  is  disposed  to 
examine  the  authorities  quoted  in  this  note,  will  be  sur- 
prised to  find  so  little  evidence  in  confirmation  of  Mr.  Ros- 
coe's  opinion.  I  have  specified  the  passages  in  Guicciar- 
din, in  which  that  historian  animadverts  upon  Savonarola, 
that  every  one  may  judge  for  himself.  The  value  of  Mr. 
Roscoe's  works  is  considerably  impaired  by  the  great  par- 
tiality he  shows  to  the  advocates  of  the  court  of  Rome. 
Thus,  he  almost  invariably  gives  the  preference  to  Palla- 
vicini  when  in  direct  opposition  to  Father  Paul,  though  he 
could  not  fail  to  know,  that  the  former  of  these  writers  was 
rewarded  with  a  cardinal's  hat  by  the  court  of  Rome,  for 
defending  their  cause,  and  was  in  short  their  professed 
apologist.  In  like  manner  he  has  given  the  preference  to 
the  Jesuit  Maimbourg's  history  of  Lutheranism,  though  he 
makes  his  references  to  Seckendorff's  translation,  and  con- 
sequently had  the  antidote  before  him. 

Savonarola's  works  are  not  numerous.  His  "  Triumph 
of  the  Cross"  is  a  book  of  considerable  merit,  and  written 
in  a  manner  more  methodical  and  philosophical  than  one 

2Q 


306  APPENDIX.— Note  I. 

would  have  expected  in  that  age.  Its  general  tendency 
seems  to  be  an  attempt  to  prove  the  reasonableness  of  Chris- 
tianity in  all  its  doctrines.  His  sermons  in  Italian  are  ac- 
counted very  eloquent.  His  works  must  have  contributed 
much  to  form  Luther's  sentiments  in  regard  to  religion  : 
and,  without  detracting  from  our  Reformer,  the  Domini- 
can's creed  differed  little  from  his. 

Kempis. — The  real  name  of  Kempis  was  Thomas  Ha- 
merken  von  Kempen.  He  was  a  regular  canon  of  the  St. 
Augustine  monastery  of  St.  Agnesberg  near  Swol,  under 
the  chapter  of  Windesheim.  Brandt's  Hist,  of  Reform,  in 
the  Low  Countries,  Vol.  i.  p.  29. — Scarcely  any  book  ever 
occasioned  more  bitter  contests  than  the  work  which  now 
goes  under  the  name  of  Kempis.  It  has  been  ascribed  not 
only  to  Kempis,  but  to  St.  Bernard,  to  John  Gerson,  chan- 
cellor of  the  university  of  Paris,  and  to  one  John  Gessen. 
The  canons  regular  and  the  Benedictines  have  each  claimed 
it  as  their  own.  It  is  certain  that  when  first  published, 
it  was  attributed  to  Gerson.  But  since  the  edition  of 
Budius  in  1520,  it  has  generally  been  published  under 
the  name  of  Kempis.  Trifling  as  this  dispute  may  now 
appear,  it  excited  in  1641  such  attention  in  France,  that 
cardinal  Richlieu  sent  a  deputation  from  Paris  to  Rome 
to  examine  the  manuscripts  which  were  said  to  be  found  in 
the  Vatican.  The  indefatigable  Dupin  has  examined  the 
evidence  on  the  subject  in  a  dissertation  of  112  pages,  and 
concludes  by  saying,  that  he  can  decidedly  affirm,  that 
Bernard  and  Gessen  have  no  claim,  but  can  assert  nothing 
as  to  the  real  author.  He  seems,  however,  inclined  to  as- 
cribe it  to  Gerson.  Hist,  des  Controverses  et  des  Matieres 
Eccles.  To.  xiv.  p.  585.  Paris,  8vo.  1698. 

Gerson. — John  Charlier  was  surnamed  Gerson,  from  a 
village  in  the  diocess  of  Rheims  near  to  Rhetel,  in  which 
he  was  born  in  1363.  He  went  to  Paris  at  the  age  of 
fourteen,  and  was  admitted  into  the  society  of  Artists  of 
the  college  of  Navarre.  After  having  studied  Latin  and 
philosophy,  he  was  admitted  in  1382  into  the  Society  of 
Divines,  and  having  studied  ten  years  under  Peter  de  Al- 
liaco  and  Gilles  Dechamps,  he  took  his  doctor's  degree  in 
1392.  He  afterwards  succeeded  his  master  Alliaco  as 
Chancellor  of  the  university,  and  canon  of  a  church  at  Pa- 
ris.    He  died  in  1439.     Dupin,  L.  14.  p.  223. 

Tauhrus. — "  Joh.  Tauleri  sermones" — "  neque  in  La- 
tina  neque  in  Germanica  lingua  se  vidisse  Theologiam  sa- 


APPENDIX.— Note  K.  30T 

lubriorem  et  cum  evangelio  consonantiorem."  Such  were 
Luther's  expressions  in  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  in  December, 
1516.  Taulerus  was  a  German  and  a  Dominican  of  Co- 
logne, and  one  of  the  most  celebrated  preachers  of  his  time. 
Surius  translated  his  sermons  into  Latin  from  the  German, 
and  printed  them  at  Cologne  in  1548,  with  some  small 
pieces,  which  relate  chiefly  to  practical  divinity.  Taule- 
rus died  in  1361.  Acta  Sanctorum  Januarii.  Tom.  ii.  p. 
652.  Dupin  Hist.  Controv.  Eccles.  T.  xiii.  p.  272.  Some 
ascribe  to  him  also  the  Theologia  Germanica.  See  Bayle. 
Art.  Taulerus. 

Augustine  and  Bernard. — In  To.  iii.  of  Dupin's  work, 
the  history  of  Augustine  and  a  summary  of  the  contents 
of  his  works  are  given  at  great  length.  In  To.  x.  there 
is  to  be  found  an  ample  account  of  the  life  and  writings 
of  Bernard. 

[K.  page  36.] 

Gabriel. — Gabriel  Biel  was  by  birth  a  Swiss,  though 
some  affirm  that  he  came  from  Spires.  Eberhard,  count 
of  Wirtemberg,  founded  a  university  at  Tubingen  in  1477, 
in  which  Biel  was  professor  of  philosophy  and  divinity. 
After  he  had  taught  with  reputation  for  some  years,  he 
entered  into  the  Order  of  Coenobite  clergy,  and  died,  ac- 
cording to  some,  in  1495,  although  others  affirm  that  he 
lived  till  1520.  His  most  celebrated  work  is  his  commen- 
tary on  the  Sentences,  a  book  which  will  be  afterwards  no- 
ticed. The  title  of  the  only  edition  I  have  seen  is  "  Re- 
positorium  generale  et  succinctum,  verimtamen  valde  utile 
atque  necessaritim  :  contentorum  in  quatuor  collectoriis 
acutissimi  et  profundissimi  Theologi  Gabrielis  Biel  super 
quatuor  libros  sententiarum."    Tubing.  1501. 

Cammeracensis. — The  real  name  of  Cammeracensis  was 
Peter  de  Alliaco.  He  was  a  Frenchman,  born  of  very  poor 
parents  in  1350,  and  educated  in  the  college  of  Navarre, 
which  he  entered  as  a  bursar  in  1372.  He  began  to  teach 
the  Sentences  in  1375,  and  had  for  pupils  John  Gerson  and 
Nic.  Climangius.  In  1389  he  was  elected  Chancellor  of 
the  university  of  Paris  and  confessor  to  Charles  VI.  In 
1394  he  was  made  treasurer  of  the  chapel  royal.  In 
1409  he  was  present  at  the  Council  of  Pisa;  was  created 
a  cardinal  in  1411;  and  died  in  1425.  He  was  called 
"  Aquila  Franciae,  et  malleus  a  veritate  aberrantium  hide- 
fessus."     His  works  are  numerous. 


308  APPENDIX.— Notes  L.— jYL 


[L.  page  40.] 

Origen. — The  original  of  the  work  in  which  Origen  at- 
tempted to  establish  a  concordance  between  Christianity 
and  Platonism  is  unfortunately  lost.  It  was  entitled  tfsg* 
dg^wv,  "  de  principiis."  A  translation  by  Ruffinus  is  still 
preserved,  but  he  has  added  many  opinions  of  his  own,  so 
that  it  is  now  impossible  to  ascertain  what  ought  to  be  as- 
cribed to  Origen. 


[M.  page  42.] 

Abelard. — The  history  of  this  unfortunate  man  is  known 
in  this  country  from  Mr.  Pope's  beautiful  poem.  The 
story  is  told  at  much  greater  length,  and  with  scarcely 
less  interest,  by  Abelard  himself  in  his  first  letter,  entitled 
"  Historia  Calamitatum  Abelardi  ad  amicum  scripta." 
He  died  20th  April,  1142,  aged  63.  Vid.  Prref.  Apolog. 
prefixed  to  Abelard's  works.  Paris,  1616.  The  history  of 
Abelard  is  well  elucidated  by  Andrew  Quercetanus,  in 
notes,  which  are  subjoined  to  the  edition  published  at  the 
expense  of  Francis  Ambaese,  councellor  of  state.  Dup. 
Hist,  de  Controv.  T.  10.  p.  360—409. 

Lombard,  magister  sententiarum.  Lombard  was  born  in 
a  village  of  Navarre,  in  Lombardy,  and  studied  at  Bologna. 
From  his  eminence  as  a  scholar  he  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  French  so  much,  that  when  the  archbishopric  of 
Paris  became  vacant  and  was  offered  to  Philip,  the  son  of 
Louis  le  Gros,  he  declined  it,  and  gave  it  to  Lombard. 
He  died  in  1164,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Mar- 
cel, where  the  licentiates  of  the  faculty  of  Paris  were 
obliged,  until  the  late  revolution,  to  say  mass  in  honour  of 
his  memory. 

The  question  respecting  the  existence  of  univeral  ideas 
was,  in  former  ages,  a  source  of  endless  controversy  in  the 
schools.  This  was  more  particularly  the  case  during  the 
two  centuries  previous  to  the  time  of  Luther.  The  parties 
were  generally  known  by  the  distinction  of  "Nominalists" 
and  "  Realists,"  and  their  mutual  acrimony  gave  occasion 
not  only  to  persecution  but  to  bloodshed.  I  subjoin  a 
short  notice  of  one  of  the  principal  leaders  on  each  side. 

Thomas  Aquinas  (founder  of  the  Thomists)  was  called 


APPENDIX.— Note  N.  309 

the  "  Angelical  Doctor."  He  was  descended  from  the 
royal  house  of  Sicily  and  Arragon,  and  horn  in  1224. 
After  being  educated  at  the  monastery  of  Mont  Cassin,  he 
was  sent  to  Naples  where  he  studied  Latin  and  philosophy. 
He  became  a  preacher  in  spite  of  his  mother,  who,  in  1241, 
caused  him  to  be  imprisoned  and  confined  in  a  castle  for 
two  years.  He  went  to  Paris  in  1244,  and  took  his  doc- 
tor's degree  in  1255.  He  went  to  Italy  in  1263,  and  after 
having  taught  the  school  philosophy  in  many  universities, 
he  settled  at  Naples,  and  refused  an  archbishopric  which 
Clement  IV.  offered  him.  In  1274,  he  was  called  by 
Gregory  X.  to  the  Council  of  Lyons,  but  died  on  the  road 
at  the  age  of  50. 

John  Dunscotus  (founder  of  the  Scotists)  called  the 
"  Subtile  Doctor,"  who  flourished  about  1300,  opposed 
the  doctrines  of  Thomas.  He  was  followed  in  this  by  his 
brethren  of  the  Minorites.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  was 
of  an  English-  or  Scotish  family.  He  was  educated  at 
Merton  College,  Oxford,  and  taught  divinity  there.  He 
next  went  to  France,  and  taught  with  great  reputation  in 
the  university  of  Paris.  Dupin,  T.  12.  p.  252.  and  T.  13. 
p.  195.    Sleidan.  Lib.  i.    Camden,  Britann.  Northumber. 

Luther  changed  his  opinion  of  the  school-logic  as  soon 
as  he  began  to  inquire  and  think  for  himself.  He  used 
after  that  to  call  Aristotle  Momus,  and  said  of  the  scholas- 
tic theology ;  "  Nihil  posse  tarn  argute  proponi  quod  non 
rursus  possit  retundi,  miserum  illud  pistrinum  abunde  do- 
cet  in  quo  Scotista?,  Thomistae,  Albertista?,  moderni  et  sin- 
guli  in  suas  quoque  sectas  divisi,  tempus  perdunt."  Luth. 
Dedicat.  to  Frederick,  prefixed  to  his  Commentary  on  the 
Psalms. 

[N.  page  44.] 

Reuchlin,  surnamed  Capnion. — "  Capnion  "  in  Greek, 
like  Reuchlin  in  German,  signifies  "  smoke."  From  the 
days  of  Jerome,  few  Christians  understood  Hebrew,  till 
Reuchlin,  by  his  indefatigable  exertions,  made  the  study 
of  it  popular.  He  published  rudiments,  and  a  Lexicon  of 
the  Hebrew  Tongue.  Vid.  Vit.  Jo.  Reuchlin  Phorcensis, 
primi  in  Germania  Hebraicarum  Grsecarumque  et  aliarum 
bonarum  Literarum  Instauratoris,  a  Jo.  Henrico  Maio. 
Frankfort,  1687,  p.  7.  142.  164.  32.  238.  143.  Reuchlin 
was  persecuted  by  the  admirers  of  the  scholastic  philoso- 


310  APPENDIX.— Notes  O.— P. 

phy  for  his  endeavours  to  promote  the  study  of  Hebrew. 
Melch.  Ad.  Vit.  Capnion.  Seckend.  p.  19.  In  1497,  he 
caused  a  comedy  in  Latin  verse  to  be  acted  at  Heidelberg, 
at  the  palace  of  the  bishop  of  Worms.  When  at  Paris, 
about  the  year  1470,  he  had  seen  the  famous  farce  of 
VAvocat  Patelin  performed,  and  the  Latin  comedy  acted 
at  Worms  was  an  imitation  of  this.  L'Enfant.  Hist.  C. 
Const.  L.  v.  The  Reformers  did  not  disapprove  of  thea- 
trical representations,  nor  of  music  and  dancing,  provided 
they  were  kept  within  proper  bounds.  Vid.  De  Regno 
Christi.  L.  ii.  Cap.  54.  Bucer.  Script.  Anglican,  p.  141, 
he.  "  De  Honestis  Ludis."  Edit.  Basil.  1577.— Ocolam- 
padius  wrote  six  tragedies.  Melch.  Ad.  Vit.  Ocolampad. 


[O.  page  47.] 

It  may  gratify  the  reader  to  see  in  the  original,  this  no- 
table extract  from  Luther's  composition: 

"  Lector  sciat,  me  fuisse  aliquando  monachum  et  papis- 
tam  insanissimum,  cum  istam  causarn  aggressus  sum  ;  ita 
ebrium,  imp  submersum,  in  dogmatibus  Papae,  ut  paratissi- 
mus  fuerim  omnes,  si  potuissem,  occidere,  aut  occidenti- 
bus  cooperari  et  consentire,  qui  Papa?  vel  una  syllaba 
obedientiam  detrectarent.  Non  eram  ita  glacies  et  frigus 
ipsum  in  defendendo  papatu,  sicut  fuit  Eccius  et  sui  simi- 
les, qui  mini  verius  propter  suum  ventrem  Papam  adhuc 
defendere  videbantur,  quam  quod  serio  rem  agerent.  Imo 
ridere  mihi  Papam  adhuc  hodie  videntur  velut  Epicuraei. 
Ego  serio  rem  agebam,  ut  qui  diem  extremum  horribiliter 
timui,  et  tamen  salvus  fieri  ex  intimis  medullis  cupiebam." 


[P.  page  56.] 

Lorenzo  Pucci  was  a  native  of  Florence,  Apostolic  Pro- 
thonotary  (an  officer  whose  duty  consisted  originally  in 
recording  the  acts  of  martyrs,)  and  Datary  to  Julius  II. 
and  Leo  X.  In  this  latter  capacity  he  had  the  charge  of 
expediting  the  petitions  presented  to  the  pope.  Both  of 
these  were  offices  of  great  trust.  He  was  also,  when  a 
presbyter,  created  "  Cardinal  Sanctorum  quatuor  Corona- 
torum,"  by  Leo  in  the  first  year  of  his  pontificate.  He 
was  in  great  favour  with  Julius,  and  was  consulted  on  all 


APPENDIX.— Notes  Q.— R.  31 1 1 

important  occasions  by  Leo.  He  died  at  Rome  in  1531. 
Vit.  et  Res.  Gest.  Pontificum  Roman.  &c.  Alphons.  Cia- 
con.  Tom.  ii.  p.  1406.  Rom.  1630.  Guicciard.  L.  13. 
Sarpi.  L.  i.  Erasmus  dedicated  his  famous  edition  of  Cy- 
prian to  this  cardinal,  in  1519,  and  says  of  him  "  Cui 
meritissimo  inter  tot  ordinis  Cardinalitii  lumina  primas  tri- 
buit  Leo  Pontifex,"  &c.  The  judicious  and  candid  presi- 
dent De  Thou,  however,  seems  to  have  known  his  real 
character.  Leo,  quum  alioqui  ad  omnem  licentiam  sponte 
sua  ferretur,  Laurentii  Puccii  Card,  hominis  turbidi,  cui 
nimium  tribuebat,  impuhu  ut  pecuniam  ad  immensos  sump- 
tus  undique  corrogaret.     Shuan.  L.  i. 


[Q.  page  57.] 

Guicciard.  L.  xiii.  Sarp.  L.  i.  It  must  be  confessed 
that  the  account  of  these  two  authors  is  different  from  Lu- 
ther's. According  to  Luther  the  archbishop  of  Mentz  had 
one  half  of  the  produce,  and  the  pope  the  other.  "  Dimi- 
dium  pecuniae  ex  Indulgentiis  habebat  (Archiepiscop. 
Mogunt.)  alterum  dimidium  Papa."  Luth.  Preef.  Luther 
possibly  might,  by  a  common  figure  of  speech,  call  that 
the  Pope's  share,  which  was  appropriated  to  his  sister, 
Magdalen.  This,  however,  is  very  unlikely.  Had  the 
Reformer  been  acquainted  with  this  fact,  there  can  be  lit- 
tle doubt  that  he  would  have  mentioned  it.  Sarpi  trusted 
to  Guicciardini.  From  the  reasons  assigned  by  Dr.  Ro- 
bertson, Hist.  Char.  V.  vol.  ii.  p.  125,  126,  it  appears  that 
the  historian  of  the  wars  of  Italy  had  asserted  this  gift  of 
Leo  to  his  sister  as  a  fact,  without  sufficient  evidence.  His 
known  general  accuracy,  however,  as  well  as  its  being  re- 
peated by  all  historians  since  his  time,  has  induced  me  to 
relate  in  the  text  the  account  which  he  has  given. 


[R.  page  58.] 

Abuses  in  the  Catholic  Church. — Louis  XII.  of  France 
used  to  call  the  church  of  Rome  Babylon,  and  applied  to 
it  the  description,  given  by  John,  of  the  mother  of  harlot;?. 
Long  before  his  time,  in  the  year  1409,  the  Council  of 
Pisa  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  "  reforming  the  church 
in  its  head  and  in  its  members."     A  century  after,  on  the 


312  APPENDIX.— Notes  S.— T. 

deatli  of  Alexander  VI.  the  cardinals  bound  themselves  by 
an  oath  that  a  General  Council  should  be  assembled  with- 
in two  years  for  the  reformation  of  the  church.  This  en- 
gagement was  ratified  by  an  oath  on  the  part  of  Julius  II. 
after  his  accession  to  the  papacy — no  council,  however, 
was  called.  For  an  account  of  the  corruptions  existing  in 
the  church,  see  a  very  curious  work  entitled  "  Fasciculus 
rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum,  pro  ut  ab  Orthuino 
Gratio  Presbytero  Daventriensi,  editus  est  Colonice,  1535. 
In  Concilli  tunc  indicendi  usum  et  admonitionem ;  una 
cum  Appendice  sive  Tomo  II.  Scriptorum  veterum  qui 
Ecclesice  Romanse  errores  et  abusus  detegunt  et  damnant. 
necessitatemque  reformationis  urgent,  &ic.  opera  et  studio 
Edwardi  Brown,  Parochi  Sundrigia?  in  agro  Caniiano.'* 
Fol.  Londin,  1690.  A  collection  of  a  similar  kind  had 
been  made  by  Dr.  Edward  Buckley,  and  published  at 
London  in  1606.  12mo. — In  proof  of  the  very  general  de- 
sire for  the  reformation  of  the  church,  which  prevailed  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  see  L'Enfant's  Hist, 
of  the  Council  of  Constans,  passim;  particularly  the  last 
book. — See  the  Lives  of  pope  Alexander  VI.  and  of  his 
son,  Csesar  Borgia,  by  Alexander  Gordon.  London,  1729. 


[S.  page  64.] 

Suffrage. — See  the  book  of  Common  Prayer  for  the  mo- 
dern meaning  of  this  word.  Luther  thus  expresses  himself 
in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  sutfragium.  "  Quid  nos  ob- 
tundit  vocabulo  "  suffragii,"  quod  nemo  intelligit  "  potes- 
tatem,"  sed  omnes  "  intercessionein."  Resol.  de  Indulg.  i. 
122. — "  Sunragia,  orationes,  quibus  Dei  sanctorum  suffra- 
gia  seu  auxilia  imploramus."  Again,  "  Suffragia  appellan- 
tur  etiam  orationes  quae  pro  defunctis  dicuntur,  quod  pro 
eis  sanctorum  suffragia  invocentur.  Liber  Ordinis  S.  Vic- 
toris  Parisensis.  M.  S.  Cap.  55.  Ap  du  Cange  Glossar." 


[T.  page  75.] 

Staupiiz. — John  Staupitz  was  a  man  of  quality,  related 
to  the  house  of  Saxony,  and  in  great  credit  with  the  elec- 
tor. Dupin's  Eccles.  Hist.  Cent.  xvi.  Fabricius  calls  him 
"  Hominem  nobilem  et  sui  ordinis  in  Saxonia  primarium," 


Appendix.— Notes  u.— v  .  31$ 

&c.  Orig.  Sax.  Lib.  vii.  p.  859;  also  Melch.  Ad.  Vit. 
Staup.  Mr.  Roscoe  in  his  Leo  X.  says,  that  Staupitz  was 
vicar-general  of  the  Augustinians.  This  is  a  mistake. 
He  who  held  that  office  was  Gabriel,  a  Venetian,  to  whom 
Leo  applied  in  1518,  to  interpose  his  authority  and  pre- 
vent Luther  from  spreading  his  opinions.  Luth.  T.  i.  226. 
Gabriel  had  the  Prafectura  over  the  whole  body  of  the 
Augustinians.     Sleid.  L.  i. 


[U.  page  88.] 

The  Dominicans. — This  Order  were,  it  seems,  the  chief 
reporters  of  Luther's  proceedings  at  Rome.  Prierio's  in- 
formation is  alluded  to  in  many  parts  of  the  correspondence 
on  the  subject  throughout  Luther's  works.  The  circum- 
stance of  the  alarm  coming  chiefly  through  one  quarter, 
appears  to  have  lessened  the  weight  that  would  otherwise 
have  been  attached  to  it. — The  following  anecdote  is  re- 
lated of  Leo.  One  evening  in  a  company  at  the  house  of 
one  Scipio  Attellanus  at  Rome,  certain  persons  having 
ventured  to  insinuate  to  Leo,  that  it  would  have  been  well 
that  he  had  shown  earlier  attention  to  the  warning  of  the 
Dominicans  ;  the  pontiff  is  said  to  have  replied,  in  a  mo- 
ment of  convivial  openness,  (Seckend.  p.  40.)  "  That 
brother  Martin  was  a  man  of  very  fine  genius,  and  that 
these  reports  proceeded  from  monkish  envy." 


[V.  page  80.] 

Spalatin  is  the  person  most  frequently  mentioned  among 
Luther's  friends  at  the  electoral  court.  He  was  born  at 
Spalatin  in  14S2,  and  took  his  name  from  that  town.  He 
studied  at  Nuremberg,  Erfurt,  and  Wittemberg.  He  en- 
tered himself  a  student  of  law  at  Erfurt,  but  changed  his 
plan,  and  took  orders  in  1507.  He  assisted  the  studies  of 
Otto  and  Ernest,  Dukes  of  Luneburg,  when  they  were  at 
the  university  of  Wittemberg.  The  elector  Frederick  of 
Saxony  made  him  his  chaplain  and  secretary.  Spalatin 
was  held  in  great  estimation  by  him  and  his  successors ; 
so  much  so,  that  he  was  present  at  almost  all  the  diets 
which  were  called  in  his  time.  He  translated  several  of 
Erasmus'  treatises,  and  wrote  a  historv  of  Saxonv,  which 

2R 


314  APPENDIX.— Notes  W.— X. 

he  named  Chronicon.  He  died  at  Altenburg  in  1545,  and 
is  buried  there  in  the  church  of  St.  Bartholomew.  Seckend. 
p.  21,  22.  Melch.  Ad. 


[W.  page  130.] 

Leipsic  disputation. — The  conduct  of  the  scribes  or 
clerks  deserves  to  be  mentioned.  John  Agrieola,  a  native 
of  Eisleben,  was  employed  by  Luther,  but  without  becom- 
ing a  convert  to  his  doctrine,  for  he  was  found  some  years 
after  among  the  opponents  of  the  Reformation.  On  the 
other  hand,  John  Poliander,  amanuensis  to  Eckius,  joined 
Luther  at  the  end  of  the  disputation,  and  became  a  preacher 
of  the  Reformed  doctrine  in  Prussia. 

A  voluminous  account  of  this  disputation  is  inserted  in 
Luther's  works,  Vol  i.  It  contains  what  was  published 
by  the  scribes,  who  took  down  the  debate  as  it  was  spoken; 
also  what  was  printed  by  Luther,  Eckius,  Melancthon,  and 
Emser.  See  also  Seckend.  from  p.  72  to  p.  93.  Sleid.  L,  i. 
That  part  of  the  dispute  which  related  to  free  will,  he.  is 
stated  perspicuously  and  in  few  words,  by  Hottinger.  in 
Hist,  de  Praedestinat.  L.  iv.  Sect.  7.  et  seq. 


[X.  page  140.] 

Maimbourg. — This  ex-jesuit  disapproves  of  Miltitz's  mo- 
deration, and  calls  it  an  obsequiousness  unworthy  of  the 
master  whom  he  served.  In  this  he  is  joined  by  other  Ca- 
tholic writers,  who  do  not  seem  to  take  into  account  what 
opposite  dispositions  Miltitz  had  to  reconcile,  nor  how  de- 
pendent his  own  situation  was.  Miltitz  had  enjoyed  for 
some  years  at  Rome  a  pension  of  100  florins  (about  £10 
sterling)  from  the  elector  Frederick  and  his  brother. 
Seckend.  p.  98.  He  had  found  it  necessary  to  remind 
Frederick  of  this,  and  to  express  a  hope  that  the  allowance 
might  be  continued  for  life.  To  complain  of  poverty  was 
not  in  those  days  accounted  disreputable.  We  find  both 
Eckius  and  Luther  frequently  mentioning  their  poverty ; 
and,  on  one  occasion,  Miltitz  is  not  ashamed  to  recommend 
to  Frederick  to  send  40  or  50  florins  to  Cajetan.  Seckend. 
p.  99. 

To  return  to  Maimbourg. — This  author  transcribes  a 


APPENDIX.— Notes  Y.— Z.— AA.  315 

great  deal  from  Pallavicini,  and  habitually  misrepresents 
the  motives  and  conduct  of  Luther,  while  he  palliates  every 
thing  in  the  behaviour  of  the  pope's  agent. 


[Y.  page  145.] 

Letter  to  the  Pope. — There  is  considerable  difficulty  in 
determining  at  what  time  of  the  year  1520  this  letter  and 
the  accompanying  treatise  on  Christian  liberty  were  pub- 
lished. Pallavicini  and  Sleidan  are  disposed  to  fix  the  date 
on  the  6th  April,  while  SeckendorfT  has  adduced  a  variety 
of  reasons  for  supposing  that  it  was  much  later  in  the  year, 
perhaps  in  September.  The  latter  opinion  is  strengthened 
by  an  expression  in  one  of  the  letters  of  Miltiiz. 


[Z.  page  161.] 

Burning  books. — The  custom  of  burning  obnoxious  books 
is  of  very  ancient  date.  The  Athenians  burned  publicly  a 
work  of  the  philosopher  Protagoras,  in  which  he  had 
spoken  ambiguously  of  the  existence  of  the  gods,  and  ba- 
nished him  moreover  from  their  city  and  territory.  Cic.  de 
Nat.  Deor.  L.  i.  c.  23.  This  fact  is  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  assertions  and  reasoning  of  Mr.  Gibbon  in  his  his- 
tory, first  part  of  c.  ii.  With  his  usual  desire  to  throw 
odium  on  Christianity,  this  author  exerts  all  his  ability  to 
establish  the  existence  of  complete  toleration  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans; — :as  if  he  were  justified  in  charging 
on  the  gospel  that  which  has  been  done  only  by  its  cor- 
rupters. 

Burning  seems  to  have  been  adopted  as  a  mode  of  pun- 
ishment in  the  case  of  heretics  and  heretical  books,  from 
its  being  emblematical  of  hell  fire.  In  these  ages  of  dis- 
graceful persecution,  the  first  object  was  to  burn  the  here- 
tic, and,  when  that  could  not  be  accomplished,  vengeance 
was  wreaked  on  his  books. 


[AA.  page  194.] 

Leo  X.  was  pope  during  nearly  nine  years.     His  name 
was  John  of  Medicis,  and  his  character  has  been  variously 


316  APPENDIX.— Note  BB. 

drawn.  Cautiously  as  we  must  receive  reports  in  an  age 
of  so  much  controversy,  there  seems  abundant  reason  to 
make  deductions  from  the  flattering  account  lately  given 
of  him  in  a  popular  history  in  this  country.  Seckendorff 
(p.  190,  191)  has  abridged  the  account  given  of  Leo  by 
Vacillasius  in  his  "  Historia  Florentina,"  in  which  it  is  as- 
serted that  his  character  was  very  profligate.  The  sudden 
occurrence  of  his  death  at  the  age  of  forty-seven  has  been 
attributed  by  some  to  poison,  and  by  others  to  the  effect  of 
a  severe  ulcer  contracted  through  intemperance.  The  ex- 
istence of  this  complaint  was  known,  say  these  persons,  to 
the  cardinals  at  the  time  of  his  election,  and,  as  it  promised 
to  cut  short  his  days,  was  considered  an  argument  for 
giving  their  votes  in  favour  of  a  person  considerably  under 
the  usual  age.  Those  great  masters  in  history,  Guicciar- 
dini  and  father  Paul,  have  each  given  a  character  of  Leo. 
The  former  observes,  that  such  is  the  corruption  of  our 
manners,  that  if  a  "  pope  be  not  worse  than  ordinary  men, 
he  is  certain  to  be  regarded  as  an  excellent  pontiff."  Guic- 
ciard.  L.  xiv.  xvi.  Sarpi  is  much  more  favourable  to  Leo, 
but  subjoins  that  he  would  have  been  a  perfect  pontiff,  if 
he  had  possessed  some  knowledge  of  religion,  or  any  inclina- 
tion to  piety.     Hist.  C.  T.  L.  i.  with  Courrayer's  note. 

That  Leo  chiefly  delighted  in  the  frivolous  mirth  of  sy- 
cophants, buffoons,  and  jesters,  is  affirmed  by  Matthicu 
Hist,  de  Hen.  IV.  Lib.  vii.  T.  ii.  p.  716.  And  the  little 
esteem  he  had  for  divines,  and  his  preference  of  poetry, 
mythology,  and  other  profane  sciences,  to  those  of  his  pro- 
fession, appears  even  from  Pallavicini,s  History  of  the 
Council  of  Trent.     (Keysler's  Travels,  Vol.  iii.  p.  94.) 


[BB.  page  221.] 

Bohemians. — Luther  had  two  years  before  differed  seri- 
ously in  opinion  from  the  "  Picards."  On  account  of 
their  denjing  the  real  presence  at  the  sacrament,  he  had 
not  scrupled  to  call  them  heretics,  a  remarkable  proof  of 
the  sincerity  of  his  belief  in  the  Romish  creed  at  the  time 
when  he  began  his  opposition.  With  the  principles  of 
another  sect  of  Bohemians,  called  "  Grubenheimer,"  Lu- 
ther appears  to  have  been  imperfectly  acquainted.  They 
were  a  poor,  persecuted  race,  compelled  by  the  Romish 
priests  to  perform  their  rites  in  dens  and  caverns,  as  is  im- 


APPENDIX.— Notes  CC— DD.  317 

plied  by  their  characteristic  appellation.     They  are  called 
"  Fossai'ii,"  or  ditchers,  by  Spanheim,  Seckend.  p.  95. 

See  a  very  interesting  account  of  the  unfortunate  Huss 
in  M.  L'Enfant.  Hist.  Concil.  Constan.  L.  iii. 


[CC.  page  228.] 

Luther's  Parents. — There  have  been  considerable  diffe- 
rences of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  pecuniary  circumstances 
of  Luther's  parents.  It  is  said  (Seckendorff,  p.  18,  19.) 
that  when  at  school,  he,  like  other  poor  boys,  obtained  a 
part  of  his  support  by  begging.  One  writer,  John  Micrae- 
lius,  mentions  in  his  "  Church  History,"  but  without  quot- 
ing any  authority,  that  he  obtained  a  livelihood  by  singing 
for  charity.  On  the  other  hand,  we  are  told  (Seckendorff, 
20.)  that  Luther  was  boarded  in  the  house  of  Conradus 
Cotta,  a  man  of  some  rank,  and  apparently  a  relation  of 
his  mother.  Nay,  we  have  the  authority  of  Luther  himself, 
that  his  parents  expected,  before  he  took  the  monastic  vow, 
to  marry  him  to  a  female  in  affluent  circumstances.  "  Des- 
tinabas  me  vincire  honesto  et  opulento  conjugio,"  is  his  ex- 
pression, in  the  dedication  to  his  father  of  his  book  on 
Monastic  Vows.  It  is  probable,  that  the  circumstances  of 
his  parents,  at  first  humble,  became  improved  in  the  course 
of  years  by  his  father's  industry.  Still  it  appears  from  the 
text,  that  Luther,  when  arrived  at  middle  age,  found  it 
necessary  to  extend  assistance  to  some  of  his  relations  at 
Mansfeld. 

[DD.  page  228.] 

Cochlceus. — Pallavicini,  Bossuet,  and  other  writers  un- 
favourable to  Luther,  made  no  dependence  on  the  decla- 
rations of  Cochlseus.  Sleidan  has  described  his  character 
in  the  dedication  to  his  great  work.  See  a  note  by  Dr. 
Maclaine,  Mosheim,  Vol.  iii.  p.  336.  The  treatise  pub- 
lished by  Luther  against  Cochlseus  was  entitled  "  Adversus 
armatum  virum  Cochlseum."  Agreeably  to  the  custom  of 
the  times,  Luther  has  no  scruple  in  punning  on  his  name, 
calling  him  at  one  time  "  Cochlear"  (a  spoon) ;  at  another, 
"  testudo"  (a  shell),  in  allusion  to  "  cochlea"  a  cockle. 
This  practice  of  punning  on  names,  was  used  frequently 
by  Luther,  and  not  despised  by  Erasmus  or  his  numerous 


318  APPENDIX.— Notes  EE.— FF. 

correspondents.     One  of  the  latest  examples  of  the  kind 
was  given  by  Milton  in  his  controversy  with  Salmasius. 

Luther's  Essay  against  Cochlaeus  began  with  a  parodv 
on  the  first  lines  of  the  iEneid  as  follows  : 

Anna  virumque  cano,  Mojani  qui  nuper  ab  oris, 
Leucoream  fato  stolidus,  Saxonaque  venit 
Littora,  multum  ille  et  furiis  vexatus  et  cestro 
Vi  scelerum  memorem  Rasorum  cladis  ob  iram 
Multa  quoque  et  Satana  passus,  quo  perderct  verbura 
Inferretque  malum  studiis,  genus  unde  malorum 
Errorumque  Patres,  atque  alti  gloria  Papa?. 

Luth.  T.  ii.  407. 


[EE.  page  239.] 

Polentz  was  converted  to  the  Reformed  doctrine  by  John 
Brisman,  a  Franciscan,  originally  of  Kouingsberg,  but 
compelled,  on  account  of  his  tenets,  to  leave  that  city.  He 
repaired  to  Prussia,  where  he  spread  the  doctrines  of  Lu- 
ther with  great  success.  He  was  a  poet  too,  and  some  of 
his  performances  have  preserved  their  reputation  to  the  pre- 
sent day,  being  still  sung  in  protestant  churches  on  the 
Continent.  Seckend.  p.  271.  Polentz  was  the  first  bishop 
who  ordered  the  baptismal  service  to  be  read  in  the  ver- 
nacular tongue.  For  a  character  of  him  by  Luther,  see 
Seckend.  p.  298. 


[FF.  page  298.] 

Luther's  fondness  for  music. — Tradition  has  ascribed  to 
Luther  what  is  commonly  called  the  hundredth  psalm  tune. 
It  sometimes  happened  that,  under  an  access  of  low  spirits, 
lie  would  shut  himself  up  for  a  day  or  two  together,  unwil- 
ling to  admit  any  one  to  converse  with  him.  On  an  occa- 
sion of  this  kind,  Lucas  Edemberger,  tutor  to  John  Er- 
nest, brother  of  the  young  elector,  John  Frederick,  hap- 
pened, along  with  some  other  friends,  to  call  on  him. 
Having  knocked  fruitlessly  at  the  door,  they  ventured  to 
break  it  open,  and  found  Luther  in  a  kind  of  faint,  from 
which  music  was  more  effectual  than  any  thing  else  in  re- 
covering him. 

His  progress  in  music  is  explained  by  the  following  quo- 


APPENDIX.— Note  GG.  319 

tation  which  will  be  most  intelligible  to  those  who  are 
something  more  than  amateurs.  Ex  eodem  Razenbergii 
M.  S.  percipitur,  vocalis,  quae  vocatur,  musica,  non  lcviter 
gnarum  f'uisse  Lutherum,  ita  ut  in  lineas,  sive  notas  canen- 
da  componere  aut  composita  corrigere  posset.  Delecta- 
batur  Grcgoriano,  qua?  dicitur  cantu,  et  hymnis  ac  respon- 
soriis  m  Jigurati,  quern  vocant  toni  legis  redactis.  Seckend; 
p.  21. 

One  of  Luther's  domestic  concerts,  where  he  himself 
presides,  is  the  subject  of  an  excellent  picture  by  Titian, 
now  in  the  collection  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of 
Kinnoul,  at  Dupplin-castle,  Scotland. 

Luther  was  accustomed  to  amuse  himself,  likewise,  by 
the  exercise  of  turning,  for  his  health.  In  a  letter  to  Linc- 
cius,  written  so  late  as  1525,  he  desires  that  he  would  send 
him  some  better  tools  from  Nuremberg,  and  adds  humour- 
ously, that  if  other  sources  failed,  he  was  willing  to  earn 
a  subsistence  by  the  labour  of  his  hands.  SeckendorfT, 
p.  21. 

[GG.  page  300.] 

"  In  the  consistorial  chamber  at  Eisleben,  is  shown  a 
print  of  Luther,  said  to  have  been  wonderfully  preserved 
from  fire.  The  house  in  which  he  was  born  was  not 
equally  fortunate,  having  been  consumed  by  the  flames. 
But  that  the  memory  of  the  spot  might  not  be  lost,  a  school 
has  been  built  on  it.  A  stone  bust  of  Luther  was  placed  on 
the  outside  over  the  door.  In  the  stove  room  there  is  also 
a  statue  of  Luther,  with  a  crucifix  in  his  hand,  and  an  in- 
scription in  German.  "  Anno  1483,  ist  M.  Luther  in 
diesem  Hause  gebohren  und  zu  S.  Peter  getauftt."  "In 
this  house  Dr.  Martin  Luther  was  born,  in  the  year  1483, 
and  was  baptized  in  St.  Peter's  church."  And  lower  down 
this  Latin  distich  : 

"  Hostis  eram  Papa?  sociorum  pestis  ct  hujus  : 
"  Vox  mea  cum  scriptis  nil  nisi  Christus  erat."' 

Among  other  relics  of  Luther,  the  people  of  Eisleben 
are  in  the  habit  of  showing  a  wooden  bedstead,  on  which 
he  lay.  This  is  said,  of  course,  to  be  of  extraordinary 
virtue.  The  Swedes  are  very  fond  of  being  thought  genu- 
ine sons  of  Luther,  and  when  they  were  in  possession  of 
this  part  of  Germany,  were  persuaded  to  purchase  and 


320  APPENDIX.— Note  GG. 

carry  away  a  great  deal  more  wood  than  could  have  been 
cut  from  this  bedstead,  and  a  table  said  to  have  belonged 
to  Luther. 

At  the  university  library  at  Jena,  there  is,  among  the 
printed  books,  the  copy  of  Luther's  translation  of  the  Bible 
which  he  was  in  the  habit  of  using.  It  bears  the  marks  of 
corrections  with  his  own  hand,  in  various  places.  There 
is  here  also  a  volume  of  the  impressions  from  the  wood 
cuts  made  by  the  painter  Cranachius.  These  impressions 
were  circulated,  along  with  inscriptions  composed  b}r  Lu- 
ther, and  describing  the  pope  as  Antichrist.  Keysler^s 
Travels,  4to.  Vol.  iv.  p.  145,  he. 

I  shall  conclude  my  labours  on  the  life  of  Luther  with 
an  extract  from  his  will,  a  document  as  strongly  indicative 
of  his  extraordinary  cast  of  mind  as  any  that  is  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  pages.  His  elevation  of  style  is  the  more 
remarkable  when  contrasted  with  the  insignificance  of  the 
property  of  which  he  had  to  dispose. 

"  Notus  sum  in  ccelo,  in  terra,  et  in  inferno,  et  auctori- 
tatem  ad  hoc  sufficientem  habeo,  ut  mihi  soli  credatur,  cum 
Deus  mihi,  homini  licet  damnabili,  et  miserabili  peccatori 
ex  paterna  misericordia  Evangelium  Filii  sui  crediderit, 
dederitque  ut  in  eo  verax  et  fidelis  fuerim,  ita  ut  multi  in 
mundo  illud  per  me  acceperint,  et  me  pro  Doctore  veritatis 
agnoverint,  spreto  banno  Papa?,  Csesaris,  Regum,  Princi- 
pum  et  Sacerdotum,  imo  omnium  deemonum  odio.  Quid- 
ni,  igitur,  ad  dispositionem  hanc,  in  re  exigua,  sufficiat,  si 
adsit  manus  mea?  testimonium,  et  dici  possit,  "  hsec  scrip- 
sit  D.  Martinus  Luther,  Notarius  Dei,  et  testis  Evangelii 
ejus."     Seckend.  L.  iii.  p.  651. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES 

OF 

OCOLAMPADIUS,  ZWINGLIUS,  AND  BUCER. 


OCOLAMPADIUS, 


Whose  name  in  German  was  John  Hauksheim,  was  born 
in  1482.  His  parents  were  persons  of  affluence,  as  he  has 
himself  observed  in  the  preface  to  his  Commentary  on  the 
Prophet  Isaiah.  He  was  sent  to  school  at  a  very  early  age, 
and  his  rapid  progress  enabled  his  mother  to  prevail  on 
her  husband  to  relinquish  the  plan  of  placing  him  in  the 
mercantile  line,  for  a  literary  profession.  Heilbronn,  and 
afterwards  Heidelberg,  were  the  places  of  his  education. 
He  was  able,  it  was  said,  to  write  Latin  at  the  age  of 
twelve ;  at  fourteen  he  was  made  Bachelor,  and,  some 
years  after,  Master  of  Arts.  He  passed  some  time  at  Bo- 
logna, in  the  study  of  civil  law,  under  a  celebrated  profes- 
sor, but  found  it  necessary,  in  consequence  of  bad  health, 
to  return  to  his  native  quarter,  where  he  devoted  himself 
entirely  to  the  study  of  divinity.  It  deserves  to  be  noticed, 
that  many  eminent  divines,  such  as  Chrysostom,  Luther, 
Calvin,  Peter  Martyr,  Beza,  Danseus,  &,c.  happened  to 
pass  some  time  in  the  study  of  the  law  before  directing  their 
attention  to  theology.  Ocolampadius,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  age,  devoted  himself  to  the  works  of  the 
scholastic  doctors,  and  it  is  said,  that  while  he  was  parti- 
cularly attached  to  Gerson  and  Thomas  Aquinas,  he  was 
comparatively  indifferent  to  the  works  of  Dunscotus.  The 
Greek  language  he  acquired  while  residing  in  the  city  of 
Stuttgard ;  and  he  was  afterwards  taught  Hebrew  by  a 
scholar  of  Spanish  extraction.  From  Stuttgard  he  went 
to  Basil,  where  his  imagination  being  warmed  by  his  He- 
brew studies,  he  composed  no  fewer  than  six  tragedies  on 
Scripture  subjects.     Under  the  impression  that  the  quiet 

2S 


322  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

life  of  a  monastery  would  be  of  advantage  to  a  constitu- 
tion naturally  not  strong,  he  entered  into  an  establishment 
of  that  description,  with  a  reservation,  however,  that  he 
should  not  be  accounted  under  an  obligation  to  remain,  if 
his  health  became  sufficiently  good  to  enable  him  to  dis- 
charge the  active  duties  of  a  preacher.  He  continued  in 
the  monastery  two  years  9  a  period  sufficiently  long  to  give 
him  a  lasting  impression  of  the  folly  and  profligacy  of  the 
monks. 

At  the  age  of  thirty-four,  Ocolampadius  received  the 
degree  of  D.  D.  and  assisted  Erasmus  in  composing  anno- 
tations on  the  New  Testament,  an  assistance  of  which  that 
distinguished  scholar  does  not  fail  to  make  an  acknowledg- 
ment. He  received  protection  from  Francis  von  Seckin- 
gen,  the  Franconian  nobleman,  who  so  generously  offered 
a  place  of  refuge  to  Luther.  Like  many  other  scholars  of 
the  age,  Ocolampadius  employed  Andrew  Cratander,  a  ce- 
lebrated printer  at  Basil,  and  published  with  him  a  trans- 
lation of  Chrysostom's  commentary  on  the  book  of  Genesis. 
He  was  appointed,  without  solicitation,  divinity  professor 
at  Basil,  and  afterwards  one  of  the  clergymen  of  that  city. 
No  man  could  be  more  assiduous  in  the  discharge  of  his 
pastoral  duty.  While  only  a  deacon,  he  had  ventured  so 
far  to  depart  from  Romish  customs  as  to  perform  baptism 
in  the  language  of  the  country,  and  to  administer  the  sa- 
crament in  both  kinds.  The  latter  was  accounted  an  inno- 
vation of  such  importance  as  to  require  the  sanction  of  the 
senate.  He  introduced  also  in  divine  worship  prayers  in 
the  language  of  the  country,  a  departure  in  those  days  of 
no  small  importance  from  the  habits  of  the  Catholics.  He 
was  engaged  likewise  in  several  important  controversies. 
In  addition  to  the  disputation  with  Luther  at  Marpurg,  he 
held  a  public  contest  with  Eckius  at  Baden,  in  1527  ;  and, 
in  the  following  year,  he  bore  a  part  in  a  public  disputa- 
tion at  Bern,  which  lasted  three  weeks.  All  these  debates 
regarded  chiefly  the  endless  controversy  of  the  Eucharist. 
He  was  decided  in  administering  the  sacrament  to  the 
laity  in  both  kinds  ;  but  was,  notwithstanding,  exceedingly 
desirous  of  restoring  concord  and  unanimity  among  the 
reformers.  None  of  the  divines  of  the  age  surpassed  him 
in  habits  of  application.     His  death  took  place  in  1531. 


ULRIC  ZWINGLIUS.  323 


ULRIC    ZWINGLIUS 

Was  born  in  Switzerland,  in  1487,  and  gave  very  early 
indications  of  an  ardent  and  enterprising  disposition.  His 
education  was  begun  at  Basil  and  prosecuted  at  Bern, 
where  he  succeeded  in  acquiring  that  comprehensive  know- 
ledge of  the  learned  languages  which  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  future  fame.  Divinity  becoming  the  object  of  his  stu- 
d}',  he  laboured  indefatigably  at  the  Greek  Testament.  His 
reforming  career  was  begun,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  very 
early ;  and  to  an  ardour  for  amending  the  church,  he  added 
a  correspondent  zeal  for  correcting  political  abuses.  We 
have  seen,  in  the  text,  his  premature  fall  in  the  field  of  bat- 
tle at  the  head  of  his  countrymen,  and  it  has  been  men- 
tioned likewise  that  his  views  on  the  subject  of  the  sacra- 
ment were  more  enlarged  and  more  analogous  to  Scripture 
than  those  of  Luther.  They  have  been  adopted  not  only 
by  the  British  churches,  but  by  many  on  the  Continent. 
In  regard  to  other  leading  doctrines,  there  was  no  mate- 
rial difference  between  him  and  Luther,  but  it  is  due  to 
Zwinglius  to  mention,  that  no  part  of  his  tenets  were  bor- 
rowed from  his  distinguished  cotemporary.  In  the  course 
of  their  studies,  as  well  as  in  their  constitutional  courage 
and  perseverance,  there  existed  a  remarkable  coincidence. 

"  I  began,"  says  Zwinglius,  in  the  exposition  of  his 
eighteenth  article,  "  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  1516,  at  a 
time  when  I  had  not  so  much  as  heard  of  the  name  of 
Luther.  /'I  preached  when  mass  was  in  almost  universal 
use,  and  I  urged  that  the  part  of  the  Gospel  which  was 
read  to  the  people,  should  be  clearly  explained  to  them — 
explained  not  by  the  commentaries  of  men,  but  by  com- 
paring Scripture  with  Scripture.  However,  at  that  time 
I  continued  devoted  to  the  tenets  of  the  ancient  doctors, 
my  learning  having  gone  only  so  far  as  to  enable  me  to 
detect  partial  inconsistencies  in  them. — In  1519,  when  I 
began  to  preach  at  Zurich,  I  undertook  to  expound  the 
Gospel  of  Matthew,  by  illustrations  derived  solely  from 
Scripture.  In  the  early  part  of  that  year  we  had,  in  our 
country,  heard  nothing  of  Luther,  except  his  publication 
on  Indulgences,  a  subject  on  which  I  needed  no  new  light, 
having  been  instructed  several  years  before,  that  the  whole 
system  was  a  tissue  of  deception. 

"  Luther,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  is  a  servant  of  Christ, 


324  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

who  searches  the  Scriptures  with  greater  diligence  than  any 
other  person  has  done  for  these  thousand  years.  "■  When  in 
such  company  as  his,  I  am  not  averse  to  be  called  a  heretic. 
Luther  would  readily  declare,  that  the  whole  of  our  reform- 
ing labours  proceeded  from  God.  I  am  aware  that  Luther 
has  been  induced  to  concede  many  points  to  persons,  of 
whose  reasoning  powers  he  has  no  high  opinion;  such,  for 
example,  as  the  practice  of  auricular  confession.  Though 
in  many  respects  my  religious  creed  is  in  conformity  with 
his,  I  am  not  desirous  to  be  called  a  Lutheran,  because  I 
learned  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  not  from  him  but  from  Scrip- 
ture. I  hold  Luther  in  the  highest  estimation,  but  I  now 
declare  that  I  have  never  written  to  him,  nor  received  a  let- 
ter from  him.  At  the  same  time,  I  do  not  compare  myself 
with  Luther,  for  every  one  has  what  God  has  given  him." 


MARTIN    BUCER 

Was  junior  to  Luther  and  Ocolampadius,  being  born  at 
Selestad,  in  1491.  He  became,  at  an  early  age,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  society  of  Dominicans ;  but  having  acquired  a 
thirst  for  literature  from  the  writings  of  Erasmus,  he  ob- 
tained the  permission  of  his  superiors  to  repair  to  Heidel- 
berg, where  he  obtained  a  knowledge  of  Greek  and  He- 
brew. His  faith  in  the  Catholic  creed  began  to  be  shaken 
by  a  perusal  of  Luther's  first  publications,  and  he  had  the 
good  fortune  to  be  present  at  the  friendly  disputation  held 
at  Heidelberg,  between  Luther  and  his  Augustinian  bre- 
thren. It  was  on  this  occasion  that  young  Bucer  became 
a  convert  to  Luther's  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  "  justi- 
fication." In  1521  he  was  present  at  Worms  along  with 
Luther,  and,  in  short,  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  con- 
ferences of  the  Reformers.  In  the  grand  point  of  contro- 
versy, the  Eucharist,  Bucer  steered  a  middle  course  be- 
tween the  tenets  of  Luther  and  of  Zwinglius;  and  he  ap- 
pears to  have  evinced,  all  along,  a  sincere  desire  to  recon- 
cile both  parties,  and  to  establish  harmony  among  the  Re- 
formers at  large.  Towards  the  close  of  life  he  changed 
his  place  of  abode,  having  come  over  to  England  in  1549, 
on  the  invitation  of  Archbishop  Cranmer.  Here,  during 
the  short  remainder  of  his  life,  he  taught  at  Cambridge 
with  a  reputation  worthy  of  his  former  years.     He  died,  in 


HENRY  VIII.'s  BOOK.  325 

that  city  in  1551  ;  and  in  the  gloomy  period  which  fol- 
lowed under  Mary,  his  dead  body  was  dug  up  and  pub- 
licly burned. 


OBSERVATIONS   ON  HENRY  VIII.'s    BOOK 
AGAINST  LUTHER. 

The  title  of  Henry's  far  famed  publication  was  "  As- 
sertio  Septem  Sacramentorum  adversus  Martinum  Luthe- 
rum,  edita  ab  invictissimo  Angliae  et  Franciae  Rege,  et 
Domino  Hibernia?,  Henrico  ejus  nominis  Octavo."  Henry, 
being  a  younger  brother,  had  been  designed  by  his  father 
to  succeed  to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury,  and  had 
received,  during  his  early  years,  an  education  adapted  to 
an  ecclesiastical  station.  His  progress  is  said,  by  his  co- 
temporaries,  to  have  been  rapid;  nor  is  this  improbable, 
when  we  make  due  allowance  for  his  inherent  ardour  of 
character.  Luther's  treatise  on  the  "  Babylonish  Cap- 
tivity" was  the  ostensible  cause  of  the  royal  rejoinder,  but 
the  wish  to  obtain  from  the  court  of  Rome  a  divorce  from 
his  queen,  the  sister  of  the  emperor  Charles  V.  was  pro- 
bably the  most  direct  motive  for  the  publication.  The 
professed  object  of  the  book  was  to  refute  Luther's  opi- 
nion on  the  seven  sacraments ;  but  the  impetuous  disposi- 
tion of  Henry  led  him  largely  into  extraneous  matter.  He 
begins  with  a  defence  of  the  doctrine  of  Indulgences,  in 
which,  however,  there  is  a  much  larger  share  of  assertion 
than  of  argument.  He  bestows  commendations  with  a  la- 
vish hand  on  Leo  X.  "  Cujus  innocens  et  inculpata  vita, 
moresque  sanctissimi  ab  ineunte  aetate  per  orbem  totum 
satis  explorati  sunt,  quemadmodum  in  epistola  quadam 
ad  Pontificem  Lutherus  etiam  ipse  fatetur,  verum  etiam 
tot  retro  sseculis  omnes  Romani  Pontifices,  qui  (quod 
Lutherus  ipse  commemorat)  indulgere  solebant,  alius  re- 
missionem  annuam,  alius  triennem,  quidam  aliquot  con- 
donare  quadragesimas,  nonnulli  certam  totius  poenitentiae 
partem,  tertiam  puto,  vel  dimidium  :  aliqui  demum  remis- 
sionem  indulserunt,  et  poena?  et  culpa?  plenarium.  Om- 
nes ergo  (si  vera  dicit  Lutherus)  fuerunt  impostores." 

These  compliments  are  followed  by  others  couched  in  ;t 
still  higher  strain,  and  forming  an  amusing  contrast  to 


326  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Henry's  subsequent  hostility  to  the  church.  In  propor- 
tion as  he  bestows  praises  on  Leo,  he  pours  the  most  vio- 
lent and  scurrilous  abuse  on  the  Reformer.  "  Heretics, 
whose  malignity  is  inveterate,  and  who  treat  pious  reproof 
with  contempt,  should  be  restrained  by  the  infliction  of 
merited  punishment.  He  who  is  not  disposed  to  do  well, 
should  be  made  to  cease  from  doing  ill ;  he  who  has  ma- 
liciously injured  others,  should  be  made  to  profit  them  by 
his  example.  If  Luther  will  not  retract,  it  will  certainly 
soon  come  to  pass,  if  Christian  princes  do  their  duty,  that 
the  fire  will  consume  both  his  writings  and  himself."  Lu- 
ther, in  allusion  to  the  monopolizing  spirit  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  had  called  the  papacy  "  Robusta  venatio  Epis- 
copi  Romani."  This  expression  Henry  repeats,  and  views, 
or  affects  to  view  it  with  great  horror.  After  quoting  the 
authority  of  father  Jerome,  Henry  enumerates  three  dis- 
tinct relations  under  which  Luther  was  pledged  to  adhere 
to  the  church,  viz.  as  a  Christian,  a  priest,  and  a  brother. 
Modesty,  he  adds,  should  be  the  characteristic  of  ecclesi- 
astics, but  Luther  has  so  departed  from  it,  that  he  ought 
to  be  avoided  as  a  serpent.  The  point,  in  which  Henry  is 
most  successful,  is  the  charge  of  inconsistency  in  Luther's 
different  publications;  a  charge  for  which  the  Reformer's 
progressive  change  of  opinion  afforded  a  considerable 
handle  to  his  adversaries.  But  Henry,  when  he  ven- 
tures to  argue  in  defence  of  traditionary  miracles  in  the 
history  of  the  church,  finds  himself  on  very  different 
ground.  The  Romanists  had  contrived  to  render  the  me- 
mory of  Huss  so  odious,  that  Henry  considered  the  battle 
won  if  he  could  assimilate  the  doctrine  of  Luther  to  that 
of  his  unfortunate  precursor. — In  the  dedication  Henry 
expresses  a  boundless  veneration  for  all  the  tenets  main- 
tained by  the  head  of  the  church  ;  and  in  a  strain  of  great 
humility  expresses  a  hope  that  his  Holiness  will  co-operate 
with  him  against  Luther,  as  well  as  that  his  book  may  lead 
to  a  detection  of  the  origin  of  this  accursed  heresy.  Amidst 
all  this  grave  reasoning,  he  ventures  to  introduce  some  lu- 
dicrous allusions,  and  makes  himself  very  merry  with  ridi- 
culing Luther's  consjpicilia.  He  discovers  a  knowledge  of 
Luther's  private  history,  which  could  have  been  obtained 
only  by  communications  from  Germany — I  allude  more 
particularly  to  the  intention  entertained  by  Luther  of  tak- 
ing refuge  among  the  Bohemians. 

The  contumelious  manner  in  which  Luther  had  spoken 


CAJETAN'S  LETTER.  327 

of  the  conduct  of  the  clergy  afforded  Henry  either  a  mo- 
tive or  a  pretext  for  pouring  out  a  vehement  invective 
against  him.  He  has  no  scruple  in  accusing  the  Reformer 
of  falsehood,  of  abuse  of  Scripture,  of  taking  Mahomet 
for  his  model,  and  even  of  being  guilty  of  blasphemy. 
Viewed  on  the  score  of  temper,  the  book  affords  a  fair  in- 
dication of  the  future  violence  of  the  royal  author  ;  but 
considered  in  another  light,  I  mean  its  claim  to  reputation 
as  a  theological  disquisition,  our  opinion  of  the  work  will 
be  less  unfavourable.  There  is  indeed  little  or  no  novelty 
in  the  reasoning,  the  substance  of  it  being  found  in  other 
defences  of  popery,  and  consisting  chiefly  of  successive 
references  to  the  authority  of  the  church.  Neither  is  much 
erudition  discovered  in  the  occasional  allusions  to  the 
works  of  Jerome  or  Augustine ;  but  as  a  combination  of 
the  current  arguments  in  defence  of  popery,  the  book  is 
entitled  to  considerable  approbation.  The  praise  given  to 
it  must  be  relative,  of  course,  to  the  rude  state  of  theology 
at  the  time  ;  and  however  inferior  the  work  may  now  be 
accounted,  the  author,  whether  Henry  himself,  or,  as  Lu- 
ther suspected,  Wolsey,  was  entitled  to  hold  a  distinguished 
place  among  the  adversaries  of  the  Reformer. 


CAJETAN'S  LETTER  TO  FREDERICK, 

on  luther's  appearance  before  him  at  augsburg. 


Epistola  Thomae  Caietani,  Titulis  Sixti  Presbyteri  Cardi- 
nalis,  ad  D.  Fredericum,  Saxonia*  Ducem,  sacri  Imperii 
Electorem,  &:c.  De  Lutheri  causa,  post  discessum  ejus- 
dem  Lutheri  ex  Augusta,  Anno  M.D.XVII. 

Illustrissime  et  Excellentissime  Princeps,  venit  frater 
Martians  Lutherus  cum  Uteris  Excellentise  vestra?,  et  ante- 
quam  nos  adiret,  voluit  se  munire  salvo  conductu,  quern 
ab  illis  Dominis,  Csesarese  Majestatis  Consiliariis,  vestra? 
illustrissimre  Dominationis  intuitu  et  favore  impetravit. 
Non  tamen  sine  scitu  meo,  noluerunt  enim  hi  Domini 
quidquam   1111  concedere,    nisi   me   permittente.     Quibus 


328  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

respondi,  facerent  quidquid  eis  placeret,  dummodo  nomen 
nieum  non  misceretur.  Et  hie  coepi  mirari,  nam  si  Ex- 
cellentia  vestra  in  me  confidebat,  non  erat  opus  salvo 
conductu;  si  non  confidebat,  non  erat  mittendus  ad  me  ut 
Patrem. 

Adiit  deinde  nos  frater  Martinus,  primum  excusans  se 
super  impetratione  salvi  conductus  propter  inimicitias,  &c. 
Deinde  dicens,  se  venisse,  ut  nos  audiret,  et  veritatem  a 
nobis  agnitam  profiteretur.  Nos  hominem  libentissime  ac 
humanissime  excepimus,  paterneque  complexi  sumus.  Dixi 
ante  omnia,  quod  secundum  solidam  Scripturam  sacram  et 
sacros  Canones  interrogandus  esset,  et  quod  si  se  cognos- 
ceret,  et  de  caetero  caveret,  possemusque  secure  dormire, 
ne  reverteretur  ad  vomitum,  omnia  componerem,  sanctis- 
simi  Domini  nostri  Papas  Leonis  X.  auctoritate. 

Ostendi  deinde,  monuique  paterne,  disputationes  et  ser- 
mones  ejus,  esse  contra  Apostolicam  doctrinam,  maxime 
super  Indulgentiis,  citavique  extravagantem  Clementis  VI. 
aperte  contra  ipsum  stantem,  tarn  super  causa,  quam  ef- 
fectu  Indulgentiarum. — Adduxi  praeterea  antiquam  et  com- 
munem  Romanae  Ecclesiae  consuetudinem,  ac  interpreta- 
tionem  super  alto  etiam  articulo  de  fide  sacramentorum 
aperui,  admonuique  opinionem  ejus  non  esse  sanam,  sed 
manifete  dissentire  a  sacra  Scriptura  et  recta  Ecclesiae 
doctrina,  quae  illi  omnino  repugnat.  Is  ad  extravagan- 
tem claram  et  apertam  dixit  nescio  quid  relatione  indig- 
num,  et  petiit  diem  ad  deliberandum,  rediturumque  se  af- 
firmavit.     Ego  ilium  hortatus,  ut  se  cognosceret,  demisi. 

Rediitque  postridie,  una  cum  patre  vicario  generali  con- 
gregationis  observantium,  multisque  stipatus.  Et  cum  ex- 
pectarem,  ut  severe  agnosceret,  caepit  coram  notario,  quern 
secum  duxerat,  protestari;  ego  id  subridens,  iterum  huma- 
nissime hominem  hortatus  sum,  ut  relicto  hujuscemodi 
inani  consilio,  ad  cor  et  sanitatem  rediret,  durum  esse  illi 
contra  stimulum  calcitrare.  Addidit  deinceps,  in  scriptis 
se  velle  mihi  respondere,  et  causam  suam  agere,  me  ante- 
riore  die  satis  digladiatum  verbis  cum  illo  fuisse.  Ego 
audaciamhominis  miratus,  dixi,  Fili,  neque  tecum  digladi- 
atus  sum,  neque  digladiari  volo ;  tantum  paratus  sum  in- 
tuitu illustrissimi  ducis  Frederici,  te  paterne  ac  benigne 
(non  disputandi  coutendendive  gratia)  audire,  ac  pro  ve- 
ritate  monere  ac  docere,  conciliare  etiam  (si  voles)  sanctis- 
simo  Domino  nostro  Papae  lieoni  X.  et  Romanae  Eccle- 
-ia'. 


CAJETAN'S  LETTER.  329 

Rogavit  me  turn  is,  turn  Vicarius  ejus,  ut  ilium  in  scrip- 
tis  audire  vellem.  Dixi  me  libentissime  auscultaturum,  et 
facturum  omnia  paterne,  non  tamen  judicialiter.  Itaque 
abiit,  reversusque  postea  tertio  est,  et  longam  scripto  ex- 
hibuit  phylacteriam,  in  qua  fatue  admodum  respondet  ad 
constitutionem  Extravagantis  Papae,  nee  parcit  etiam  suae 
sanctitati,  quam  dicit  abuti  auctoritatibus  sacrae  Scriptura?. 
Ad  illud  vero  de  fide  Sacramentorum  implet  papyrum  locis 
sacra?  Scriptures  omnino  impertinentibus  et  perperam  in- 
tellectis. 

Ego  postquam  ostendi  non  ita  esse  intelligendum  quod 
in  ilia  extravagante  et  sacris  Uteris  scriptum  est;  iterum 
atque  iterum  fratrem  Martinum  ut  filium  monui  et  obtesta- 
tus  sum,  nollet  plus  sapere,  quam  oporteret,  nee  nova  dog- 
mata in  Ecclesiam  intrudere,  sed  seipsum  cognoscere,  et 
salvare  animam  suam. 

Venit  ad  me  deinde  pater  vicarius  congregationis  cum 
quo  praisente,  magnifico  Domino  Urbano  Oratore  montis 
ferrati,  et  uno  magistro  theologiae  dicto  Ordinis,  multasque 
horas  tractavimus  de  negotio  hoc,  ut  tolleretur  scandalum, 
salva  reverentia  Apostolicae  Sedis,  et  sine  ulla  nota  fratris 
Martini.  Venit  postea  solus  ille  theologiae  Magister,  socius 
fratris  Martini,  qui  probavit  et  collaudavit  tractatum. 

Jactis  his  fundamentis,  cum  bene  sperarem  omnia,  pro- 
fectus  est  hinc  idem  vicarius,  insalutato  hospite,  ac  me 
omnino  nescio.  Subsequutus  est  deinde  frater  Martinus,  et 
socii  ejus,  mihique  omnino,  imo  sibi,  perbelle  illuserunt. 
Accepi  interea  fratris  Martini  literas,  quibus  petit  fucatam 
veniam,  non  ideo  vero  revocat  maledicta  et  scandala,  quaa 
catholicae  ecclesiae  concussit. 

Ego,  illustrissime  Princeps,  fraudulentum  fratris  Mar- 
tini et  sequacium  consilium,  non  solum  admiratus  sum, 
verum  etiam  prorsus  perhorrui  et  obstupui.  Cum  enim 
de  bona  illius  valetudine  maxime  sperarem,  maxime  sum 
frustratus.     Non  video  tamen  cujus  fiducia  haec  agat. 

In  causa  vero  tria  affirmaverim.  Primo,  dicta  fratris 
Martini  in  conclusionibus  suis  disputative  esse  posita,  in 
sermonibus  tamen  ab  eo  scriptis,  affirmative  et  assertive 
esse  posita  et  confirmata  in  vulgari  Germanico,  ut  aiunt. 
Ea  autem  sunt  partim  contra  doctrinam  Apostolicae  Sedis, 
partim  vero  damnabilia.  Et  credat  mihi  illustrissima  do- 
minatio  vestra,  qui  vera  dico  et  loquor,  ex  certa  scientia 
non  ex  opinionibus. 

Secundo,  illustrissimam  illam  vestram  dominationem 
2T 


330  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

hortor  et  rogo,  consulas  honori  et  conscientiae  suae,  vel 
mittendo  fratrem  Martinura  ad  Urbem,  vel  ejiciendo  extra 
terras  suas,  postquam  non  vult  paterna  via  errorem  suum 
cognoscere  et  cum  universali  Ecclesia  bene  sentire. 

Postremo,  illud  sciat  illustrissima  Dominatio  vestra  ne- 
quaquam  hoc  tarn  grave  et  pestilens  negotium  posse  diu 
haerere,  nam  Romae  prosequentur  causam,  quando  ego  lavi 
manus  meas,  et  ad  sanctissimum  Dominum,  Dominum 
nostrum  hujuscemodi  fraudes  scripsi. 

Bene  et  feliciter  valeat  Excellentia  vestra  cui  me  intime 
commendo.  Ex  Augusta  Vindelicorum  xxv.  die  Octobris, 
Anno  M.D.XVIII. 

Iterum  atque  iterum  rogo,  ut  dominatio  vestra  illus- 
trissima non  permittat  se  decipi  a  dicentibus,  "  Nihil  mali 
continent  fratris  Martini  Lutheri  dicta ;"  nee  ponat  macu- 
lam  in  gloriam  majorum  suorum  et  suam,  propter  unum 
fraterculum,  ut  toties  promisit.  Ego  loquor  puram  veri- 
tatem,  et  servabo  Jesu  Christi  regulam  :  A  fructibus  eorum 
cognoscetis  eos.  Haec  pauca  manu  propria. 
E.  V.  et  illustriss.  D. 

ad  obsequia 

THOMAS, 
S.  Sixti  Cardinalis,  Legatus  Apostolicae  Sedis. 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER  TO  CAJETAN'S 
LETTER. 

Epistola  D.  Martini  ad  Lutheri  illustrissimum  et  clemen- 
tissimum  D.  Fredericum,  Saxoniae  ducem,  &c.  In  qua 
respondet  ad  ea,  de  quibus  eum  Legatus  Apostolicus 
accusat,  in  Uteris  suis  ad  praedictum  Saxoniae  Electo- 
rem  ex  Augusta  missis. 

Illustrissimo  et  vere  optimo  Principi,  D.  Frederico  Elec- 
tori,  sacri  Romani  imperii  Archimarschallo  Duci  Saxo- 
niae, Pra?sidi  Thuringse,  Marchioni  Misnensi,  Domino  suo 
clementissimo,  deditum  mancipium,  F.  Martinus  Lutherus 
Augustinianus,  felicitatem,  et  quidquid  potest  oratio  pec- 
catoris. 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  331 

Accepi,  clementissime  ac  illustrissime  Princeps,  per 
amicissimum  meum  Dominum  Georgium  Spalatinum,  li- 
teras  una  cum  exemplo  literarum  Reverendissimi  Domini 
Thomse  Cajetani,  Tituli  S.  Sixti  Cardinalis,  Sedis  Apos- 
tolicae  Legati,  voluntate  illustrissimae  dominationis  tuae  ad 
me  misso.  Accepi  autem  et  reverenter  et  hilariter.  Vi- 
deo enim  pulcherrimam  totius  causae  meae  exponendae  oc- 
casionem  datam.  Unum  solum  ab  illustrissima  celsitudine 
tua  precatus  fuero,  ut  sordidum  hunc  et  mendicum  frater- 
culum  splendor  magnitudinis  tuae,  clementissime,  tolleret 
balbutientem. 

Primum  vere  scribit  Reverendus  D.  Cardinalis  me  salvo 
conductu  voluisse  muniri  meara  Augustae  praesentiam.  Ne- 
que  id  feci  aut  meo  aut  illustrissima3  dominationis  tuae  con- 
silio,  sed  amicorum  singulorum  et  omnium,  quibus  fueram 
Uteris  commendatus,  excepto  uno,  magnifico  Domino  Ur- 
bano  oratore,  qui  solus  multis  verbis  dissuasit.  Sed  ne- 
cesse  fuit  mihi,  ut  omnes  prjeferrem  uni,  ne  si  quid  temere 
mihi  contigisset,  me  contempsisse  scriberent,  et  illustrissi- 
maj  dominationis  tuae  commendationem,  et  ipsorum  fidelis- 
simam  operam.  Deinde  non  capitosi,  sed  naturalis  affec- 
tus  est,  multos  Germanos  antea  cognitos,  atque  vita  et  auc- 
toritate  celebres,  a  me  Germano  praefei*ri  uni  Italo.  Ipsa 
enim  natio  et  multitudo  me,  spero,  justissime  excusabunt, 
ne  orator  ille  dominus  magnificus  se  a  me  contemptum 
possit  causari. 

Non  ergo  tua,  illustrissime  princeps,  diffidentia  arguen- 
da  fuit,  imo  plus  in  reverendissimum  dominum  Legatum 
confisum  est,  quam  speraverant  amici,  ita  ut  meam  temeri- 
tatem  mirarentur,  seu  (ut  ipsi  bonorabant)  audaciam, 
quod  sine  conductu  essem  ingressus  Augustam.  Manda- 
verat  enim  mihi  illustrissima  tua  dominatio  per  Spalatinum 
meum,  non  esse  mihi  necessarium  salvum  conductum,  adeo 
illustrissima  tua  celsitudo  omnia  bona  de  reverend.  Legato 
praesumebat. 

Percurram  et  caetera  epistolae  reverendissimi  domini  Le- 
gati membra,  ac  paucis  respondebo  ad  ea. 

Vere  scribit  me  tandem  comparuisse,  et  dilationem  ac- 
ces6us  ac  salvi  conductus  impetrationem  excusasse.  Dice- 
bam  enim  me  a  magni  ordinis  utriusque  status  viris  fuisse 
monitum,  ne  muros  Wittembergae  egrederer,  esse  enim 
mihi  insidias  aut  ferri,  aut  veneni  paratas.  Deinde  addidi 
et  causam  praidictam,  scilicet  amicorum  studium  nomine 
illustrissimae  dominationis  tuae  mihi  consulentium.     Obtuli 


332  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

itaque  me  prostratum  ante  pedes  Reverendissimi  domini 
Legati,  et  omni  reverentia  et  humilitate  petii  veniam,  si 
quid  temere  vel  dixissem  vel  egissem,  esseque  me  paratis- 
simum  doceri  et  duci  (sicut  et  hodie  sentio)  in  saniorem 
sententiam. 

Hie  me  reverendissimus  Dominus  Legatus  paterae  et 
clementissime  suscepit,  commendans  et  congratulans  huic 
meae  humilitati ;  statim  tria  mihi  facienda  proposuit,  de 
mandate*  Sanctissimi  Domini  nostri  Papae  Leonis  X.  sicut 
aiebat  (nam  exemplar  breve  petenti  denegabat). 

Primum,  ut  redirem  ad  cor,  et  erratus  meos  revocarem. 
Secundo,  ut  promitterem,  in  futurum,  abstinere  ab  eisdem. 
Tertio,  ut  ab  omnibus  quo  que  aliis  abstinerem,  quibus  per- 
turbari  possit  Ecclesia. 

Ad  primum  petii,  ut  monstraret  mihi,  in  quonam  erras- 
sem  ;  mox  id  objecit,  quod  conclusione  7.  inter  declarandum 
dixeram,  "  oportere  eum,  qui  ad  sacramentum  accedit  cre- 
dere, se  consecuturum  gratiam  sacramenti."  Hanc  enim 
doctrinam  esse  contra  sacram  Scripturam  et  rectam  Ec- 
clesia? doctrinam  voluit.  Ego  vero  constanter  dixi  in  eo 
puncto  me  non  esse  cessurum,  sicut  nee  hodie  neque  in 
eeternam  sum  cessurus.  Tunc  ipse  :  "  Velis,  nolis,  hodie 
oportebit  te  revocare,  alioqui  vel  propter  hunc  locum  om- 
nia tua  dicta  damnabo." 

Et  quanquam  dicebat  sese  non  opinionibus  doctorum, 
sed  Scripturis  Sanctis  et  canonibus  mecum  acturum,  nee 
syllabam  tamen  Scripturae  contra  me  produxit,  cum  ego 
contra  multas  Scripturas  pro  me  adducerem,  ut  videri  po- 
test in  schedula  responsionis  meae.  Nisi  quod  de  efficacia 
Sacramentorum  mihi  concilia  recitabat,  quae  non  negavi, 
neque  contra  me  erant.  Labebatur  tamen  inter  dicendum 
semper  in  opiniones  Doctorum.  Et  expecto,  peto,  rogo  us- 
que hodie  unam  Scriptural  auctoi'itatem,  vel  sanctorum 
patrum,  quae  sit  contra  meara  hanc  sententiam. 

Et  ut  tibi,  illustrissime  Princeps,  ex  corde  loquar,  doleo 
totis  visceribus  hanc  rem  fidei  nostras  in  Ecclesia  non  so- 
lum dubiam  et  ignotam,  sed  etiam  falsam  putari.  Verum, 
optime  Princeps,  coram  Deo  et  Angelis  ejus  protestor,  fiat 
de  alia  mea  Responsione  quicquid  fieri  potest,  sit  falsa,  sit 
contra  extravagantem,  sit  damnanda,  sit  revocanda,  faciam 
hie  omnia,  si  ita  oporteat.  Hanc  autem  sententiam  mo- 
riens  confitebor,  et  omnia  potius  negabo,  quam  illam  revo- 
cabo.  Nam  sive  merita  Christi  sint  thesaurus  indulgentia- 
rum,  non  ideo  indulgentiarum,  non  ideo  indulgentiis  ali- 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  333 

quid  accedit,  sive  non  sint,  nihil  ideo  decedit.  Manent  in- 
dulgentiaj  id  quod  sunt,  quocunque  tandem  nomine  hono- 
rentur  et  inflentur.  Nee  sum  ideo  mains  Christianus,  siin- 
dulgentias  nolim,  quas  ille  tantum  solas  extollit  et  pro  eis 
pugnat.  Sed,  si  hanc  fidei  sententiam  mutavero,  Chris- 
tum negavero.  Sic  sapio,  sic  sapiam,  donee  contraria  sen- 
tentia  per  scripturas  fuerit  probata,  et  adductaj  per  me  auc- 
toritates  dissolutas,  quod  nondum  est  factum,  neque  fiet, 
(Deo  propitio)  unquam. 

Deinde  quia  indulgentiae  movebant  plus,  quam  materia 
ilia  fidei,  sicut  et  scribit,  maxime  (inquit)  super  indulgen- 
tiis,  attulit  extravagantem  Clementis  VI.  contra  proposi- 
tionem  meam  LVIII.  ubi  negavi  merita  sanctorum  et 
Christi  esse  thesaurum  indulgentiarum,  sicut  adhuc  nego, 
saltern  ut  jacentet  sonant  verba,  quantumcunque  ipse  cla- 
ram  apertamque  jactet  extravagantem,  ego  contra  obscu- 
ram  ambiguam,  impropriam  dico,  sicut  in  responsione  mea 
priori  patet. 

Quod  autem  in  Uteris  suis  scribit,  me  dixisse  ad  extrava- 
gantem "  nescio  quid  relatione  indignum,"  hoc  tanquam 
Laico  scribit.  Illud  indignum  relatione  (ut  odium  verbi 
illius  revelem,  et  appareat,  an  hoc  sit  paterne  me  quaerere) 
hoc  fuit,  illustrissime  princeps,  quod  dixi  extravagantem  il- 
lam  non  satis  valere  contra  meam  conclusionem,  maxime 
cum  torqueat  in  alienum  sensum  Scripturas  et  abutatur  eis; 
hoc  verbum,  torquere  et  abuti,  mire  torquebat  hominem  et 
adhuc  torquet,  ut  indicant  literal  ejus.  Voluit  enim  et 
vult  verba  humana  pontificis  simpliciter  accepi,  non  habita 
ratione,  an  consentiant  cum  Scripturis,  necne. 

Verum,  optime  princeps,  permittat  celsitudo  tua,  ut  et 
ego  tanquam  coram  laico  hanc  rem  tractem;  id  est  crasse 
et  aperte.  Volo  interim  oblivisci  acerrimum  illud  et  omni- 
bus doctissimis  quoque  formidabile  judicium,  quo  Deus  in- 
signivit  prae  omnibus,  quos  nostra  vidit  «etas,  ingenium 
principis  Frederici.  Dico  itaque  non  esse  rarum  atque  no- 
vum,  Scripturas  sanctas  aPontificibuset  doctoribus  Sanctis 
fuisse  tortas,  et  in  alienum  sensum  ductas,  quod  ne  multis 
agam  etiam  crasso  cuique  bubulco  clarum  faciam,  uno  extra 
propositum  (ut  vocant)  exemplo  adducto. 

Dicit  decretalis  quasdam,  constitulionibus,  "  translato  sa- 
cerdotio,  necesse  est,  ut  legis  fiat  translatio."  Haec  verba 
Apostoli  sunt  apud  Hebraeos  cap.  7.  docentis  temporale  sa- 
cerdotium  et  legem  abrogata  et  finita,  succedente  ajterno 
sacerdotio  Christi.  Haec  est  propria  et  genuina  sententia 
verborum  Apostoli. 


334  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

At  in  decretali  est  ista  sententia,  "  sacerdotium  Cliristi 
est  translatum  in  S.  Petrum,"  sic  enim  Juristae  interpre- 
tantur.  Quis  non  videt  alienam  esse  hanc  intelligentiam, 
et  prorsus  talem,  quag  nisi  multo  sudore  moderetur,  sit  im- 
piissima.  Impiissimum  omnium  enim  est  dicere,  sacerdotium 
Christi  aeternum  esse  translatum,  id  est,  abrogatum  et  fini- 
tum;  et  legem  ejus  asternam  esse  abrogatam  et  translatam, 
ut  Petrus  sit  sacerdos  et  legislator,  amoto  Christo. 

Nolo  Petrum  aut  Paulum  habere  sacerdotem,  quoniam 
et  ipse  peccator  est,  non  habens,  quod  neque  pro  se  neque 
quod  pro  me  oflerat.  Ut  interim  taceam,  quod  in  solum 
Petrum  a  Christo  translatum  dicitur,  quasi  caeteri  Apostoli 
Jaici  remanserint,  aut  a  S.  Petro  in  Apostolos  ordinati  fue- 
rint.  Quanto  rectius  ergo  non  sacerdotium,  sed  ministerium 
tantum  sacerdotiique  in  Petrum  positum  intelligeretur,  aut 
alio  quocunque  sensu,  qui  illaesum  permittat  germanum 
Apostoli  sensum. 

Nunquid  ergo  male  dico,  si  in  faciem  hujus  decretalis 
dixero,  hanc  contrariam  propositionem  sacerdotium  Christi 
cum  sit  asternum,  non  est  translatum  in  S.  Petrum:  aut 
etiam  hie  me  coget  reverendissimus  Dominus  Legatus,  ut 
verum  sensum  negem,  et  decretalis  sensum  solum  amplec- 
tar?  Talia  sunt  in  jure  Canonico  multa,  quibus  (ut  cum 
fiducia  loquar)  si  non  corrupta,  certe  obscurata  est  Scrip- 
tura. 

Tale  quid  in  extravagantem  a  me  factum  est  nam  certis- 
simum  est  merita  Christi  non  posse  per  hominem  dispensari. 
Deinde  etiam  ipsa  potius  imponunl,  quam  relaxant  bona 
opera  (quod  est  indulgentias  esse)  pcenitentiae,  ut  Petrus 
aperte  dicit.  "  Christus  pro  nobis  passus  est,  vobis  relin- 
quens  exemplum,  ut  sequamini  vestigia  ejus."  Non  ait, 
passus  est  pro  vobis,  ne  vos  pateremini  aut  ut  vos  relaxa- 
remini,  sed  exemplum  reliquit  sequendi,  non  reliquit  the- 
saurum  omittendi,  he. 

Hasc  est  enim  proprie  virtus  meritorum  Christi,  amare  ad 
opus,  non  ponere  cervical,  et  ponere  pulvinos  sub  cubitis  et 
capitibus,  ut  ait  propheta  Ezechiel.  Ideo  contra  extrava- 
gantem, imo  contra  malum  ejus  intellectum  opposui,  et  ad- 
huc  oppono.  Nee  est  ista  communis  Ecclesiae  consuetudo, 
quam  jactat,  sed  corruptela  et  abusus,  contra  Scripturae  ve- 
ritatem  militans. 

Igitur  permitto  extravagantem  esse  veram,  sed  nego  sen- 
ium ejus  esse,  quern  adducta  verba  Scriptural  habent  in  suo 
loco,  quae  verba  utique  vera  fuerunt  plus  quam  per  duode- 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  335 

cim  annorum  centenaria,  ante  constitutionem  hujus  extra- 
vagantis.  Neque  ab  extravagante,  vel  a  tempore  ejus  pri- 
mum  veritatem  acceperunt.  Nam  si  ista  verba  Scripturae 
de  indulgentiis  debent  intelligi  proprio  et  genuino  sensu, 
jam  possent  ex  sacra  Scriptura  probari  et  demonstrari  in- 
dulgentias,  quod  ad  unum  omnes  constantissime  negant. 

Igitur  volo  utrumque  servare,  et  dicitur  mihi,  "  imo  is- 
tum  (scilicet  pejorem  sensum)  servabis,  alterum  (scilicet 
meliorem)  negabis."  Ego  autem  nolo,  sed  sufficere  puto, 
verbo  hominis  me  tantum  reverentiae  gradum  dedisse,  ut 
verum  esse  confitear.  Nolo  verbum  Dei,  qui  mentiri  (ut 
ille)  non  potest,  propter  illius  verbum  negare.  Non  igi- 
tur "  relatione  indignum  "  est  (nisi  dum  alteri  velis  mortem 
et  perditionem  moliri  sine  causa)  dicere  quod  Papa  aut 
sancti  Patres  aliquoties  torserint  Scripturas,  et  in  alienum 
sensum  abusi  sint,  aut  si  id  pertinaciter  negatur,  jam  et  Pa- 
pain et  sanctos  haereticos  et  impios  faciemus,  ut  quos  man- 
ifestum  est,  alium  sequi  sensum,  quam  sit  in  Scriptura,  et 
id  non  paucis  locis,  neque  raro. 

Hue  usque  prima  die  actum  est,  id  est,  duo  ista  objecta 
sunt.  Petii  enim  diem  ad  deliberandum,  et  abii.  Non 
enim  e  re  mea  fore  vidi,  verbis  rem  agere,  quod  ille,  loco 
Pontificis  sedens,  quidquid  diceret,  ratum  apud  me  esse 
voluit ;  rursum,  quidquid  ego  opponerem  exibilatum  fuit 
explosum,  imo  derisum,  etiamsi  sacras  adveherem  literas. 
Nam  omitto  dicere,  quod  potestatem  Papas,  et  supra  Scrip- 
turas et  supra  concilia  tollere  conabatur,  allegans,  quo- 
modojam  Papae  concilium  Basiliense  abrogasset.  Cum 
rursus  Parisiensis  universitatis  appellationem  allegassem, 
"  Videbunt,"  inquit,  "  poenas  suas." — Tandem  nescio  quos 
Gersonistas  damnavit,  nam  Basiliense  concilium,  aut  certe 
Gersonem  allegaveram  in  resolutionibus,  quod  hominem 
movebat.  Breviter  paternitas  ilia  toties  illustrissimas  tuas 
dominationis  promissa  erga  me,  in  hoc  constitit,  aut  vim  me 
passurum,  aut  revocaturum,  non  enim  disputare  sese  me- 
cum  velle  aiebat.  Ideoque  consilium  fuit,  scriptis  respon- 
dere,  quae  id  certe  oppressis  praebent  solatium,  quod  alio- 
rum  quoque  judicio  examinari  possunt,  et  nonnihil  consci- 
entiae  atque  timoris  incutiunt,  alioqui  verbis  praevalenti. 

Altera  itaque  die  redii,  et  mecum  reverendus  pater  Vi- 
carius  Johannes  Staupitzius,  qui  interim  advenerat,  prae- 
sentibusque  quatuor  insignibus  viris  Caesareae  majestatis 
senatoribus,  caspi  coram  notario,  quem  adduxeram,  pro- 
tostari,  me  nihil  velle  dicere  aut  dicturum  esse  unquam. 


336  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

quod  contra  sanctas  Ecclesiae  Romanas  doctrinam  esset,  pa- 
ratumque  esse  doceri  ac  duci,  sicubi  errassem,  subjiciens 
mea  dicta  summo  Pontifici.  Deinde  quatuor  universitati- 
bus,  Basiliensi,  Friburgensi,  Lovaniensi,  tandem  si  hoc 
non  essit  satis,  etiam  ipsi  parenti  studiorum,  Parisiensi,  ut 
schedula  protestationis  meae  indicat. 

Hie  iterum  ridens  meum  hoc  consilium,  cacpit  monere, 
ut  ad  cor  redirem,  veritatemque  agnoscerem,  velle  sese 
rursum  me  reconciliare  ecclesiae,  et  summo  pontifici,  et  his 
similia,  quasi  jam  haereticus,  apostata  et  extra  ecclesiam 
essem  declaratus.  Sed  cum  ego  non  verbis,  sed  scriptis 
respondere  promitterem,  et  peterem,  satis  fuisse  mecum 
anteriori  die  digladiatum.  Hoc  verbum,  digladiatum,  mor- 
dicus  apprehendit,  et  ridens,  Fili  mi,  inquit,  non  sum  te- 
cum digladiatus,  nee  volo  tecum  digladiari,  sed  monere, 
et  intuitu  illustrissimi  principis  Frederici,  paterne  ac  be- 
nigne  audire.  Hoc  est  (ut  ego  cogebar  intelligere)  ad 
nihil  aliud  quam  ad  revocationem  urgere.  Displicuit  enim 
merito  stultitia  mea,  quod  pro  disputare  vel  contendere 
(quod  anteriori  die  egimus,  re  ipsa,  si  non  oportet  negare) 
digladiari  dixeram,  elegantius,  quam  tunc  res  ipsa  postu- 
labat. 

Interim,  me  tacente,  surgit  reverendus  dominus  vica- 
rius,  petens,  ut  me  (sicut  et  ipse  petieram)  in  scriptis  au- 
diret.  Quod  tandem  vix  obtinuimus,  nam  publicam  dis- 
putationem  noluit,  privatim  quoque  negabat  se  mecum 
disputaturum.  In  scriptis  etiam  respondere  simpliciter 
usque  ad  earn  horam  me  noluit  concedere,  solummodo  re- 
vocandi  verbum  inculcabat.  Quod  si  fecissem,  non  du- 
bito  omnia  fuisse  vel  paternissime  composita,  benignissi- 
mus  enim  vir  est,  meo  judicio,  sed  qui  revocare  libentis- 
sime  audivisset. 

Tertio  reversus,  obtuli  responsiones  ad  objecta  duo  in 
scriptis,  quas  primo  multa  et  inania  verba  esse  dixit,  (sicut 
et  nunc  scribit)  me  admodum  fatue  respondisse,  et  im- 
plevisse  papyrum  locis  scripturae  impertinentibus,  seseque 
veram  eorum  intelligentiam  dedisse.  Verum  cum  dixissem 
tandem  pro  me  stare,  quod  extravagans  dicit,  Christum 
suis  passionibus  acquisivisse  thesaurum  Ecclesiaj  suae,  sta- 
tim  arripuit  codicem,  legit  et  in  verbum  acquisivit,  impe- 
git,  sedulo  tamen  dissimulans  sese  impegisse. 

Surgens  tandem  dixit:  Vade,  inquit,  aut  revoces,  aut  in 
conspectum  meum  non  revertaris.  Ego  vero  mox  abii, 
credens  me  simpliciter  non  reverti  audere,  quandoquidem 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  337 

propositum  non  revocandi  formaveram,  nisi  aliud  docerer. 
Taceo  quod  rumor  circumferebatur,  permissum  esse  a  re- 
verendo  patre  generali,  me  capiendum  et  in  vincula,  nisi 
revocarem,  conjiciendum.  Mansi  tamen  Augusta  eodem 
die.     Erat  turn  feria  sexta. 

Post  prandium  vocato  reverendo  patre  vicario,  trac- 
tavit  cum  eo,  at  me  ad  revocationem  adduceret,  sine  mea 
nota,  ut  hie  scribit,  id  est,  cum  perpetua  infamia,  quae  so- 
let  eos  sequi,  qui  timore  hominum  contra  conscientiam 
abnegant  veritatem.  Quod  ille  quidem  fecit,  sed  rogatus, 
ut  Scripturas  mihi  solveret,  dicebat,  supra  vires  suas  esse, 
et  ego,  contra  conscientiam  meam  esse  revocare,  nisi  Scrip- 
turae  mihi  aliter  elucidarentur.  Mansi  deinde,  et  sabbato 
toto  nihil  dicebatur,  nihil  mandabatur.  Mansi  et  sequenli 
Dominica,  ubi  saltern  per  literas  adii  reverendissimum  Do- 
minum  Legatum,  sed  nihil  fiebat.  Mansi  et  feria  secunda; 
mansi  et  feria  tertia.  Et  suspectum  mihi  et  omnibus  amicis 
silentium  factum  est.  Ideo  timens  vim,  et  appellatione  dis- 
posita,  reliqui  Augustam,  et  feria  quarta  recessi,  confidens 
me  praestitisse  abunde  arduam  et  fidelem  obedientiam  sum- 
mo  Pontifici,  juxta  tenorem  citationis  si  quid  autem  ultra 
prosequentur,  vigore  ejusdem,  nihil  mirum,  si  injuriam 
patiar.  Deinde  video,  optime  princeps,  quod  vere  Deus 
in  altis  habitet,  et  comprehendat  astutos  in  astutia  sua. 
Dicit  enim,  tria  affirmaverim  in  hac  causa. 

"  Primo,  dicta  fratris  Martini,  in  conclusionibus  suis 
disputative,  in  sermonibus  tamen  ab  eo  scriptis  affirmative, 
et  assertive  esse  posita." 

Respondeo  :  si  disputative  posita  intelligit,  quid  ergo 
me  miserum  et  pauperem  hominem  tot  molestiis  vexant, 
tot  sumptibus  extenuant,  tot  criminibus  et  ignominiis  affi- 
ciunt,  tot  scandala  et  prope  schismata  excitant  ?  Sunt 
disputationes,  (inquit,)  gratias  ago,  absolutus  sum.  Imo 
et  damnati  sunt  omnes,  qui  me  in  jus  vocaverunt,  ipse  enim 
reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus  his  verbis  testis  nobis  sit, 
se  frustra  et  iniqna  ratione  omnia  contra  me  egisse,  et  ista 
quoque  non  sincere  scripsisse.  An  nondum  pudet  eos  suae 
tyrannidis,  quam  proprio  testimonio  tarn  clare  confitentur? 
Quid  enim  disputationi  potest  objici  criminis  ?  Quid  dis- 
putatori,  qualem  hie  me  confitetur  ?  Quid  istis  Uteris  vo- 
luit  ?  An  ut  nosceremus  fratrem  Martinum  nihil  egisse, 
nisi  diputasse  ?  Ideoque  contra  eum  motos  fuisse  ejus  ad- 
versarios,  ipsumquemet  reverendissimum  dominum  Lega- 
tum, et  non  nisi  insidiose  calumniam  et  injuriam  ei  molitos 

2U 


333  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

fuisse  ?  Nam  super  disputatione  fuit  citatus,  non  super  ser- 
monibus,  super  sermones  enim  postquam  fuerat  citatus, 
f'acti  sunt  certiores,  quos  ego  facilius  defendam  (deo  pro- 
pitio)  quam  ipsas  disputationes.  Nam  hie  multa  dubitavi 
et  ignoravi,  illic  loquutus  sum  ex  certa  scientia,  et  non  ex 
opinionibus. 

Nunc  hoc  videamus,  quod  ea,  qua;  in  sermonibus  dixi, 
partim  damnabilia,  partim  contra  doctrinam  Apostolicae 
sedis  asserit.  Quia  scilicet  ei  aliud  est,  esse  damnabile, 
et  aliud  esse  contra  doctrinam  sedis  Apostolicae.  Forte 
quod  danmabilis  non  est,  qui  contra  doctrinam  Sedis  Apos- 
tolicae loquitur.  Ac  sic  iterum  absolvor  et  justificor,  qui 
in  hoc  maxime  et  solum  accusatus  sum,  et  citatus,  quod 
contra  doctrinam  sedis  Apostolicae  fuerim  loquutus,  id  est, 
non  damnabiliter,  ut  hie  distinguitur. 

Quam  vellem,  illustrissime  Princeps,  hanc  epistolam  ab 
aliquo  Silvestro  Prieriate  fuisse  scriptam,  ut  libertate 
plena  ingenii  earn  liceret  excutere.  Ostenderem  profecto, 
quam  difficile  sit,  malam  pt  sinistram  conscientiam  dextera 
operire  specie.  At  nunc  reverentia  optimi  et  humanissimi 
viri  cogit  me  bullientis  cordis  mei  premere  aestus  usque  in 
aliud  tempus. 

Sed  hoc  pati  non  possum,  quod  ex  prudentissimo  et 
acerrimi  judicii  principe,  nobis  quendam  facere  Pilatum 
conatur.  Nam  cum  Judaei  Christum  coram  Pilato  statuis- 
sent,  et  interrogati  fuissent,  "  Quam  accusationem  affer- 
rent,  aut  quid  mali  fecisset  homo  ille.?"  dixerunt,  "  Si 
non  esset  malefactor,  non  tibi  tradidissemus  eum."  lta  et 
hie  reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus,  cum  fratrem  Mar- 
tinum  principi  obtulisset,  multis  odiosis  verbis,  et  princeps 
interrogare  posset, — "  Quid  fecit  fraterculus  ille  ?"  respon- 
det :  "  Credat  mihi,  illustrissime  princeps,  dominatio  ves- 
tra,  quia  vera  loquor  ex  certa  scientia,  non  ex  opinionibus." 
Respondebo  ego  pro  principe ;  Fac,  ut  sciam  hanc  esse 
certam  scientiam,  ponatur  in  scriptis,  formetur  in  literas, 
non  vereatur  publicum  et  lucem.  Quod  ubi  factum  fuerit, 
tunc  mittam  fratrem  Martinum  ad  Urbem,  imo  ipse  eum 
capiam  et  interficiam.  Tunc  consulam  honori  meo  et  con- 
scientiae  meae,  et  non  ponam  maculam  in  gloriam  meam. 
Donee  autem  ilia  certa  scientia  lucem  fuget,  et  non  nisi 
voce  tantum  prodit,  nolo  in  tenebris  confidere  quando  nee 
lux  satis  tuta  est.  Sic  enim  ego  responderem,  princeps 
illustrissime,  verum  nee  doctore,  nee  consule  eget  illus- 
trissima  tua  prudentia.     Nam  crassae   istae   Italitates  (ut 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  339 

sic  dixerim)  et  Romanitates,  jam  pueris  quoque  cantata? 
sunt. 

Nunc  judicet  illustrissima  dominatio  tua,  quid  amplius 
facere  debui  aut  debeo.  Per  pericula  tanta  vita;  et  salutis, 
contra  omnium  amicorum  consilium  comparui,  ut  et  hodie 
dicant,  me  non  fuisse  obligation  comparere.  Deinde  co- 
ram reverendissimo  domino  Legato,  reddidi  rationem  dic- 
torum  meorum.  Poteram  legitima  libertate  unum  verbuin 
respondisse,  nee  me  in  aliquam  cxaminationem  dare,  pra> 
sertim,  cum  resolutiones  meae  essent  oblatae  et  significatae 
summo  Pontifici,  ita  ut  ad  me  nihil  pertineret  haec  causa 
nisi  ut  expectarem  sententiam,  nam  in  arbitrium  Ecclesia; 
a  me  translation  jam  reposueram,  et  tamen  ob  reverentiam 
reverendissimi  domini  Legati  passus  sum  ultra  haec  me 
etiam  examinari.  Non  ego  fraudulentus  fiji,  sed  vim  jus- 
tissimo  timore  declinavi.  Nihil  me  omisisse  video,  nisi  sex 
istas  literas  "  revoco."  Caeterum  damnent,  doceant,  in- 
terpretentur,  vel  reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus,  vel  ipse 
summus  Pontitex,  non  autem  dicant  solum,  "  errasti,  male- 
dixisti,"  sed  in  scriptis  signent  errorem,  probent  maledic- 
tum,  rationem,  quam  debent,  reddant,  dissolvant  Scriptu- 
ras  a  me  inductas.  Doceant  sicut  jactant,  verbis  sese  fe- 
cisse,  instruant  doceri  cupientem,  petentem,  volentem,  ex- 
pectantem,  qua;  nee  Turcus  homo  mihi  negaret.  Ubi 
videro  aliter  intelligenda,  quam  intellexi  si  tunc  non  revo- 
cavero,  et  meipsum  non  damnavero,  illustrissime  princeps, 
tua  celsitudo  sit  prima,  quae  persequatur  me,  expellat  me, 
obruant  me  viri  Academiae  nostras,  denique  cadum  et  ter- 
rain contra  me  invoco,  perdatque  me  ipse  Dominus  meus 
Jesu  Christus.  Loquor  et  ego  ex  certa  scientia,  et  non  ex 
opinionibus,  nolo  mihi  DominumDeum  ipsum,  nolo  ullam 
creaturam  Dei  mihi  fore  propitiam,  si  edoctus  meliora  se- 
quutus  non  fuero. 

Quod  si  me  fraterculum  et  mendicum  prae  nimia  condi- 
tionis  mea;  utilitate  contempserint  docere  et  in  viam  veritatis 
reducere,  age  faciat  tua  illustrissima  celsitudo,  et  oret  re- 
verendissimum  dominum  Legatum,  ut  saltern  tuae  celsitu- 
dini  scribat,  in  quibus  erraverim,  et  quomodo  me  errorem 
emendare  oporteat,  ut  saltern  per  illustrissimam  tuam  do- 
minationem  audire  merear,  quibus  rationibus,  quibus  auc- 
toritatibus  errorem  meum  confutare  possint.  Quod  si 
etiam  illustrissimae  tuae  dominationi  hoc  denegaverint,  scri- 
bant  id  vel  Imperatori  vel  Archiepiscopo  alicui  in  Ger- 
mania.  Quid  enim  aliud  possum  facere  ?  Mira  res  est 
quod  errasse  arguor,  et    obtinere   non  possum  (nee  per 


J40  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

tantum  principem)  in  quibus,  et  quare,  ipsi  me  errasse 
putent. 

Videat  igitur  tua  illustrissima  dominatio,  disputationem 
publicam  mihi  negat  (quam  usque  hodie  vel  Lipsiae,  vel 
Erphordiae,  vel  Hallis,  vel  Magdeburgi,  vel  ubicunque  tuae 
dominationis  valet  imperium,  seu  salvus  conductus,  non 
detrecto,  quin  eliam  oro,  et  utinam  exorem;)  privatam 
similiter  negat.  In  scriptis  etiam  ostendere  errorem  negat. 
Quatuor  illustrissimarum  Academiarum  judicia  recusat. 
Si  nunc  id  addat,  ut  illustrissimi  ac  potentissimi  principis 
petitionis  rejiciat,  quomodo  possum  aliud  quam  meram  vim 
et  insidias  suspicari .? 

lterum  ego  quoque  atque  iterum  et  tertio  iterum  rogo. 
illustrissima  dominatio  tua  non  credat  iis  qui  dicunt  fratrem 
Martinum  male  dixisse,  antequam  audiatur  et  doceatur 
male  dixisse.  Erravit  Petrus  etiam  post  acceptum  Spi- 
ritum  sanctum,  etiam  errare  potest  unus  Cardinalis,  quan- 
tumlibet  doctus. 

Consulat  igitur  illustrissima  dominatio  tua  honori  suo, 
et  conscientire  su?e,  non  mittendo  me  ad  Urbem.  Homo 
enim  non  habet  hoc  mandare  illustrissimae  dominationi 
tua?,  cum  sit  impossibile  me  tutum  fore  in  Urbe,  et  id  nihil 
aliud  esset,  quam  illustrissima;  dominationi  tuae  mandare, 
ut  traderet  sanguinem  Christiani,  et  fieret  homicida,  ubi 
nee  ipse  summus  Pontifex  satis  tuto  vivit.  Habent  papy- 
rum,  et  calamos,  et  atramentum  in  Urbe,  habent  infinitos 
notarios ;  facile  erit  in  papyrum  signare,  in  quibus  et 
quare  erraverim.  Possum  levioribus  expensis  doceri  ab- 
sens  per  literas,  quam  perdi  per  insidias  praesens. 

Unum  ego  intimo  corde  doleo,  quod  Uteris  suis  reve- 
rendissimus  dominus  Legatus  oblique  mordet  illustrissi- 
mam  dominationem  tuam,  quasi  fiducia  potentiae  celsitu- 
dinis  tuae  moliar  ista  omnia.  Sic  enim  et  apud  nos  quidam 
sycophanta3  jactaverunt,  tuae  celsitudinis  hortatu  et  consi- 
lio,  me  ista  disputasse,  cum  hujus  disputationis  nullus, 
etiam  intimorum  amicorum  fuerit  conscius,  nisi  reverendis- 
simus  dominus  archiepiscopus  Magdeburgensis,  et  domi- 
nus Hieronymus  episcopus  Brandenburgensis.  Hos  enim, 
sicut  intererat  eorum  ista  monstra  prohibere,  ita  privatis 
Uteris  antequam  disputationem  ederem,  humiliter  et  reve- 
renter  monui,  ut  super  oves  Christi  vigilarent  adversus 
lupos  istos.  Bene  sciebam  haec  non  ad  principes  laicos, 
sed  ad  episcopos  primum  referenda.  Extat  epistola  mea, 
multorum  in  manus  devoluta,  horum  omnium  testis,  ista 
ego  feci. 


LUTHER'S  REJOINDER.  341 

Sed  quod  nunc  vellet  reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus 
tua5  illustrissimae-  dominationi  maculam  inurere,  totique 
sanguini  domus  Saxoniae,  et  in  invidiam  summi  Pontificis 
vocare,  adeo  homines  hodie  credunt,  Christum  esse  sepul- 
tum,  quasi  non  et  nunc  per  asinam  loqui  possit,  et  apostolis 
apostolicisque  viris  tacentibus,  per  ligna  lapidesque  cla- 
mare. 

Verum  opto,  oro,  cupio,  ut  illustrissima  tua  dominatio 
in  omnibus  adhasreat  ecclesiae  et  sum  mo  Pontifici,  mihi 
vero  in  omnibus  adversetur.  Nisi  id  unum  pro  me  (imo 
pro  sancta  veritate,  pro  ecclesias,  et  pro  summi  Pontificis, 
denique  pro  ipsius  reverendissimi  domini  Legati  honore, 
denique  pro  illustrissima  tuae  dominationis  fama  quoque) 
supplicet,  ut  rationes  et  auctoritates  appareant  aliquando, 
quibus  error  meus  convinci  putatur.  Nam  sine  his  me 
damnare,  neque  tuae  illustrissimae  dominationi,  neque  sum- 
mo  Pontifici,  neque  ecclesiae,  neque  reverendissimo  domino 
Legato  honorificum  fuerit. 

Vivunt  fideles,  vivit  Christus,  vivunt  vel  homines  certe, 
qui  judicent. 

Quod  vero  reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus,  illustrissi- 
mam  tuam  dominationem  admonet,  ut  nisi  in  Urbem  me 
miserit,  vel  ejecerit  e  regionibus  suis,  Roma?  causam  pro- 
secuturi  sint,  &ic.  In  exilium  ire  non  magnopere  abnuo, 
ut  cui  undique  ab  adversariis  meis  insidias  parari  videam, 
neque  facile  usquam  tuto  degere  possum.  Quid  enim  ego 
miser  et  humilis  monachus  sperem,  imo  quid  non  timeam 
discriminis  ?  Quid  non  metuam  mali  ab  aemulis  meis,  cum 
illustrissimam  quidem  tuam  dominationem,  quamvis  tan- 
lum  principem  tantum  Romani  Imperii  sacri  Electorem, 
tantum  Christianae  religionis  cultorem,  non  dubitent  ita  in- 
signiter  offendere,  ut  multo  meliora  merito  minari  videan- 
tur,  nescio  quam  calamitatem,  nisi  me  vel  in  Urbem  mittat, 
vel  e  terris  suis  ejiciat.  Quapropter,  ne  illustrissima?  tuae 
dominationi  quidquam  meo  nomine  mali  (quod  minime 
omnium  velim)  accidat,  ecce  regiones  tuas  relinquo,  iturus 
quo  Deus  misericors  voluerit,  et  ejus  divinee  voluntati  me 
in  omnem  permissurus  eventum.  Nihil  enim  minus  sequor, 
quam  ut  quisquam  mortalium  mea  causa  (nedum  illus- 
trissima dominatio  tua)  vel  invidiam,  vel  in  periculum  ali- 
quod  adducatur. 

Quamobrem,  illustrissime  princeps,  illustrissimam  tuam 
dominationem  reverenter  saluto,  eique  simpliciter  valedico, 
gratias  immortales  pro  omnibus  suis  beneficiis  erga  me 


342  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

agens,  ego  enim,  ubicunque  ero  gentium,  illustrissimse  do- 
minationis  tuae  nunquam  non  ero  memor,  futurus  semper 
sincerus  et  gratus  pro  tua  et  tuorum  felicitate  precator. 

Porro,  quod  ait  reverendissimus  dominus  Legatus  reve- 
rendum  patrem  vicarium  abiisse  insalutato  hospite ;  quid 
hoc  ad  illustrissimam  dominationem  tuam  ?  Vicarius  non 
erat  vocatus,  nihil  ad  eum  causa  ista  pertinebat,  poterat 
ire,  redire,  abire,  venire,  omni  hora  ut  voluit.  An  etiam 
portas  Augusta)  ingredientibus  et  egredientibus  propter 
me  claudi  oportebat?  Sed  timeo,  quod  undicunque  cor- 
rodatur  et  quaeratur  causa  contra  me ;  necesse  est  enim 
quaei'i  causam  ab  eo,  qui  vult  habere  causam,  ubi  nulla m 
habet  causam. 

Sed  jam  ignoscat  illustrissima  dominatio  tua  verbosis- 
simis  nugis  meis.  Ego  adhuc  gratia  Dei  gaudeo,  et  gra- 
tias  ago,  quod  Christus  Dei  Filius  in  tarn  sancta  causa  me 
pati  dignum  judicaverit.  Qui  conservet  illustrissimam  do- 
minationem tuam  in  aeternum.     Amen. 

XIX.  Novemb.  Wittembergae,  Anno  M.D.XVIII. 
Illustrissima;  Dominationis  tuae 

precator  indignus, 
F.  MARTINUS  LUTHERUS 
Augustinianus. 

CENTUM  GRAVAMINA: 

AN   EXTRACT,  WITH   A  NOTICE   OF   THE     PRINCIPAL    TOPICS. 

The  "  Centum  Gravamina"  contain  an  ample  list  of  the 
abuses  practised  by  ecclesiastics,  accompanied  by  com- 
plaints couched  in  language  frequently  more  violent  than 
even  that  of  Luther.  The  first  article  in  this  long  series 
was  the  Indulgences;  and  the  gross  impositions  practised 
by  the  quaestors,  or  superintendants  of  this  fraudulent  traf- 
fic, are  strongly  animadverted  on.  These  men  had  no 
scruple  in  forcing  the  purchase  of  Indulgences  by  holding 
the  terror  of  divine  punishment  before  the  imaginations 
of  their  credulous  hearers.  The  sums  drawn  from  va- 
rious quarters  of  Germany  had  been  such,  as  to  be  pro- 
ductive of  very  sensible  impoverishment.    Absolution  from 


CENTUM  GRAVAMINA.  343 

any  crime  was  promised,  on  payment  of  a  prescribed  fee. 
The  tyrannical  practice  of  forcing  an  appeal  to  Rome,  in 
ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  causes,  is  exposed  in  this 
remonstrance  to  merited  reprobation.  This  notable  expe- 
dient had  been  introduced  and  maintained  for  the  double 
purpose  of  feeding  the  church  dependents,  and  of  conso- 
lidating the  sway  of  the  papal  court.  The  manner  of 
conducting  processes  before  the  ecclesiastical  courts  was 
no  less  reprehensible  than  the  motives  for  bringing  them 
there.  The  princes  complained  likewise,  in  strong  lan- 
guage, of  the  venal  manner  of  granting  marriage  licenses; 
of  the  improper  issue  of  excommunications,  and  of  the 
overbearing  conduct  of  the  papal  commissaries  in  Ger- 
many. Ecclesiastics  were  not  subject  to  prosecution  or 
punishment  in  the  same  way  as  their  humbler  brethren 
among  the  laity.  The  right  of  patronage  was  frequently 
violated,  and  monasteries  were  arbitrarily  exempted  by 
the  papal  commissaries  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bi- 
shops. The  collection  of  the  tribute  called  "  Annates" 
was  persisted  in,  though  the  sums  raised  were  not  applied 
to  the  ostensible  object — hostility  to  the  Turks.  Among 
other  superstitious  abuses,  the  "  Centum  Gravamina"  enu- 
merated the  consecration  of  churches  and  church-yards, 
and  that  almost  incredible  absurdity,  the  baptizing  of  bells, 
all  accompanied,  as  well  as  the  interment  of  the  dead,  with 
heavy  fees.  All  classes  of  ecclesiastics,  monks,  parish 
priests,  abbots,  abbesses,  and  even  the  papal  legates,  were 
charged  with  fattening  on  the  spoils  of  the  credulous  peo- 
ple. Under  an  administration  of  justice  decidedly  partial 
to  ecclesiastics,  it  was  vain  to  hope  for  redress  by  an  ap- 
peal to  law.  And  so  glaring  was  the  traffic  in  church 
appointments,  that  benefices  were  sold  by  the  mistresses  of 
ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  by  courtezans. 

The  following  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  this  remark- 
able memorial. 

CENTUM  GRAVAMINA,  qua?  adversus  sedem  Roma- 
nam  ac  totum  ecclesiasticmn  ordinem,  oratori  pontificiae 
sanctitatis,  in  comitiis  Germanorum  principum,  Norem- 
bergaj,  Anno,  &c.  XXII.  inchoatis,  finitis  vero  XXIII. 
proposuerunt. 

Postquam   relatio    per   oratorem   sanctitatis   Pontificiae 
comitiis  praedictis  coram  majestatis  Caesareae  locumtenente, 


344  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

electoribus,  caeterisque  principibus,  ac  imperii  statibus, 
ibidem  congregates,  habita,  ac  breve  (quod  vocant  aposto- 
licum)  ejusdem  Romani  Pon.  in  consultationem  forent  de- 
ducta,  desuperque  responsio  consulta  et  conclusa  ac  eidem 
oratori  et  legato  pontificio,  in  scriptis,  nomine  totius  Ro- 
mani imperii  tradita,  factaque  esset,  forte  inter  alia,  men- 
tio,  non  infrequens,  gravaminum  atque  onerum  Romani 
imperii  procerum,  quibus  iniquius  quam  par  sit,  ab  Ro- 
manae  ecclesiae  clero  premerentur,  placuit  principibus  ac 
caeteris  imperii  ordinibus,  hasc  ipsa  quae  contra  ecclesise 
Romanae  primores,  se  in  medium  adducturos  polliciti  erant, 
gravamina  paulo  altius  a  principibus,  sigillatim  per  classes, 
et  quam  potuit  maximum  per  ordinem  digesta,  repetere, 
recensereque,  ac  ita  descripta  fusius  legato  Romano,  fe- 
renda  secum  trans  Alpes,  dare,  rogareque  bunc,  ut  apud 
sedem  apostolicam  curare  velit,  quatenus  onera  haec  non 
ferenda  Germanis,  e  medio  tollere,  emendareque  sanctitas 
sua  non  dedignetur.  Quemadmodum  praedicta  haec  in 
responsione  supra  memorata,  omnia  latius  continentur. 
Itaque  per  compendium,  ut  sequitur,  Germanicae  nationis 
onera  haec  justo  graviora,  digesta,  ac  oratori  pontificio, 
qui  se  nomine  sanctissimi  Romani  praesulis,  ita  sincere 
ac  Christiane  obtulerat,  tradita  sunt,  quo  saepe  dictus  ora- 
tor ac  legatus  Pontificius,  haec  inde  sanctitati  legatis  re- 
ferre,  ac  apud  eundem  pro  Germanis  principibus  et  pro- 
ceribus,  totius  imperii  Romani  ordinibus,  interpellare 
possit. 

Sunt  autem  gravamina  supra  memorata,  qua?  per  capita 
nunc  sequuntur. 


Gravamina  sedis  Apostolicce,    non  ferenda    Germanis,    ac 
primum  de  dispensationibus  cere  redemptis. 

I.  Inter  reliqua  onera,  vel  illud  minime  postremo  loco  est 
collocandum,  quod  constitutionibus  humanis  multa  prohi- 
bentur,  imperantur  item  multa,  quod  nullo  divino  prae- 
cepto,  vel  interdicta  sunt,  vel  imperata.  Sunt  matrimo- 
niorum  tarn  innumera  excogitata  obstacula,  ex  affinitatis, 
publicae  honestatis  cognatione,  spirituali,  legalique,  et  con- 
sanguinitatis  tam  multis  gradibus  originem  trahentia. 
Ciborum  item  usus  interdictus,  quos  Deus  tamen  ad  homi- 
nis  necessitatem  creavit,  ac  cum  gratiarum  actione  pro- 
miscue  sumendos  Apostolus  docuit.     Haec  nimirum  atque 


CENTUM  GRAVAMINA.  345 

his  similes  complures  humanae  constitutiones,  eosque  li- 
gant  homines,  donee  pecunia  sibi  harum  legum  gratiam  a 
statuentibns  impetrent,  ut  ita  pecunia  faciat  divitibus  lici- 
tum,  quod  tenuibus  gratis  sit  prohibitum.  Illicitisque  liis 
legum  ac  constitutionum  humanarum  retiaculis,  non  modo 
magna  numerorum  copia  a  Germanis  expiscata,  e  Germa- 
nia  et  trans  Alpes  lata,  sed  et  maxima  inter  rcque  Chris- 
tianos  orta  iniquitas,  plura  oflendicula,  simuitates,  dum 
tenues  hisce  laqueis  vident  se  allaqueari,  non  ob  aliud,  nisi 
quod  spinas  evangelicas  (ita  enim  Christus  divitias  non  se- 
mel  appellat)  non  possideant. 

De  tempore  inter dicto. 

II.  Pari  modo  agitur  etiam  cum  celebrandis  nuptiarum 
solennibus,  a  dominica  septuagesima,  qua  cantatur  in  ec- 
clesia,  "  circumdederunt  me,"  &c.  sub  quadragesimae  us- 
que initium,  quo  tempore  ab  ecclesiae  Romana?  primoribus 
undique  nuptias  celebrari  interdictum  est.  Quum  tamen 
interim  et  ab  ecclesiasticis  et  a  secularibus  passim  sine  dis- 
crimine  publice,  genialiter  vivatur.  Sed  ita  demum  inter- 
dictum illud  procedit,  si  gratis  hoc  facere  quis  intendat. 
Quod  si  nummi  spes  refulserit,  jam  quod  primum  erat  pro- 
hibitum, impune  ac  libere  facere  licet.  Est  enim  et  hoc 
grave  Germanorum  crumenis  retiaculum,  quo  extrahuntur 
nummi.  Nee  minus  interim  gravamen  quam  pauperis  di- 
vitisque  longe  diversa  in  relaxandis  his  constitutionibus  sit 
conditio. 

De  oneribus  papalium  indulgentiarum. 

Illud  importabile  jam  olim  increbuit  Romanarum  indul- 
gentiarum onus,  quando  sub  persona  pietatis,  quum  aut 
basilicas  Romanas  construere,  aut  profectionem  in  Turcas 
parare  polliciti  sunt  Romani  Pontifices,  omnem  a  simpli- 
cibus,  nimiumque  credulis  Germanis  exauxerunt  pecuni- 
arum  medullam.  Et  quod  longe  majoris  est  faciendum 
per  has  imposturas,  ac  earum  conductitios  prsecones  et 
praedicatores,  profligata  est  Germana  Christianorum  pietas, 
dum  qui  extrudere  volebant  venales  suas  bullas,  laudes  suis 
mercibus  occinebant,  miras  et  inauditas  condonari,  pe- 
remptitias  has  condonationes,  nedum  noxas  praeteritas,  aut 
futuras  viventium,  sed  et  defunctorum  vita  existentium  in 
purgatorio  (quod  vocant  cantores  illi  indulgentiarum)  ignis, 

2X 


346  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

modo  numeraretur  aliquid,  modo  tinniat  dextera.  Atque 
his  mercium  nundinationibus  simul  et  spoliata  est  sere  Ger- 
mania,  et  Christi  pietas  extincta,  quando  quilibet  pro  pre- 
tii,  quod  in  has  merces  expenderat,  modo,  peccandi  impu- 
nitatem  sibi  pollicebantur.  Hinc  stupra,  ineestus,  adul- 
teria,  perjuria,  homicidia,  furta,  rapina?,  fcenora,  ac  tota 
malorum  lerna  semel  originem  sibi  traxerunt.  Quod  enim 
malorum  amplius  jam  horrebunt  mortales,  quando  sibi 
peccandi  licentiam  ac  impunitatem,  nedutn  in  vita,  sed  et 
post  obitum,  sere,  licet  immodico,  comparari  posse  a  nun- 
dinationibus illis  indulgentiariis,  semel  persuasum  haben- 
tur  maxime  Germani,  quibus  per  bos  verse  pietatis  fucos, 
sub  religionis  persona,  nihil  non  persuaderi  difficile  est  ? 
Ut  ingenio  plane  ad  pietatem  credulo  est  Germania.  Et 
licet  indulgentiae  ha?  non  semel  in  hoc  ad  Germanos  missfe 
sint,  quasi  ex  corrasa  earum  venditione  pecunia,  fideles  con- 
tra barbaros,  essent  tutandi  ac  defendendi.  Eventu  tamen 
compertum  habent  Germani  pecuniam  banc,  non  in  rem 
fidei,  aut  alioqui  Reipublicai  Christianae  necessariam,  sed 
in  propinquorum  luxum  ac  sublevandam  familiam  ipsorum 
esse  versam,  quo  uno,  bina  haec  nata  sunt  perquam  maxi- 
ma incommoda,  quod  et  offendicula  orta  sunt  simplicibus, 
et  quod  nunc  Germani  toties  sentientes  lusam  fidem  quum 
vere  jam  res  postulat,  ut  contra  Turcas  instituatur  expe- 
ditio  bellica,  nullis  rationibus  persuaderi  se  patiuntur,  ut 
credant,  quod  res  ipsa  fere  notorium  facit.  Ita.  S.  in- 
stare  cervicibus  nostris  crudeles  Turcas,  suspicantes  sem- 
per, prioribus  simile  quippiam  agi.  Quae  una  ratio  est, 
ut  tarn  aegre  manus  contra  Turcas  jungant.  Quanto- 
rum  erga  malorum  et  in  rebus  temporalibus  ac  Christi 
fidelium  conscientiis,  causae  fuerint  Romanae  indulgentiae, 
sanctitas  Apostolica,  pro  sublimitate  captus  sui,  exigua 
opera,  vel  inde,  si  non  ex  re  ulla  alia,  conjectura  conse- 
qui  poterit. 

Proeterea  Papalis  sanctitas,  caeterique  Episcopi,  ac  ec- 
clesiae  Romanae  columnae,  casus  aliquot  suas  tantum  abso- 
lutioni  reliquos  fecerunt,  quorum  si  unum  aut  alteram 
commiseris,  jam  aut  numerandum,  aut  absolutione  tibi 
carendum  est  nempe  quod  in  hoc  reservati  sint  ut  vel 
inde  nummorum  aliquid  eis  accrescat.  Quod  ex  eo  conji- 
cere  licet,  quod  in  casibus  etiam  quantumvis  pro  tempore 
honestis  aut  necessariis,  nunquid  turn  nisi  numeretur  aliquid 
dispensant.  At  si  nihil  attuleris,  numeraverisve,  indispen- 
satus  perpetuo  maneas  cportet. 


AUGSBURG  CONFESSION.  347 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  AUGSBURG  CON- 
FESSION, 

WITH  A  SUMMARY  OF   ITS   CONTENTS. 

Tliis  memorable  document  was  originally  composed  in 
German,  but  translated  afterwards  into  Latin.     The  first 
edition  published  at  Wittemberg  has  been  generally  refer- 
red  to  by  Protestant  writers,    as  correct  and    authentic. 
Though  composed  by  Melancthon,  the  doctrines  contained 
in  it  had,   with  the  exception  of  a  few  verbal  differences, 
been  submitted,  a  considerable  time  before,  to  the  leading 
men  among  the  reformed.     It  deserves  to  be  noticed  that 
the  authority  of  the  council  of  Nice  is  mentioned  in  this 
confession  with  respect.     Of  all  the  oecumenical  councils 
convened  by  the  church  of  Rome,  none  has  obtained  more 
general  attention   than  the  council  of  Nice.     Its  records 
were  well  authenticated,   and  they  corresponded  with  the 
tenets  of  the  party  which  acquired  ascendency  in  the  Ro- 
mish church.     The  discussions  at  this  early  assemblage  of 
the  Christian  clergy  were  directed  chiefly  to  the  controver- 
versies  concerning  the  unity  of  the  Godhead.   The  writings 
of  Saint  Augustine  discover,  as  is  well  known,  a  zealous  at- 
tachment to  the  Athanasian  creed.     It  was  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  Luther's  admiration  of  these  writings,  and  of  the 
general  support  of  the  Reformation  by  the  Augustinian  fra- 
ternity, that  many  of  the  tenets  of  the  founder  of  the  Order 
should  be  incorporated  into  the  Protestant  system.   In  gene- 
ral it  maybe  remarked,  that  the  Reformers  were  not  at  first 
aware  of  the  strength  of  their  cause,  nor  of  the  firm  basis 
on  which  they  might  have  taken  their  ground.     While  ani- 
madversions of  this  description  are  not  inapplicable  to  the 
Augsburg  Confession,   the  liberal  and  conciliatory  spirit 
which  it  breathes,  is  deserving  of  high  commendation.    Of 
this  the  following  extract  contains  a  striking  specimen : 

Haec  summa  est  doctrinae  qua?  in  ecclesiis  nostris  tradi- 
tur.  Et  consentaneam  esse  judicamus  et  propheticae  ac 
apostolicae  scripturae,  et  Catholicae  ecclesiae,  postremo 
otiam  Romanae  ecclesia?,  quatenus  ex  probatis  scriptoribus 


348  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

nota  est.  Atque  idem  judicaturos  esse  speramus  omnes 
bonos  et  doctos  viros.  Non  enim  aspernamur  consensum 
Catholicae  ecclesiae,  nee  est  animus  nobis  ullum  novum 
dogma  et  ignotum  sanctae  ecclesiae,  invehere  in  ecclesiam. 
Nee  patrocinari  impiis  aut  seditiosis  opinionibus  volu- 
mus,  quas  Catholica  ecclesia  damnavit.  Non  enim  ad- 
ducti  prava  cupiditate,  sed  coacti  auctoritate  verbi  Dei  et 
veleris  ecclesia?,  amplexi  sumus  hanc  doctrinam,  ut  gloria 
Dei  fieret  illustrior,  et  consuleretur  piis  mentibus  in  uni- 
versa  ecclesia.  Constat  enim  plerosque  abusus  irrepsisse 
in  ecclesiam,  qui  emendatione  opus  haberent.  Et  cum 
propter  gloriam  Christi,  turn  propter  salutem  omnium 
gentium  maxime  optamus,  ut  diligenter  cognitis  his  con- 
troversiis,  ecclesia  repurgetur,  et  ab  iis  abusibus  liberetur, 
qui  dissimulari  non  possunt,  quam  ob  causam  diu  jam  om- 
nes  boni  viri  in  omnibus  nationibus  expetunt  Synodum, 
cujus  quidem  spem  aliquam  clementiss.  Imperator.  omnibus 
gentibus  ostendit.  Faciet  igitur  Imperator  rem  dignissi- 
mam  sua  magnitudine  et  felicitate,  et  exoptatam  universae 
ecclesiae,  si  in  Synodo  permiserit,  judicium  de  tantis  rebus, 
non  illis  qui  privatos  affectus  in  consilium  adhibent,  sed 
delectis  piis  et  doctis  viris,  qui  glorias  Christi,  et  saluti 
universae  ecclesiae  consulere  cupiant.  Haec  est  usitata  et 
legitima  via  in  ecclesia,  dirimendi  dissensiones,  videlicet  ad 
Synodos  referre  controversias  ecclesiasticas. 

Hunc  morem  servavit  ecclesia  hide  usque  ab  Apostolis. 
Et  praestantissimi  imperatores,  Constantinus  ac  Theodo- 
sius,  etiam  in  rebus  non  valde  obscuris,  et  dogmatibus  ab- 
surdis,  tamen  sine  Synodo,  nihil  constituere  voluerunt,  ut 
ecclesiae  libertatem  in  judiciis  dogmatum  conservarent.  Et 
honestissimum  est  Caesari  illorum  optimorum  principum 
exemplum  imitari,  praesertim  cum  nos  nihil  mutaverimus, 
sine  exemplo  veteris  ecclesiae.  Et  speramus  hanc  tantam 
felicitatem  Imperatori  divinitus  datam  esse,  ad  ecclesiae 
emendationem  ac  salutem.  Certe  hanc  gratiam  Deus  ab 
ipso  reposcit,  ut  potentiam  suam  conferat  ad  ornandam 
Christi  gloriam,  ad  ecclesiae  pacem,  ad  prohibendam  im- 
manem  et  injustissimam  crudelitatem,  quae  mira  quadam 
rabie  passim  exercetur  in  membra  Christi,  in  homines  pios 
et  innocentes.  Harum  maximarum  rerum  curam  manda- 
vit  Deus  summis  principibus.  Ideo  excitat  monarchas  ut  in- 
justa  imperia  prohibeant,  quemadmodum  excitavit  Cyrum, 
ut  liberaiet  a  captivitate  populum  Judaeorum  ;  Constanti- 


AUGSBURG  CONFESSION.  349 

bum,  itt  illam  infinitam  saevitiam,  quaj  tunc  in  Christian 05 
exercebatur,  depelleret.  Ita  optanms  ut  Caesar,  et  curam 
emendandae  ecclesiae  suscipiat,  et  injustam  crudelitatem 
prohibcat.  Nam  articuli  nostri,  quos  recensuimus,  satis 
clare  testantur,  nos  nullum  dogma  contra  Catholicam  ec- 
clesiam,  nullam  impiam  aut  seditiosam  opinionem  docere 
aut  probare.  Imo  quosdam  insignes  articulos  Christianas 
doctriuae  a  nostris  pie  et  utiliter  illustratos  esse.  In  ex- 
ternis  traditionibus  abusus  quidam  mutati  sunt,  quarum 
etiam  si  qua  est  dissimilitudo,  si  tamen  doctrina  et  fides 
pura  sit,  nemo  propter  illam  traditionum  humanarum  dis- 
similitudinem  habendus  est  haereticus,  aut  desertor  Catho- 
licam ecclesiae.  Nam  unitas  Catholica3  ecclesiae  consistit  in 
doctrinae  et  fidei  consensu,  non  in  traditionibus  humanis, 
quarum  semper  in  ecclesiis  per  totum  orbem  magna  fuit 
dissimilitudo.  Nee  vero  ridem  habeat  Caesarea  majestas 
his,  qui,  ut  odia  contra  nos  inflamment,  miras  calumnias 
spargunt.  Pra?dicant  omnes  ceremonias,  omnes  bonos  mo- 
res in  ecclesiis  deleri  a  nobis.  Hasc  crimina  aperte  falsa 
sunt.  Nos  enim  et  ceremonias  divinitus  institutas,  summa 
pietate  conservamus,  et  ut  earum  reverentiam  augeremus, 
tantum  novos  quosdam  abusus  sustulimus,  qui  contra  scrip- 
turam,  contra  veteres  canones,  contra  veteris  ecclesias  ex- 
empla,  sine  ulla  certa  auctoritate  vitio  temporum  recepti 
sunt.  Ac  magna  ex  parte  veteres  ritus  diligenter  apud 
nos  servantur.  Quare  rogamus,  ut  Cassarea  majestas  cle- 
menter  audiat  quid  in  externis  ritibus  serve tur,  quid  qua 
de  causa  mutatum  sit. 

It  is  of  some  consequence  to  remark,  that  the  system 
which  is  generally  termed  the  Calvinistic,  is  very  perspi- 
cuously explained  in  the  Augsburg  Confession,  a  docu- 
ment antecedent  to  the  writings  of  the  Genevese  reformer. 
The  fact  was,  that  respecting  the  fundamental  doctrines 
of  the  Christian  religion,  the  tenets  of  Zwinglius,  Luther, 
and  Calvin,  were  nearly  alike ;  and  the  doctrine  known 
by  the  name  of  the  last  of  these  eminent  men,  belongs  to 
him,  not  as  its  author,  but  as  its  ablest  expositor.  His 
"  Institutions"  contain  by  far  the  ablest  defence  of  the  sys- 
tem, and  it  is  very  questionable  whether  any  material  ac- 
cession of  strength  has  been  gained  to  the  cause  by  the 
writings  of  his  followers.  The  Augsburg  Confession 
clearly  asserts  the  necessity  of  the  influence  of  the  Spirit, 
to  produce  conversion;  while,  at  the  same  time,  it   ex- 


350  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

pressly  declares  that  the  word  of  God  is  the  only  medium 
through  which  the  operations  of  the  Spirit  of  God  are  com- 
municated. Those  who  entertain  different  notions  are, 
without  hesitation,  pronounced  fanatics.  The  perform- 
ance of  good  works  is  regarded  in  the  Confession  as  a  ne- 
cessary consequence  of  becoming  a  sincere  Christian.  In 
respect  to  the  doctrine  of  repentance  and  the  remission  of 
sins,  the  Confession  contains  an  exposition  which  fully 
shows  the  correspondence  in  these  respects,  of  the  ideas 
of  Luther,  Zwinglius,  and  Calvin.  It  discusses  the  sacra- 
ment of  baptism,  and  ventures  to  touch,  but  with  a  gentle 
hand,  the  disputed  question  of  the  Lord's  supper.  Here 
we  may  discover  in  the  Confession  a  considerable  leaning 
to  the  Romish  doctrine,  mixed  apparently  with  a  dread  of 
carrying  innovation  too  far.  However,  the  other  five  sa- 
craments of  the  Catholics  are  decidedly  pronounced  to 
have  no  foundation  in  the  word  of  God.  It  would  be  su- 
perfluous to  enumerate  the  declarations  relative  to  parti- 
cular dogmas,  such  as  the  origin  of  evil,  predestination, 
election,  and  other  articles  which  enter  into  all  the  formulae 
of  protestant  churches.  The  conclusion  of  the  Confession 
is  as  follows : 

Hi  sunt  praecipui  articuli  qui  videntur  habere  controver- 
sial^ quanquam  enim  de  pluribus  abusibus  dici  poterat, 
tamen,  ut  fugeremus  prolixitatem,  praecipua  complexi  su- 
mus,  ex  quibus  caetera  facile  judicari  possunt.  Magnae 
querelae  fuerunt  de  indulgentiis,  de  peregrinationibus,  de 
abusu  excommunicationis.  Parochiae  multipliciter  vexa- 
bantur  per  stationarios.  Infinitae  contentiones  erant  pas- 
toribus  cum  monachis,  de  jure  parochiali,  de  confessioni- 
bus,  de  sepulturis,  de  extraordinariis  concionibus,  et  de 
aliis  innumerabilibus  rebus.  Hujusmodi  negotia  praeter- 
misimus,  ut  ilia  quae  sunt  in  hac  causa  praecipua,  breviter 
proposita,  facilius  cognosci  possent.  Neque  hie  quicquam 
ad  ullius  contumeliam  dictum  aut  collectum  est.  Tantum 
ea  recitata  sunt,  quae  videbantur  necessario  dicenda  esse, 
ut  intelligi  possit  in  doctrina  ac  ceremoniis,  apud  nos  nihil 
esse  receptum  contra  Scripturam,  aut  ecclesiam  Catholi- 
cam,  quia  manifestum  est,  nos  diligentissime  cavisse,  ne 
qua  nova  et  impia  dogmata  in  ecclesiis  nostris  serperent. 

Hos  articulos  supra  scriptos,  voluimus  exhibere  juxta 
edictum  C.  M.  in  quibus  confessio  nostra  extaret,  et  eorum 
qui  apud  nos  docent  doctrinae  suinma  cerneretur.     Si  quid 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  351 

in  hac  confessione  desiderabitur  parati  sumus  latiorem  in- 
formationem,  Deo  volente,  juxta  scripturas  exhibere. 

Caesareai  Majest.  V. 

Fideles  et  subditi, 

Joannes,  Dux  Saxoniae  Elector. 
Georgius,  Marchio  Brandenburgensis. 
Ernestus,  Dux  Luneburgensis. 
Phillippus,  Landgravius  Hessorum. 
Johannes  Fredericus,  Dux  Saxoniae. 
Franciscus,  Dux  Luneburgensis. 
Volfgangus,  Princeps  ab  Anhalt. 
Senatus  Magistratusque  Nurembei'gensis. 
Senatus  Reutlingensis. 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME 
OF  HIS  WORKS, 

PUBLISHED    IN    1545. 

Martinus  Lutherus  Pio  Lectori,  S. 

Multum  diuque  restiti  illis,  qui  meos  libros,  seu  verius 
confusiones  mearum  lucubrationum  voluerunt  editas,  turn 
quod  nolui  antiquorum  labores  meis  novitatibus  obrui,  et 
lectorem  a  legendis  illis  impediri,  turn  quod  nunc,  Dei 
gratia,  extent  methodici  libri  quam  plurimi,  inter  quos 
loci  communes  Phillippi  excellunt,  quibus  theologus  et 
episcopus  pulchre  et  abunde  formari  potest,  ut  sit  potens 
in  sermone  doctrinas  pietatis,  prassertim  cum  ipsa  sacra 
biblia  nunc  in  omni  prope  lingua  haberi  possint;  mei  au- 
tem  libri,  ut  ferebat,  imo  cogebat,  rerum  gerendarum 
nullus  ordo,  ita  etiam  ipsi  sint  quoddam  rude  et  indigestum 
chaos,  quod  nunc  nee  mihi  ipsi  sit  facile  digerere. 

His  rationibus  adductus,  cupiebam  omnes  libros  meos 
perpetua  oblivione  sepultos,  ut  melioribus  esset  locus. 
Verum  improbitas  et  importuna  pertinacia  aliorum,  qui 
mihi  quotidie  aures  implebant,  futurum  esse,  si  ego  vivus 
non  permitterem  edi,  tamen  post  mortem  meam  essent  cer- 


352  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

tissime  edituri  ii,  qui  prorsus  nescirent  causas  et  tempora 
rerum  gestarum,  et  ita  ex  una  confusione  fierent  plurimae. 
Vicit  (inquam)  eorum  improbitas,  ut  edi  permitterem.  Ac- 
cessit  simul  voluntas  et  imperium  illustrissimi  principis 
nostri  Johannis  Frederici  electoris,  &ic.  qui  jussit,  imo 
coegit  typographos,  non  solum  excudere,  sed  et  maturare 
editionem. 

Sed  ante  omnia  oro  pium  lectorem,  et  oro  propter  ipsum 
dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  ut  ista  legat  cum  ju- 
dicio,  imo  cum  multa  miseratione.  Et  sciat,  me  fuisse 
aliquando  monachum,  et  papistam  insanissimum,  cum 
istam  causam  aggressus  sum,  ita  ebrium,  imo  submersum 
in  dogmatibus  papae,  ut  paratissimus  fuerim,  omnes,  si  po- 
tuissem,  occidere,  aut  occidentibus  cooperari  et  consentire, 
qui  papae  vel  una  syllaba  obedientiam  detractarent.  Tan- 
tus  eram  Saulus,  ut  sunt  ad  Hue  multi.  Non  eram  ita  gla- 
cies  et  frigus  ipsum  in  defendendo  papatu,  sicut  fuit  Eccius 
et  sui  similes,  qui  mihi  ferius  propter  suum  ventrem  papam 
defendere  videbantur,  quam  quod  serio  rem  agerent;  imo 
ridere  mihi  papam  adhuc  hodie  videntur,  velut  Epicuraei. 
Ego  serio  rem  agebam,  ut  qui  diem  extremum  horribiliter 
timui,  et  tamen  salvus  fieri  ex  intimis  medullis  cupiebam. 

Ita  invenies  in  istis  meis  Scriptis  prioribus,  quam  multa 
et  magna  humilime  concesserim  papae,  quae  posterioribus 
et  istis  temporibus  pro  summa  blasphemia  et  abominatione 
habeo  et  execror.  Dabis  ergo  hunc  errorem,  pie  lector, 
vel  (ut  ipsi  calumniantur)  antilogiam,  tempori  et  imperi- 
tiae  meae.  Solus  primo  eram,  et  certe  ad  tantas  res  trac- 
tandas  ineptissimus  et  indoctissimus.  Casu  enim,  non  vo- 
luntate  nee  studio  in  has  turbas  incidi,  Deum  ipsum  testor. 

Igitur  cum  anno  M.D.XVII.  Indulgentiae  in  his  regio- 
nibus  venderentur  (promulgarentur  volui  dicere)  turpissimo 
quaestu,  ego  turn  eram  concionator  juvenis  (ut  dicitur) 
doctor  theologiae,  et  caepi  dissuadere  populis,  et  eos  de- 
hortari,  ne  Indulgentiariorum  clamoribus  aurem  praeberent, 
habere  eos  meliora  quae  facerent,  et  in  iis  certus  mihi  vide- 
bar,  me  habiturum  patronum  papam,  cujus  fiducia  turn  for- 
titer  nitebar,  qui  in  suis  decretis  clarissime  damnat  quaesto- 
rum  (ita  vocat  Indulgentiarios  praedicatores)  immodestiam, 

Mox  scripsi  epistolas  duas,  alteram  ad  Moguntinensem 
archiepiscopum  Albertum,  qui  dimidium  pecuniae  ex  In- 
dulgentiis  habebat,  (alterum  dimidium  papa,  id  quod  tunc 
nesciebam,)  alteram  ad  ordinarium  (ut  vocant)  loci,  epis- 
copum  Brandenburgensem  Hieronimum  ;  rogans  ut  com- 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  353 

pescerent  quaestorum  impudentiam  et  blasphemiam ;  sed 
panperculus  prater  condemnabatur.  Ego  contemptus  edidi 
disputationis  schedulam  simul  et  Germauicam  concioncm 
de  Indulgentiis,  paulo  post  ctiam  resolutiones,  in  quibus 
pro  honore  papae  boc  agebam,  ut  Indulgentiae  non  dama- 
reotur  quidem,  sed  bona  opera  cbaritatis  illis  praeferrentur, 

Hoc  erat  coelum  deturbasse,  et  mundum  incendio  con- 
sumpsisse.  Accusor  apud  papam,  mittitur  citatio  mei  ad 
Urbem,  et  consurgit  totus  papatus  in  me  linicum.  Hjgc 
aguntur  M.D.XVIII.  sub  comitiis  Maximiliani  Augustas 
celebratis,  in  quibus  agcbat  legation  a  latere  pontificis  car- 
dinalis  Cajetanus,  quem  dux  illustrissimus  Saxoniae  Frede- 
ricus  elector  princeps  causa  mea  adiit,  et  impetravit,  ne 
Romain  cogerer  ire,  sed  ipse,  me  vocato,  rem  cognosceret, 
et  componeret — mox  soluta  sunt  comitia. 

Interim  quia  fessi  erant  Germani  omnes  ferendis  expila- 
tionibus,  nundinationibus,  et  infinitis  imposturis  Romanen- 
sium  nebulonum,  suspensis  animis  expectabant  eventum 
tantas  rei,  quam  nullus  antea  neque  episcopus,  neque  theo- 
logus  ausus  esset  attingere.  Et  fovebat  me  utcunque  aura 
ista  popularis,  quod  invisae  jam  essent  omnibus  artes  et 
Romanationes  illae,  quibus  totum  orbem  impleverant  et  fa- 
tigaverant. 

Veni  igitur  pedester  et  pauper  Augustam,  stipatus  sump- 
tibus  et  Uteris  principis  Frederici  ad  Senatum  et  quosdam 
bonos  viros  commendatitiis.  Triduo  eram  ibi,  antequam 
accederem  cardinalem;  prohibebant  enim  viri  illi  optimi3 
et  dissuadebant  summis  viribus,  ne  citra  salvum  conduc- 
tum  Caesaris,  cardinalem  adirem.  Licet  ille  me  singulis 
diebus  per  quendam  oratorem  vocaret;  erat  hie  mi  hi  satis 
molestus,  ut  tantum  revocarem,  turn  essent  omnia  salva, 
sed  longa  est  injuria,  longas  ambages. 

Tandem  tertio  die  venit  expostulans,  "Cur  non  acce- 
derem cardinalem,  qui  benignissime  me  expectaret?"  Re- 
spondi  mihi  obtemperandum  esse  consiliis  optimorum  vi- 
rorum,  quibus  essem  a  principe  Frederico  commendatus; 
esse  autum  eorum  consilium,  ne  ullo  modo,  absque  tutela 
Caesaris,  seu  fide  publica,  cardinalem  accederem,  qua  im- 
petrata  (agebant  autem  illi  apud  senatum  Csesareum,  ut 
impetrarent)  mox  essem  accessurus.  Hie  commotus  ille, 
"  Quid  ?  (inquit)  putas  principem  Fredericum  propter  te 
arma  sumpturum?"  Dixi:  "  Hoc  nollem  prorsus."  "  Et 
ubi  manebis?"  Respondi:  "  Sub  ccelo."  Turn  ille:  "  Si 
(a  papam  et  cardinales  in  potestate  tua  haberes,  quid  esses 

2Y 


f 


354  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

facturus?"  "  Omnem,"  inquam,  "  reverentiam  et  hono- 
rem  exhibiturus."  Turn  ille,  gestu  Italico  movens  digi- 
tum,  dixit;   "  Hem  !"     Et  sic  abiit,  neque  reversus  est. 

Eo  die  dermnciavit  senatus  Caesareus  cardinali  mihi  esse 
datam  Cresaris  tutelam,  seu  fidem  publicam,  admonens, 
ne  quid  asperius  in  me  designaret.  Hie  fertur  respondisse: 
"  Bene  est,  ego  tamen  faciam,  quod  mei  officii  merit." 
Haec  fuere  principia  istius  turbae;  ceetera,  ex  actis  infra 
cognosci  potuerunt. 

Eodem  anno  jam  M.  Philippus  Melancthon  a  principe 
Frederico  vocatus  hue  fuerat  ad  docendas  literas  Graecas, 
baud  dubie,  ut  haberem  socium  laboris  in  theologia;  nam 
quid  operatus  sit  Dominus  per  hoc  organum,  non  in  literis 
tantum,  sed  in  theologia,  satis  testantur  ejus  opera,  etiamsi 
irascatur  Satan  et  omnes  squamae  ejus. 

Anno  sequente  XIX.  decessit  in  Februario  Maximilianus, 
et  factus  est  jure  imperii  vicarius  dux  Fredericus;  turn 
desiit  paululum  saevire  tempestas,  et  sensim  obrepsit  con- 
temptus  excommunicationis  seu  fulminis  papistici.  Nam 
cum  Eccius  et  Carraciolus  ex  Urbe  attulissent  bullam  dam- 
natricem  Lutheri,  eamque  insinuassent,  ille  hie,  iste  illic, 
duci  Frederico,  qui  Coloniae  turn  erat,  Carolum  recens 
electum  cum  aliis  principibus  suscepturus,  indignissime 
tulit  et  magna  fortitudine  et  constantia  objurgabat  ponti- 
ficium  ilium  nebulonem,  quod  se  absente  perturbassent 
ipse  et  Eccius  ditiones  fratris  Johannis  et  suam,  et  exagi- 
tabat  eos  magnifice,  ita  ut  cum  rubore  et  dedecore  ab  eo 
discederent :  intellexit  princeps  ingenio  incredibili  praedi- 
tus;  artes  Romanae  curiae,  et  eos  digne  tractare  novit,  erat 
enim  emunctissimae  naris,  et  plus  et  longius  olfaciebat, 
quam  Romanenses  aut  sperare  aut  timere  poterant. 

Itaque  deinceps  ab  eo  tentando  abstinebant,  nam  et 
Rosam  quam  vocant  auream,  eodem  anno,  ei  a  Leone  X. 
missam,  nullo  honore  dignatus  est,  imo  pro  ridiculo  habuit; 
ita  desperare  coacti  sunt  Romanistae  a  studiis  fallendi  tanti 
principis.  Et  procedebat  feliciter  evangelium  sub  umbra 
istius  principis,  et  late  propagabatur,  movebat  ejus  aucto- 
ritas  plurimos,  qui  cum  esset  sapientissimus,  et  occulatis- 
simus  princeps,  non  poterat,  nisi  apud  invidos  suspicionem 
incurrere,  quod  haeresin  aut  haereticos  vellet  alere  et  tueri, 
quae  res  papatui  magnum  intulit  detrimentum. 

Eodem  anno  habita  est  disputatio  Lipsiae,  ad  quam  Ec- 
cius nos  duos,  Carlstadium  et  me  provocavit,  sed  ego  nul- 
lis  literis  potui  impetrare  fidem  a  duce  Georgio,  ita  ut  non 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  355 

disputator,  sed  spectator  futuros,  sub  fide  Carlstadio  data, 
Lipsiam  ingrederer.  Quis  autem  me  impediret,  ignoro, 
nam  adhuc  erat  dux  Georgius  mihi  non  iniquus,  quod  scie- 
bam  certe. 

Hie  Eccius  me  accessit  in  hospitio  dicens,  sese  audisse 
me  detrectare  disputationem;  respondi,  "  Quomodo  dis- 
putare  potero,  cum  nequeam  impetrare  fidem  a  duce 
Georgio?"  Ille,  "  Si  tecum,"  inquit,  "non  licet  dispu- 
tare,  neque  cum  Carlstadio  volo,  propter  te  enim  hue  veni. 
Quid  si  ego  tibi  fidem  impetravero  ?  Nunquid  disputabis 
mecum  .?"  "  Impetra"  (inquam)  "  et  fiat."  Abiit  ille,  et 
mox  data  est  mihi  quoque  fides  publica,  et  facta  copia  dis- 
putandi. 

Facicbat  hoc  Eccius,  quia  certain  sibi  gloriam  propo- 
sitam  cernebat,  propter  propositionem  meam,  in  qua  ne- 
gabam,  papain  esse  jure  divino  caput  ecclesiae.  Hie  pa- 
tuit  ei  campus  magnus,  et  occasio  summa  plausibiliter 
adulaudi,  et  gratiam  pontificis  emerendi,  turn  odio  et  in- 
vidia  me  obruendi ;  quod  strenue  fecit  per  totam  disputa- 
tionem. Nee  tamen  sua  firmavit,  nee  mea  confutavit,  ita 
ut  ipse  dux  Georgius  inter  prandendum  ad  Eccium  et  me 
diceret :  "  Sive  sit  jure  humano  sive  divino,  papa  ipse  est 
papa;"  quod  verbum,  nisi  argumentis  fuisset  motus,  ne- 
quaquam  dixisset ;  sed  Eccium  solum  probasset. 

At  que  hie  vide,  vel  in  meo  casu,  quam  difficile  sit  eluc- 
tari  et  emergere  ex  erroribus,  totius  orbis  exemplo  firmatis, 
et  longa  consuetudine,  velut  in  naturam  mutatis.  Quam 
verum  est  proverbium,  "  difficile  est  consueta  relinquere," 
et  "  consuetudo  est  altera  natura,"  et  quam  vere  dicit  Au- 
gustinus ;  "  consuetudo,  si  ei  non  resistitur,  fit  necessitas." 
Ego,  qui  jam  tunc  sacras  literas  diligentissime  privatim  et 
publice  legeram  et  docueram,  per  septem  annos,  ita  ut  me- 
moriter  pene  omnia  tenerem,  deinde  primitias  cognitionis 
et  fidei  Christi  hauseram,  scilicet,  non  operibus,  sed  fide 
Christi  nos  justos  et  salvos  fieri,  denique  id,  de  quo  loquor 
papain  non  esse  jure  divino  caput  ecclesiae,  jam  defende- 
bam  publice,  tamen  id  quod  consequens  erat,  non  vidi, 
scilicet,  papam  necessario  esse  ex  diabolo;  quod  enim  ex 
Deo  non  est,  necesse  est  ex  diabolo  esse. 

Sic  absorptus  eram  (ut  dixi)  turn  exemplo  et  titulo 
sanctae  ecclesiae,  turn  consuetudine  propria,  ut  papae  con- 
cederem  jus  humanum,  quod  tamen,  si  non  sit  fultum  aucto- 
ritate  divina,  mendacium  et  diabolicum  est.  Nam  paren- 
tibus  et  magistratibus  paremus,  non  quia  ipsi  praecipiunt, 


356  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

sed  quia  sic  est  voluntas  Dei,  Pet.  1.  ii.  Hinc  est,  quod 
minus  iniquo  animo  ferre  possum  eos,  qui  pertinacius  in 
papatu  haerent,  praesertim  qui  sacra  vel  etiam  prophana 
non  legerunt,  cum  ego  tot  annis  sacra  legens  diligentissime, 
tamen  ita  haesi  tenaciter. 

Anno  M.D.XIX.  mi  sit  rosam  Leo  X.  (ut  dixi)  per  Ca- 
rolum  Miltitium,  qui  multis  egit  mecum,  ut  papae  recon- 
ciliarer.  Is  habuit  70  Brevia  Apostolica,  ut  si  princeps 
Fredericus  illi  me  traderet,  sicuti  papa  per  rosam  quaere- 
bat,  per  singula  oppida  affigeret  unum,  et  ita  tutus  me 
perduceret  Romam.  Prodebat  autem  coram  me  consilium 
cordis  sui,  dicens,  "  O  Martine,  ego  credebam  te  esse 
senem  aliquem  theologum,  qui  post  fornacem  sedens,  ita 
secum  disputasset;  nunc  video  te  esse  adhuc  integrum 
aetate  et  validum.  Si  haberem  25  millia  armatorum,  non 
confiderem  te  posse  a  me  Romam  perduci ;  exploravi  enim 
per  totum  iter  auimos  hominum,  quid  de  te  sentirent;  ecce, 
vibi  unum  pro  papa  stare  inveni,  tres  pro  te  contra  papam 
stabant."  Illud  vero  ridiculum  erat;  exploraverat  etiam 
mulierculas  et  virgines  in  hospitiis,  quidnam  de  sede  Ro- 
mana  sentirent?  lllaj,  ut  ignara?  hujus  vocabuli,  et  sel- 
lam  domesticam  cogitantes,  respondebant :  "  Quid  nos  scire 
possumus,  quales  vos  Romae  habeatis  sellas  ligneas,  ne  an 
lapideas?" 

Rogabat  itaque  ut  consulerem  ea,  quae  pacis  essent,  se 
omnem  daturum  operam,  ut  papa  idem  faceret;  ego  pro- 
lixe  quoque  promisi  omnia,  quae  ullo  modo  salva  conscien- 
tia  veritatis  possem,  promptissime  essem  facturus,  me  quo- 
que esse  pacis  cupidum  et  studiosum,  qui  per  vim  tractus 
in  has  turbas  necessitate  adactus  fecissem  omnia,  quae  feci; 
culpam  non  esse  meam. 

Vocaverat  autem  ad  se  Johannem  Tetzelium,  pra?dica- 
torii  ordinis,  auctorem  primarium  hujus  tragediae,  et  verbis 
minisque  pontificiis  ita  fregit  hominem,  hactenus  terribilem 
cunctis,  et  imperterritum  clamatorem  ut  hide  contabesceret, 
et  tandem  aegritudine  animi  conficeretur ;  quern  ego,  ubi 
hoc  rescivi,  ante  obitum  Uteris  benigniter  scriptis  consola- 
tus  sum,  ac  jussi  animo  bono  esse,  nee  mei  memoriam  me- 
tueret;  sed  'conscientia  et  indignatione  papa?  forte  occu- 
buit. 

Futilis  habebatur  Carolus  (Miltitius)  et  futile  ejus  con- 
silium; sed,  meo  judicio,  si  Moguntinus  a  principio,  cum 
a  me  admoneretur,  denique  si  papa,  antequam  me  non 
auditum  damnaret  et  bullis  suis  saeviret,    hoc  cepissent 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  357 

consilium,  quod  Carolus  cepit,  licet  sero,  et  statim  com- 
pescuissent  Tetzelianum  furorem,  non  evasisset  res  in  tan- 
tuni  tumultum.  Sola  culpa  est  Moguntini,  cujus  sapientia 
et  astutia  eum  fefellit,  qua  voluit  meam  doctrinam  compes- 
cere,  et  suam  pecuniam  per  indulgentias  qua^sitam,  esse 
salvam.  Nunc  frustra  quan'untur  consilia,  frustra  cogun- 
tur  studia.  Dominus  evigilavit,  et  stat  ad  judicandum  po- 
pulos ;  etiam  si  nos  occidere  possent  non  tamen  haberent 
quod  volunt,  imo  minus  haberent,  quain  nobis  vivis  et 
salvis  liabent.  Id  quod  nonnulli  inter  eos,  qui  non  omnino 
obesa*  naris  sunt,  satis  olfaciuut. 

Interim  eo  anno  jam  redieram  ad  Psalterium  denuo  in- 
terpretandum,  fretus  eo,  quo  exercitatior  essem,  postquam 
S.  Pauli  epistolas  ad  Romanos  ad  Galatas,  et  earn,  quaj 
est  ad  Ebrasos,  tractassem  in  scholis,  miro  certe  ardore 
captus  fueram  cognoscendi  Pauli  in  epistola  ad  Romanos. 
Sed  obstiterat  hactenus,  non  frigidus  circum  przecordia 
sanguis,  sed  unicum  vocabulum,  quod  est  Cap.  i.  "  Justitia 
Dei  revelatur  in  illo."  Oderam  enim  vocabulum  istud, 
"  Justitia  Dei,"  quod  usu  et  consuetudine  omnium  doc- 
torum,  doctus  eram  philosophice  intelligere,  de  justitia 
(ut  vocant)  formali  seu  activa,  qua  Deus  est  Justus,  et  pec- 
catores injustosque  punit. 

Ego  autem,  qui  me  utcunque  ifreprehensibilis  monachus 
vivebam,  sentirem  coram  Deo  esse  peccatorem  inquietis- 
sima?  conscientiae,  nee  mea  satisfactione  placatum  confidere 
possem,  non  amabam,  imo  odiebam  justum  et  punientem 
peccatores  Deum,  tacitaque  si  non  blasphemia,  certe  in- 
genti  murmuratione  indignabar  Deo,  dicens:  Quasi  vero 
non  satis  sit,  miseros  peccatores  et  aeternaliter  perditos  pec- 
cato  originali,  omni  genere  calamitatis  oppressos  esse  per 
legem  decalogi,  nisi  Dens  per  evangelium  dolorem  dolori 
adderet,  et  etiam  per  evangelium  nobis  justitiam  et  iram 
suam  intentaret.  Furebam  ila  sseva  et  perturbata  con- 
scientia,  pulsabam  tamen  importunus  eo  loco  Paulum,  ar- 
dentissime  sitiens  scire,  quid  S.  Paulus  vellet. 

Donee,  miserente  Deo,  meditabundus  dies  et  noctes  con- 
nexionem  verborum  attenderem,  nempe,  justitia  Dei  reve- 
latur in  illo,  sicut  scriptum  est:  "  Justus  ex  fide  vi vet."  Ibi 
justitiam  Dei  caepi  intelligere  earn,  qua  Justus  dono  Dei 
vivit,  nempe  ex  fide,  et  esse  hanc  sententiam,  revelari  per 
evangelium  justitiam  Dei,  scilicet  passivam  qua  nos  Deus 
misericors  justificat  per  fidem,  sicut  scriptum  est:  "Justus 
ex  fide  vivet."    Hie  me  prorsus  renatum  esse    sensi,  et 


35S  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

apertis  portis  in  ipsam  Paradisum  intrasse.  lbi  continue* 
alia  mini  facies  totius  Scripturae  apparuit.  Discurrebam 
deinde  per  Scripturas,  ut  habebat  memoria,  et  collige- 
bam  etiam  in  aliis  vocabulis  analogiam,  ut  opus  Dei,  id 
est,  quod  operatur  in  nobis  Deus,  virtus  Dei,  qua  nos  po- 
tentes  facit,  sapientia  Dei,  qua  nos  sapientes  facit,  forti- 
tudo  Dei,  salus  Dei,  gloria  Dei. 

Jam  quanto  odio  vocabulum,  "justitia  Dei,"  oderam 
ante,  tanto  amore  dulcissimum  niihi  vocabulum  extolle- 
bam;  ita  mihi  iste  locus  Pauli  fuit,  vere  porta  Paradisi. 
Postea  legebam  Augustinum  de  spiritu  et  litera,  ubi  pra3- 
ter  spem  offendi,  quod  et  ipse  justitiam  Dei  similiter  inter- 
pretatur,  qua  nos  Deus  induit,  dum  nos  justificat.  Et 
emanquam  imperfecte  hoc  adhuc  sit  dictum,  ac  de  impu- 
tatione  non  clare  omnia  explicet,  placuit  tamen,  justitiam 
Dei  doceri,  qua  nos  justificemur. 

Istis  cogitationibus  armatior  factus,  ccepi  Psalterium  se- 
cundo  interpretari,  et  processisset  opus  in  magnum  com- 
mentarium,  nisi  denuo  per  comitia  Caroli  V.  imperatoris 
Vuormaciam  sequenti  anno  vocatus,  opus  cceptum  deserere 
fuissem  coactus. 

Hsec  idee*  narro,  optime  lector,  ut  si  lecturus  es  opus- 
cula  mea,  memor  sis,  me  unum  fuisse  (ut  supra  dixi)  ex 
illis,  qui  (ut  Augustinus  de  se  scribit)  scribendo  et  docendo 
profecerint;  non  ex  illis,  qui  de  nihilo  repente  fiunt  sum- 
mi,  cum  nihil  sint,  neque  operati  neque  tentati,  neque  ex- 
perti,  sed  ad  unum  intuitum  Scripturae  totum  spiritum  ejus 
exhauriunt. 

Hactenus  ad  annum  M.D.XX.  et  XXI.  processit  res  In- 
dulgentiariae ;  post  sequuntur  res  sacramentariae  et  Ana- 
baptisticae,  de  quibus  in  aliis  tomis,  si  vixero,  praefandum 
est. 

Vale,  lector,  in  Domino,  et  ora  pro  incremento  verbi, 
adversus  Satanam,  quia  potens  et  malus  est,  nunc  etiam 
furentissimus  et  saevissimus  sciens  quoniam  breve  tempus 
habet,  et  regnum  sui  papas  periclitatur.  Confirmet  autem 
Deus  hoc  in  nobis,  quod  operatus  est,  et  perficiat  opus 
suum,  quod  incepit  in  nobis,  ad  gloriam  suam.     Amen. 

V.  Martii,  Anno  M.D.XLV. 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.      359 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND 
VOLUME  OF  LUTHER'S  WORKS, 

PUBLISHED  AT  WITTEMBERG 
IN    1546. 

Philippus  Melancthon  Pio  Lectori,  S.  D. 

Spem  nobis  fecerat  reverendus  vir  Martinus  Lutherus, 
et  curriculum  se  vitae  suae,  et  certaminum  occasiones  in  prae- 
fatione  hujus  partis  suorum  monumentorum  narraturum 
esse.  Quod  fecisset,  nisi  priusquarn  officinae  typographical 
hoc  volumen  absolverunt,  autor  ex  hac  mortali  vita  ad 
asternam  Dei  et  ecclesiae  ccelestis  consuetudinem  evocatus 
esset.  Utilis  autem  esset  et  privatae  ipsius  vitae  considera- 
tio  luculenter  scripta — plena  enim  fuit  exemplorum,  qua; 
ad  confirm andam  pietatem  in  bonis  mentibus  profutura  es- 
sent,  et  occasionum  recitatio,  quae  posteritatem  de  multis 
rebus  commonefacere  posset.  Deinde  et  calumnias  refuta- 
ret  eorum,  qui  vel  incitatum  a  principibus  viris  aut  aliis, 
ut  labefactaret  episcoporum  dignitatem  ;  vel  privata  ipsum 
cupiditate  inflammatum  servitutis  monasticae  vincula  ru- 
pisse  fingunt. 

Haec  prodesset  ab  ipso  integre  et  copiose  exposita  et 
commemorata  esse.  Et  si  enim  malevoli  vulgare  illud  ob- 
jecturi  erant  aurog  aurou  auXs,  tamen  et  in  ipso  tantum  gra- 
vitatis  fuisse  scimus,  ut  optima  fide  historian!  recitaturus 
fuerit.  Et  multi  boni  et  sapientes  viri  adhuc  vivunt,  qui- 
buscum  sciret  seriem  harum  rerum  notam  esse,  fuisset  ri- 
diculum,  aliam  historiam,  ut  fit  interdum  in  poematibus, 
comminisci.  Sed  quia  editionem  hujus  voluminis  fatalis 
ipsius  dies  antevertit,  nos  iisdem  de  rebus  ea,  quae  partim 
ex  ipso  audivimus,  partim  ipsi  vidimus,  bona  fide  recita- 
turi  sumus. 

Vetus  familia  est,  late  propagata  mediocrium  hominum, 
cognomine  Luther,  in  ditione  inclytiore  comitum  Mans- 
feldensium.  Pareutes  vero  Martini  Lutheri  primum  in 
oppido  Isleben,  ubi  Martinus  Lutherus  nat«  s  est,  domi- 
cilium  habuerunt.     Deinde  migrarunt  in  oppidum  Mans- 


360  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

felt,  ubi  Pater  Joannes  Lutherus  et  magistratus  gessit,  et 
propter  integritatem  omnibus  bonis  viris  carrissimus  fuit. 

In  matre  Margarita,  conjuge  Joannis  Lutheri,  cum  cae- 
terse  eraut  virtutes  honestae  matronae  convenientes,  turn 
vero  prascipue  lucebant  pudicitia,  timor  Dei,  et  invocatio, 
intuebanturque  in  earn  caeterse  honestae  mulieres,  ut  in  ex- 
emplar virtutum.  Haec  mihi  aliquoties  interroganti  de  tem- 
pore, quo  filius  natus  est,  respondit,  diem  et  horam  se  certo 
meminisse,  sed  de  anno  dubitare.  Adfirmabat  autem  na- 
tum  esse  die  decimo  Novembris,  nocte  post  horam  undeci- 
mam,  ac  nomen  Martini  attributum  infanti  quia  dies  proxi- 
mus,  quo  infans  per  baptismum  ecclesiae  Dei  insertus  est, 
Martino  dicatus  fuisset.  Sed  frater  ejus  Jacobus,  vir  ho- 
nestus  et  integer,  opinionem  familiae  de  aetate  fratris  banc 
fuisse  dicebat,  natum  esse  anno  a  natali  Cbristi  1483. 

Postquam  aelas  doctrinaj  capax  fuit,  parentes  filium 
Martinum  ad  agnitionem  et  timorem  Dei  et  ad  aliarum 
virtutum  officia,  domestica  institutione,  diligenter  adsue- 
fecerunt;  et  ut  est  consuetudo  honestorum  hominum,  cu- 
raverunt,  utliteras  disceret;  gestavitque  in  ludum  literari- 
um  adhuc  parvulum  Georgii  JEmylii  pater,  qui  cum  adhuc 
vivat,  testis  hujus  narrationis  esse  potest. 

Florebant  autem  eo  tempore  scholae  grammatical  in 
Saxonicis  urbibus  mediocriter,  quare  cum  Martinus  in- 
gressus  esset  annum  quartumdecimum,  una  cum  Joanne 
Reineck,  cujus  postea  virtus  fuit  excellens,  et  virtute  parta 
autoritas  in  his  regionibus  magna,  Magdeburgam  missus 
est,  fuitque  mutua  benevolentia  inter  bos  duos,  Lutherum 
et  Reineckum,  semper  eximia,  seu  ab  aliquo  naturae  con- 
sensu, sen  ab  ilia  puerilium  studiorum  societate  orta.  Nee 
tamen  diutius  anno  mansit  Lutherus  Magdeburgae.  Deinde 
in  schola  Isennacensi  quadriennio  audivit  preeceptorem 
rectius  et  dexterius  tradentem  grammaticen,  quam  alibi 
tradebatur ;  nam  hujus  ingenium  memini  a  Luthero  laudari. 
In  eum  autem  urbem  missus  est  qua  mater  in  iis  locis  ho- 
nesta  et  veteri  familia  nata  fuerat.  Hie  absolvit  grammati- 
cum  studium.  Cumque  et  vis  ingenii  acerrima  esset,  et 
imprimis  ad  eloquentiam  idonea,  celeriter  aequalibus  suis 
prascurrit,  et  verbis  et  copia  sermonis  in  loquendo,  et  in 
scribenda  soluta  oratione,  et  in  versibus,  caeteros  adole- 
scentes,  qui  una  discebant,  facile  vicit. 

Degustata  igitur  literarum  dulcedine,  natura  flagrans 
cupiditate  d'scendi  appetit  academiam,  tanquam  fonfem 
omnium  doctrinarum.     Et  omnes  artes  ordine  percipere 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  361 

tanta  vis  ingenii  potuisset,  si,  doctores  idoneos  invenisset, 
et  fortassis  ad  leniendam  vehementiam  naturae  mitiora  stu- 
dia  verae  philosophias,  et  cura  formandae  orationis  profuis- 
sent.  Sed  incidit  Erfordiae,  in  ejus  aetatis  dialecticen  satis 
spinosam,  quam  cum  sagacitate  ingenii  praeceptionum  cau- 
sas  et  fontes  melius  quam  caeteri,  perspiceret,  cito  arripuit. 
Cumque  mens  avida  doctrinae,  plura  et  meliora  requireret, 
legit  ipse  pleraque  veterum  Latinorum  Scriplorum  raonu- 
menta,  Ciceronis,  Virgilii,  Livii,  et  aliorum.  Haec  lege- 
bat  non  ut  pueri  verba  tantum  excerpentes,  sed  ut  humanae 
vitae  doctrinam,  aut  imagines.  Quare  et  consilia  horum 
scriptorum  et  sententias  propius  aspiciebat,  et  ut  erat  me- 
moria  fideli  et  firma,  pleraque  ei  lecta  et  audita  in  con- 
spectu  et  ob  oculos  erant.  Sic  igitur  in  juventute  emine- 
bat,  ut  tota?  academiae  Lutheri  ingenium  admirationi  esset. 

Ornatus  igitur  gradu  magisterii  philosophici,  cum  natus 
esset  annum  vicesimum,  de  consilio  propinquorum,  qui 
hanc  tantam  vim  ingenii,  et  facundiam  judicabant  in  lu- 
cem  et  ad  rempublicam  educendum  esse,  inchoat  juris  stu- 
diiim.  Sed  brevi  post,  cum  natus  esset  annum  unum  et 
vicesimum,  subito  praeter  parentum  et  propinquorum  opi- 
nionem,  venit  ad  collegium  monachorum  Augustinianorum 
Erphordiae,  seque  recipi  petit.  Receptus,  jam  non  solum 
acerrimo  studio  doctrinam  ecclesiae  discit,  sed  etiam  sum- 
ma  disciplinae  severitate  se  ipse  regit  et  omnibus  exercitiis 
lectionum,  disputationum,  jejuniorum,  precum,  omnes  longe 
superat.  Erat  autem  natura,  quod  saepe  miratus  sum,  in 
corpore  nee  parvo,  nee  imbecilli,  valde  modici  cibi  et 
potus;  vidi  continuis  quatuor  diebus,  cum  quidem  recte 
valeret,  prorsus  nihil  edentem  aut  bibentem,  vidi  saepe 
alias  multis  diebus  quotidie  exiguo  pane  et  halece  conten- 
tum  esse. 

Occasio  autem  fuit  ingrediendi  illud  vitae  genus,  quod 
pietati  et  studiis  doctrinae  de  Deo  existimavit  esse  conve- 
nientius,  haec  fuit,  ut  ipse  narrabat,  et  ut  multi  norunt. 
Saepe  eum  cogitantem  attentius  de  ira  Dei,  aut  de  mirandis 
pcenarum  exemplis  subito  tanti  terrores  concutiebant,  ut 
pene  exanimaretur.  Ac  vidi  ipse,  cum  in  quadam  doc- 
trinae disputatione  propter  intentionem  consternatus,  in 
vicino  cubiculo  se  in  lectum  collocavit,  ubi  hanc  senten- 
tiam  crebro  repetitam  miscuit  invocationibus  :  "  Conclusit 
omnes  sub  peccatum,  ut  omnium  misereatur."  Hos  ter- 
rores seu  primum,  seu  acerrimos  sensit  eo  anno,  cum  so- 
dalem,  nescio  quo  casu  interfectum,  amisisset. 

2Z 


362  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Non  igitur  paupertas,  sed  studium  pietatis  eum  in  illud 
vitae  monasticae  genus  induxit,  in  quo  etsi  doctrinam  in 
scholis  usitatam  quotidie  discebat,  et  sententiarios  legebat, 
et  in  disputationibus  publicis  labyrinthos  aliis  inextrica- 
blies, diserte  multis  admirantibus  explicabat;  tamen  quia 
in  eo  vitae  genere  non  famam  ingenii,  sed  alimenta  pietatis 
quaerebat,  haec  studia  tanquam  parerga  tractabat,  et  facile 
arripiebat  illas  scholasticas  methodos.  Interea  fontes  doc- 
trinae  ccelestis  avide  legebat  ipse,  scilicet  scripta  prophe- 
tica  et  apostolica,  ut  mentem  suam  de  Dei  voluntate  erudi- 
ret,  et  firmis  testimoniis  aleret  timorem  et  fidem.  Hoc 
studium  ut  magis  expeteret  illis  suis  doloribus  et  pavoribus 
movebatur. 

Et  senis  cujusdam  sermonibus  in  Augustiniano  collegio 
Erphordiae  saepe  se  confirmation  esse  narrabat,  cui  cum 
consternationes  suas  exponeret,  audivit  eum  de  fide  multa 
disserentem,  seque  deductum  aiebat  acl  symbolum,  in  quo 
dicitur :  "  Credo  remissionem  peccatorum."  Hunc  arti- 
culum  sic  ille  interpretatus  erat,  non  solum  in  genere  cre- 
dendum  esse,  aliquibus  remitti,  ut  et  daemones  credunt,  Da- 
vidi  aut  Petro  remitti,  sed  mandatum  Dei  esse,  ut  singuli  ho- 
mines nobis  remitti  peccata  credamus.  Et  banc  interpre- 
tationem  confirmatam  dicebat  Bernardi  dicto,  monstratum- 
que  locum  in  concione  de  annunciatione,  ubi  hasc  sunt 
verba,  "  Sed  adde,  ut  credas  et  haec  quae  per  ipsum  pec- 
cata tibi  condonantur.  Hoc  est  testimonium,  quod  perhi- 
bet  Spiritus  Sanctus  in  corde  tuo  dicens  :  Dimissa  sunt  tibi 
peccata  tua.  Sic  enim  arbitrator  apostolus,  gratis  justifi- 
cari  hominem  per  fidem."  Hac  se  voce  non  solum  confir- 
matum  esse  Lutherus  dicebat,  sed  commonefactum  etiam 
de  tota  Pauli  sententia,  qui  toties  inculcat  hoc  dictum,  fide 
justificamur.  De  quo  cum  multorum  expositiones  legisset, 
tunc  et  ex  hujus  sermonibus  et  suae  mentis  consolatione 
animadvertisset  interpretationum  quae  tunc  in  manibus  erant 
vanitatem.  Paulatim  legenti  et  conferenti  dicta  et  exempla 
in  prophetis  et  apostolis  recitata,  et  in  quotidiana  invoca- 
tione  excitanti  fidem,  plus  lucis  accessit. 

Tunc  et  Augustini  libros  legere  ccepit,  ubi  et  in  Psalmo- 
rum  enarratione,  et  in  libro  de  spiritu  et  litera,  multas  per- 
spicuas  sententias  reperit,  quae  confirmabant  banc  de  fide 
doctrinam,  et  consolationem  animadverlisse  interpreta- 
tionum quae  in  ipsius  pectore  accensa  erat.  Nee  tamen 
prorsus  relinquit  sententiarios.  Gabrielem  et  Cammera- 
censem  pene  ad  verbum  memoriter  recitare  poterat.     Diu 


MJELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  363 

mult  unique  legit  scripta  Occam,  cujus  acumen  anteferebat 
Thoiriae  et  Scoto.  Diligenter  et  Gersonem  legerat,  sed 
omnia  Augustini  monumenta  et  sagpe  legerat,  et  optime 
meuiinerat. 

Hoc  acerrimum  studium  inchoavit  Erphordiae,  in  cujus 
urbis  collegio  Augustiniano  commoratus  est  annos  quatuor. 

Eo  autem  tempore,  quia  reverendus  vir  Staupicius,  qui 
exordia  academic?  Wittebergensis  adjuverat,  studium  theo- 
logicum  in  recenti  academia  excitare  cupiebat,  cum  inge- 
nium  et  eruditionem  Lutheri  coiisiderasset,  traducit  eum 
Wittebergam  anno  150S,  cum  jam  ageret  annum  vicesimum 
sex  turn.  Hie  inter  quotidiana  exercitia  scholap.  et  concio- 
num,  magis  etiam  lucere  ejus  ingenium  ccepit,  cumque 
eum  attente  audirent  viri  sapientes,  doctor  Martin  us  Mel- 
lerstadius  et  alii.  Saspe  dixit  Mellerstadius  tantam  esse 
vim  ingenii  in  hoc  viro,  ut  plane  praesagiret  mutaturum 
esse  vulgare  doctrinae  genus  quod  tunc  in  scholis  unicum 
tradebatur. 

Hie  primum  dialecticen  et  physicen  Aristotelis  enarravit, 
interest  tamen  suum  illud  studium  legendi  scripta  theolo- 
gica  non  omittens.  Post  triennium  Romam  profectus, 
propter  monachorum  controversias,  cum  eodem  anno  re- 
versus  esset,  usitato  more  scholarum,  duce  Saxoniae  elec- 
tore  Friderico  praebente  sumptus,  ornatus  est  gradu  doc- 
torum,  ut  usitate  loquimur.  Audierat  enim  concionantem, 
et  vim  ingenii  et  nervos  orationis  ac  reruns  bonitatem  ex- 
positarum  in  concionibus,  admiratus  merat.  Et  ut  quadam 
quasi  maturitate  judicii  videas  gradum  ei  doctori  attribu- 
tum  esse,  scias  fuisse  eum  annum  aetatis  Lutheri  tricesi- 
mum.  Ipse  narrabat  sibi  admodum  defugienti  et  recusanti, 
mandatum  esse  a  Staupicio,  ut  hoc  gradu  ornari  se  sineret, 
eumque  per  jocum  dixisse,  multum  negotiorum  Deo  jam  in 
ecclesia  fore,  ad  qua}  ipsius  usurus  esset  opera.  Cui  voci 
etsi  joco  tunc  emissa  est,  tamen  eventus  respondit,  ut  multa 
praecedunt  mutationes  praesagia. 

Postea  enarrare  epistolam  ad  Romanis  ccepit,  deinde 
Psalmos.  rise  scripta  sic  illustravit,  ut  post  longam  et 
obscuram  noctem,  nova  doctrinas  lux  oriri  videretur,  om- 
nium priorum  et  prudentum  judicio.  Hie  monstravit  legis 
et  evangelii  discrimen;  hie  refutavit  errorem,  qui  tunc  in 
scholis  et  concionibus  regnabat,  qui  docet,  mereri  homines 
remissionem  peccatorum  propriis  operibus,  et  homines 
coram  Deo  justos  esse  disciplina,  ut  Pharisaei  docuerunt. 
Revocavit  igitur  Lutherus  hominum  mentes  ad  Filium  Dei, 


364  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

et  ut  Baptista,  monstravit  agnum  Dei,  qui  tulit  peccata  nos- 
tra ;  ostendit  gratis  propter  Filium  Dei  remitti  peccata,  et 
quidem  oportere  id  beneficium  fide  accipi.  Illustravit  et 
caeteras  partes  doctrinae  ecclesiasticae. 

Haee  ei  exordia  rerum  optimarum  magnam  autoritatem 
circumdederunt,  presertim  cum  mores  congruerint  cum 
oratione  docentis,  videreturque  oratio  non  in  labris  nasci, 
sed  in  pectore.  Heec  vitae  admiratio  magnas  efficit  incli- 
nationes  in  animis  auditorum,  ut  veteres  etiam  dixerunt 
tfj(S(5ov,  ug  siirsTvy  xupiw  to.  ttjv  s^si  tfj^iv  to  rj^oj.  Quare  postea 
cum  quosdam  receptas  ritus  mutaret,  honesti  viri,  qui  eum 
norant,  minus  vehementer  adversati  sunt  eique  propter  au- 
toritatem, quam  et  rerum  bonarum  illustratione  et  sancti- 
tate  morum  antea  pepererat  in  iis  sententiis  adsenserunt, 
quibus  magno  cum  dolore  videbant  orbem  terrarum  dis- 
train. 

Nee  Lutherus  tunc  in  ritibus  quidquam  mutabat  imo  te- 
tricus  disciplinae  custos  inter  suos  erat,  nee  miscuerat  ali- 
quid  opinionum  horridiorum.  Sed  illam  communem  et 
prorsus  necessariam  doctrinam  omnibus  magis  magisque 
illustrabat,  de  pcenitentia,  de  remissione  peccatorum,  de 
fide,  de  veris  consolationibus  in  cruce.  Hujus  doctrinae 
dulcedine  pii  omnes  valde  capiebantur,  et  eruditis  gratum 
erat,  quasi  ex  tenebris,  carcere,  squalore  educi  Christum, 
prophetas,  apostolos,  conspici  discrimen  legis  et  evangelii 
promissionum  legis,  et  promissionis  evangelicae,  philoso- 
phias,  et  evangelii,  quod  certe  non  extabat  in  Thoma, 
Scoto,  et  similibus,  justitiae  spirituals  et  rerum  politica- 
rum.  Accedebat  hue,  quod  Erasmi  scriptis  jam  invitata 
erant  juventutis  studia  ad  Latinae  et  Graecae  linguae  cog- 
nitionem ;  quare  monstrato  jam  dulciore  genere  doctrinae, 
multi  bonis  et  liberis  ingeniis  praediti  abhorrere  abarbarica 
et  sophistica  doctrina  monachorum  incipiebant. 

Ipse  etiam  Lutherus  Graecae  et  Ebraicae  linguae  studiis  se 
dedere  ccepit,  ut  cognita  sermonis  proprietate  et  phrasi,  et 
hausta  ex  fontibus  doctrina,  dexterius  judicare  posset. 

In  hoc  cursu  cum  esset  Lutherus,  circumferuntur  venales 
Indulgentiae  in  his  regionibus  a  Tecelio  Dominicano  impu- 
dentissimo  sycophanta,  cujus  impiis  et  nefariis  concionibus 
irritatus  Lutherus,  studio  pietatis  ardens,  edidit  proposi- 
tiones  de  Indulgenliis  quae  in  primo  tomo  monumentorum 
ipsius  extant.  Et  has  pub! ice  templo,  quod  arci  Witte- 
bergensi  contiguum  est,  affixit  pridie  festi  omnium  sancto- 
yum,  anno  1517.     Hie  Tecelius  nihil  sui  dissimilis,  ac  spe- 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  365 

rans  etiam  gratiam  se  apud  Romanum  pontificem  initurum 
esse,  suum  senatum  convocat,  monachos  aliquot  et  theo- 
logos  sophistica  sua  utcunque  leviter  tinctos,  hos  compo- 
nere  aliquid  jubet  adversus  Lutherum.  Ipse  interea  ne 
esset  xw<pou  flrpotfwflrou  non  jam  condones,  sed  fulmina  in  Lu- 
therum torquet,  vociferatur  ubique  hunc  hsereticum  igni 
perdendum  esse,  propositiones  etiam  Lutheri  et  concionem 
de  Indulgentiis  publice  conjicit  in  flammas.  Hi  furores 
Tecelii  et  ejus  satellitum  imponunt  necessitatem  Luthero 
de  rebus  iisdem  copiosius  differendi,  et  tuendae  veritatis. 

Haec  initia  fuerunt  liujus  controversiae,  in  qua  Lutherus 
nihil  adhuc  suspicans  et  aut  somnians  de  futura  mutatione 
rituum,  ne  quidem  ipsas  Indulgentias  prorsus  abjiciebat, 
sed  tan  turn  moderationem  flagitabat.  Quare  falso  eum 
calumniantur,  quia  plausibili  causa  exorsum  dicunt,  ut 
postea  mutaret  rempublicam,  etvelsibi  vel  aliis  potentiam 
qua3reret.  Ac  tantum  abest,  ut  ab  aulicis  subornatus  aut 
incitatus  sit,  sicut  scripsit  dux  Brunsvuicensis,  ut  doluerit 
etiam  dux  Fridericus  moveri  certamina,  longe  prospiciens, 
quamque  exordium  esset  de  re  plausibili,  tamen  paulatim 
latius  vagaturam  esse  banc  flammam,  ut  de  lite  apud  Ho- 
merum  dicitur  :  "  Parva  metu  primo,  mox  sesse  attollit  in 
auras." 

Cumque  unus  omnium  nostrae  aetatis  principum  Frideri- 
cus et  tranquillitatis  publican  amantissimus  fuerit,  et  mi- 
nime  ^Xsovexrixo^,  maximeque  solitus  sit  referre  consilia  ad 
communem  salutem  orbis  terrarum,  ut  ex  multis  rebus  in- 
telligi  potest,  nee  incitator  Lutheri,  nee  adplausor  fuit, 
suumque  dolorem  saepe  significavit,  quern  assidue  circum- 
tulit  metuens  discordias  majores.  Sed  vir  sapiens  et  non 
tantum  prophana  judicia  sequens  quae  tenera  initia  omnium 
mutationum  celerrime  opprimi  jubent,  sed  etiam  normam 
divinam  in  consilium  adhibens,  quae  jubet  audiri  evange- 
lium  et  vetat  agnilae  veritati  adversari  ac  blasphemiam 
vocat  horribiliter  damnatam  a  Deo,  pertinaciam  veritati 
adversantem  fecit  quod  multi  alii  pii  et  sapientes  fecerunt, 
Deo  cessit  studiose  legit  ea  quae  scribebantur,  et  ea  quae 
judicavit  vera  esse,  delere  non  voluit. 

Scio  etiam  saepe  eum  sciscitatum  de  rebus  ipsis  erudito- 
rum  et  sapientum  sententias,  et  in  eo  conventu,  quam  in 
urbe  Agrippina  Coloniae  egit  Imp.  Carolus  V.  post  coro- 
nalionem,  Erasmum  Rotterodamum  amanter  orasse,  ut  li- 
bere  diceret,  num  errare  Lutherum  in  iis  controversiis  ju- 
dicaret,  de  quibus  praecipue  disseruisset.    Jbi    Erasmut 


366  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

plane  dixit,  recte  sentire  Lutherum  sed  lenitatem  se  in  eo 
desiderare.  Qua  de  re  gravissime  postea  dux  Friderieus 
ad  Lutherum  scribens,  valde  eum  hortatus  est,  ut  styli 
asperitatem  moderaretur. 

Constat  etiam  Lutherum  cardinali  Cajetano  promissu- 
rum  fuisse  silentium,  si  adversariis  etiam  silentium  indice- 
retur.  Qua  ex  re  perspicue  intelligi  potest,  tunc  quidem 
nondum  eum  decrevisse,  alia  se  deinceps  moturum  esse 
certamina,  sed  tranquillitatis  cupidum  fuisse;  sed  paulatim 
ad  alias  materias  pertractum  esse,  undique  lacessentibus 
eum  indoctis  scriptoribns. 

Secutae  sunt  igitur  disputationes  de  discrimine  legum 
divinarum  et  humanarum,  de  tetra  prophanatione  camae 
Domini,  in  venditione  et  adplicatione  ejus  pro  aliis.  Hie 
explicanda  tota  sacrificii  ratio  fuit,  et  ostendendus  usus 
sacramentorum.  Cumque  jam  audirent  homines  pii  in 
monasteriis,  fugienda  esse  idola,  discedere  ex  impia  servi- 
tute  ceperunt. 

Addidit  igitur  Lutherus  ad  explicationem  doctrinae  de 
poenitentia,  de  remissione  peccatorum,  de  fide,  de  Indul- 
gentiis,  deinde  et  has  materias,  descrimen  legum  divina- 
rum et  humanarum,  et  doctrinae  de  usu  ccenag  Domini,  et 
aliorum  sacramentorum,  et  de  votis.  Et  hsec  fuerunt  prae- 
cipua  certamina.  Qu  actionem  de  Romani  Episcopi  po- 
testate  Eccius  movit,  non  aliam  ob  causam,  nisi  ut  accen- 
deret  Pontificis  et  regum  odia  adversus  eum. 

Symbola  vera  apostolicum,  Nicenum  et  Athanasianum 
purissime  retinuit.  Deinde  in  ritibus  et  traditionibus  hu- 
manis  quid  et  cur  mutandum  sit,  satis  copiose  in  multis 
scriptis  exponit.  Et  quid  retineri  voluerit,  et  quam  formam 
doctrinae  et  administrationis  sacramentorum  probaverit, 
liquet  ex  confessione,  quam  dux  Saxoniae  elector  Joannes, 
et  princeps  Philippus  landgravius  Cattorum,  &lc.  in  con- 
ventu  Augustano  imp.  Carolo  V.  anno  1530,  exhibuerunt. 
Liquet  idem  ex  ipsis  ecclesiag  ritibus  in  hac  urbe,  et  ex 
doctrina,  quam  sonat  ecclesia  nostra,  cujus  summa  in  con- 
fessione perspicue  comprehensa  est.  Quod  ideo  recito,  ut 
non  solum  considerent  pii,  quos  errores  taxaverit,  quaa 
idola  sustulerit  Lutherus,  sed  etiam  sciant  complexum  esse 
universam  doctrinam  ecclesiae  necessariam,  et  puritatem  in 
ritibus  restituisse,  et  piis  exempla  instaurandarum  ecclesi- 
arum  monstrasse.  Ac  utile  est,  posteritatem  scire,  quid 
probaverit  Lutherus. 

Illud  commemorare  hoc  loco  nolo,   qui   primi  publice 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  367 

praebuerint  utramque  partem  coenae  Domini,  qui  primi 
omiserint  privatas  missas,  ubi  deserta  primum  sint  monas- 
teria.  Nam  Luther  us  de  his  materiis  ante  conventum,  qui 
fuit  in  urbe  Vangionum  anno  1521,  tantum  pauca  dispu- 
taverat.  Ritus  non  mutavit  ipse,  sed,  eo  absente,  Caro- 
lostadius,  et  alii  ritus  mutarunt.  Cumque  quaedam  tumul- 
tuosius  fecisset  Carolostadius,  rediens  Lutherus,  quid  pro- 
baret  aut  non  probaret,  editis  suae  sententiae  perspicuis 
testimoniis,  declaravit. 

Scimus  politicos  viros  vehementer  detestari  omnes  muta- 
tiones,  et  fatendum  est,  discordiis  etiam  propter  justissimas 
causas  motis  in  hac  tristi  confusione  vitae  humanae  semper 
aliquid  mali  misceri.  Sed  tamen  in  ccclesia  necesse  est 
anteferri  mandatum  Dei  omnibus  rebus  humanis.  ^Eter- 
nus  Pater  banc  vocem  de  Filio  edidit:  "  Hie  est  Filius 
metis  dilectus,  hunc  attdite."  Et  minitatur  aeternam  iram 
blasphemis,  hoc  est,  iis,  qui  agnitam  veritatem  delere  co- 
nantur.  Quare  pium  et  necessarium  fuit  Luthero,  praeser- 
tim  cum  ecclesiae  Dei  doceret,  taxare  perniciosos  errores, 
quos  homines  Epicurei,  etiam  nova  impudentia  cumula- 
bant,  et  auditores  recte  docenti  assentiri  necesse  fuit.  Si 
vero  mutatio  odiosa  est,  si  in  discordia  multa  sunt  incom- 
moda,  ut  esse  multa  magno  cum  dolore  cernimus,  culpa 
est  turn  illorum,  qui  initio  errores  sparserunt,  turn  horum, 
qui  nunc  eos  diabolico  odio  tuentur. 

Haec  non  modo  eo  commeinoro,  ut  Lutherum  et  ejus  au- 
ditores defendam,  sed  etiam,  ut  piae  mentes  hoc  tempore 
et  ad  posteritatem  cogitent,  qualis  sit  et  semper  fuerit  verae 
ecclesise  Dei  gubernatio,  quomodo  Deus  sibi  voce  evan- 
gelii  aeternam  ecclesiam  ex  hac  massa  peccati,  hoc  est,  ex 
magna  hominum  colluvie  exceipat,  inter  quos  lucet  evan- 
gejium,  ut  scintilla  in  tenebris.  Ut  Pharisaeorum  tempore 
tamen  Zacharias,  Elisabet,  Maria,  et  alii  multi  verae  doc- 
trinae  custodes  fuerunt;  ita  etiam  ante  haec  tempora  multi 
ftierunt,  recte  invocantes  Deum,  alii  magis,  alii  minus 
perspicue  tenentes  evangelii  doctrinam.  Talis  fuit  et  ille 
senex,  de  quo  dixi,  qui  Lutherum  conflictantem  pavoribus 
saepe  erexit,  eique  aliquo  modo  monstrator  fuit  doctrinae 
de  fide.  Ita,  ut  servet  Deus  deinceps  in  multis  lucem  evan- 
gelii, ardentibus  votis  precemur,  sicut  Esaias  pro  suis 
auditoribus  precatur ;  "  Obsigna  legem  in  discipulis  meis." 
Deinde  haec  commemoratio  ostendit  fucatas  superstitiones 
non  esse  durabiles,  sed  evelli  divinitus.  Haec  cum  sit  causa 
mutationum  cavendum  est,  ne  errores  in  ecclesia  doceantur. 


368  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Sed  redeo  ad  Lutherutn,  ut  initio  sine  privata  cupiditate 
in  banc  causam  ingressus  est,  ita  etsi  fuit  ardens  et  ira- 
cunda,  tamen  semper  sui  muneris  memor,  tantum  docendo 
praeliatus  est,  ac  vetuit  arma  sumi,  sapienterque  distinxit 
officia  toto  genere  diversa,  episcopi  docentis  ecclesiam 
Dei,  et  magistratuum,  qui  gladio  coercent  certorum  loco- 
rum  multitudinem. 

Quare  cum  aliquoties  diabolus,  qui  scandalis  dissipare 
ecclesiam  et  contumelia  Deum  adficere  studet,  et  ut  est 
strxaugi  xaxog,  voluptatem  capit  ex  hominum  miserorum  er- 
roribus  et  exitio,  inflammasset  seditiosa  ingenia  ad  exci- 
tandos  tumultus,  ut  monetarium  et  similes,  acerrime  illos 
furores  damnavit,  et  dignitatem  ac  vincula  omnia  politici 
ordinis  non  solum  ornavit,  sed  etiam  munivit.  Cum  au- 
tem  apud  me  cogito,  quam  multi  magni  viri  in  ecclesia 
saepe  in  hac  re  hallucinati  sint,  plane  statuo,  non  sola  hu- 
mana  diligentia,  sed  etiam  divina  luce  pectus  ejus  guber- 
natum  esse,  ut  intra  sui  muneris  metas  tarn  constanter 
manserit. 

Execrabatur  igitur  non  solum  hujus  aetas  seditiosos  doc- 
tores,  monetarium  et  anabaptistas,  sed  etiam  eos  episcopos 
urbis  Romae,  qui  audacissime  impudentissimeque  decretis 
conditis  adfirmarunt,  Pe.ro  non  tantum  evangelii  docendi 
munus  mandatum  esse,  sed  etiam  imperia  politica  tradita 
esse. 

Denique  erat  hortator  omnibus,  ut  qua?  Dei  sunt  Deo 
darent,  quae  Csesaris,  Csesari ;  id  est,  ut  vera  pcenitentia, 
verae  doctrinae  agnitione  et  propagatione,  vera  invocatione, 
et  bona3  conscientiae  officiis  Deum  colerent,  suae  vero  poli- 
tiee  quisque  in  omnibus  civilibus  officiis  reverenter  propter 
Deum  obtemperaret.  Ac  talis  quidem  Lutherus  ipse  fuit; 
quae  Dei  sunt,  Deo  dedit,  recte  docuit,  Deum  recte  invo- 
cavit;  habuit  et  alias  virtutes  necessarias  in  homine,  qui 
placet  Deo.  Deinde  in  politica  consuetudine  constantissime 
vitavit  omnia  seditiosa  consilia.  Has  virtutes  tanta  esse 
judico  decora,  ut  alia  majora  in  hac  vita  expeti  non  pos- 
sint. 

Et  quanquam  ipsius  viri  virtus  etiam  laude  digna  est, 
qui  Dei  donis  reverenter  usus  est,  tamen  praecipue  Deo 
gratias  agi  necesse  est,  qui  per  eura  restituit  nobis  evan- 
gelii lucem,  et  ipsius  doctrinae  memoria  retinenda  et  pro- 
paganda est.  Nee  moveor  clamoribus  Epicureorum  aut 
Hypocritarum,  qui  aut  rident,  aut  damnant  manifestam 
veritatem,  sed  vere  statuo  consensum  perpetuum  esse  Ca- 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  369 

tholicae  ecclesiae  Dei  banc  ipsam  doctrinae  vocem,  quae  so- 
nat  in  ecclesiis  nostris,  et  hujus  doctrinal  agnitione  neces- 
sario  rcgendam  esse  invocationem  et  vitam.  Denique 
hanc  ipsam  esse  doctrinam,  de  qua  Filius  Dei  inquit :  "  Si 
quis  diligit  me,  sermonem  meum  servabit,  et  pater  mens 
diliget  eum  et  veniemus  ad  eum,  et  mansionem  apud  eura 
faciemus."  Loquor  enim  de  sum  ma  doctrinae,  ut  in  eccle- 
siis nostris  a  piis  et  eruditis  intelligitur  et  explicatur.  Nam 
etiamsi  alii  magis,  alii  minus  proprie,  et  concinne  inter- 
dum  aliquid  explicant,  aut  alius  alio  hori'idius  interdum 
loquitur,  tamen  de  rebus  in  surama  inter  pios  et  eruditos 
consensus  est. 

Ac  mihi  sa?pe  multumque  cogitanti  de  omnium  tempo- 
rum  doctrina,  inde  usque  ab  apostolis  post  primam  purita- 
tem  secutae  videntur  mutationes  doctrinse  insignes  quatuor. 
Origenica  aetas,  et  si  aliqui  fuerunt  recte  sentientes,  qualem 
fuisse  methodium  arbitror,  qui  deliramenta  Origenis  im- 
probavit,  tamen  in  animis  multitudinis  inflexit  evangelium 
ad  philosophiam  ;  hoc  est,  offudit  banc  persuasionem,  me- 
diocrem  rationis  disciplinam  mereri  l'emissionem  peccato- 
rum,  et  es.se  justitiam,  de  qua  diceretur;  "Justus  ex  fide 
sua  vivet."  Haec  aetas  pene  amisit  totum  discrimen  legis 
et  evangelii,  et  sermonem  apostolicum  dedidicit.  Non 
enim  retinuit  nativam  significationem  vocabulorum,  literal, 
spiritus,  justitiae,  fidei.  Et  amissa  verborum  proprietate, 
quai  rerum  notae  sunt,  alias  confingi  res  necesse  est.  Ex 
his  seminibus  ortus  est  Pelagii  error,  qui  late  vagatus  est. 
Itaque  cum  apostoli  puram  doctrinam  seu  limpidos  et  sa- 
luberrimos  fontes  ecclesiae  dedissent,  multum  infudit  cceni 
Origenis. 

Hujus  aetatis  errores  ut  emendarentur,  saltern  aliqua  ex 
parte,  Augustinum  Deus  excitavit;  hie  mediocriter  fontes 
repurgavit,  nee  dubito  si  hie  judex  esset  controversiarum 
hujus  aetatis,  habituros  nos  eum  prorsus  6jj-6^rj<pov.  Certe 
de  remissione  gratuita,  de  justitia  fidei,  de  usu  sacramen- 
torum,  de  adiaphoris  expresse  nobiscum  sentit.  Etsi  autem 
alibi  magis,  alibi  minus  diserte  seu  proprie  exponit  quod 
vult,  tamen  si  lector  candoi-em  et  dexteritatem  in  judi- 
cando  ad  eum  adferret,  sentire  eum  nobiscum  agnoscet. 
Quod  enim  adversarii  nostri  interdum  sententias  ex  eo  de- 
cerptas,  contra  noscitant,  et  ad  patres  magno  clamore  pro- 
vocant,  id  non  faciunt  veritatis  et  antiquitatis  studio,  sed, 
sveophantia  praesentibus  idolis,  autoritatem  veterum  prae- 

3  A- 


370  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

tereunt,  quibus  haec  idola  postremae  aetatis  adhuc  ignota 
erant. 

Sed  semina  superstitionura  tamen  in  ilia  patrum  aetate 
exstitisse  adparet.  Ideo  et  de  votis  quaedam  constituit 
Augustinus,  etsi  de  his  quoque  minus  horride  loquitur  quam 
caeteri.  Semper  autem  aliquid  ineptiarum  singulis  etiam 
bonis  aspergunt  contagia  suae  aetatis,  quia  ut  patriae,  ita 
prsesentibus  ritibus  favemus,  quibus  innutriti  sumus,  veris- 
simumque  illud  est  Euripidis,  ta»  tfuv?ocpov  y\w\>.  Utinam 
vero  omnes,  qui  Augustinum  sequi  se  jactitant,  perpetuatn 
sententiam,  et  ut  ita  dicam,  pectus  Augustini  referrent,  non 
tantum  mutila  dicta  calumniose  detorquerent  ad  suas  opi- 
niones. 

Ac  restituta  lux  Augustini  scriptis  posteritati  profuitj 
nam  deinde  Prosper,  Maximus,  Hugo,  et  aliqui  similes, 
qui  studia  gubernarunt,  usque  ad  Bernardi  aetatem,  pro- 
pemodum  Augustini  normam  sequuntur.  Interea  tamen 
crescentibus  imperiis  et  opibus  episcoporum,  secuta  est 
velut  gigantum  aetas;  prophani  homines  et  indocti  regna- 
runt  in  Ecclesia,  quorum  aliqui  aulge  Romanae  artibus  aut 
forensi  doctrina  exculti  fuerunt.  Exorti  sunt  igitur  Domi- 
nicani  et  Franciscani,  qui  cum  viderent  luxum  et  opes  epis- 
coporum, et  prophanos  mores  detestarentur,  modestiorem 
vitam  instituerunt,  seque  quasi  disciplinee  carceribus  in- 
cluserunt.  Sed  primum  inscitia  superstitiones  auxit,  deinde 
cum  viderent  hominum  studia  in  scholis  ad  solam  forensem 
doctrinam  converti,  qua  Roma?  jam  lites  multis  augerent 
autoritatem  et  opes,  ipsi  revocare  homines  ad  theologica 
studia  conati  sunt,  sed  consilium  demit.  Albertus  et  si- 
miles, qui  dediti  fuerunt  Aristotelis  doctrinae,  transformare 
ecclesiae  doctrinam  in  philosophiam  cceperunt.  Et  haec 
quarta  aetas,  non  tantum  coenum,  sed  insuper  venena,  id 
est,  opiniones  probantes  manifesta  idola  in  fontes  evange- 
licos  infudit.  Tantum  labyrinthorum  et  falsarum  opinio- 
num  est  in  Thoma,  Scoto,  et  similibus,  ut  semper  saniores 
Theologi  desideraverint  aliud  genus  doctrinae  planius  et 
purius. 

Nee  sine  insigni  impudentia  dici  potest,  non  fuisse  opus 
ejus  doctrinae  mutatione,  cum  manifestum  sit  magnam 
partem  sophismatum  in  illis  disputationibus  ne  ab  iis  qui- 
dem  intelligi,  qui  in  eo  doctrinae  genere  consenuerunt. 
Deinde  aperte  confirmantur  hSuXn^aviai,  ubi  docent  appli- 
cationes  sacrificii  ex  opere  operato,  ubi  statuarum  invo- 


MELANCTHON'S  PREFACE.  371 

cationes  excusant,  ubi  negant  gratis  remitti  peccata  fide, 
ubi  ex  ceremoniis  humanis  carnificinam  faciunt  conscientia- 
rum,  denique  multa  sunt  alia  magis  tetra  et  ^p^a,  quae 
cogitans  toto  corpore  cohorresco. 

Gratias  igitur  agamus  Deo  asterno,  patri  Domini  nostri 
Jesu  Cbristi,  qui  Martini  Lutheri  ministerio  ex  fontibus 
evangelicis  rursus  ejici  coenum  et  venena  voluit,  et  eccle- 
sias  puram  doctrinam  restituit,  qua  de  re  cogitantes  omnes 
pios  toto  orbe  terrarum  conjungere  vota  et  gemitus  decet, 
ac  petere  ardentibus  pectoribus,  ut  Deus  confirmet  hoc 
quod  operatus  est  in  nobis,  propter  templum  sanctum  suum. 
Tua  est  haec  vox  et  promissio,  vere  et  vere  Deus,  aeterne 
Pater  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  conditor  omnium  rerum 
et  ecclesiae,  "  Propter  noraen  meum  miserebor  vestri,  prop- 
ter me  faciam,  ut  non  blasphemer."  Te  oro  toto  pectore, 
ut  propter  gloriam  tuam  et  Filii  tui  semper  tibi  inter  nos 
quoque  ecclesiam  aeternam  voce  Evangelii  tui  colligas,  et 
propter  Filium  tuum,  Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum 
crucifixum  pro  nobis  et  resuscitatum,  precamur  nostra  pec- 
tora  Spiritu  sancto  regas,  ut  te  vere  invocemus,  et  officia 
tibi  placentia  praestemus.  Rege  etiam  studia  doctrinae,  et 
guberna  ac  serva  has  politias  et  earum  disciplinam,  qua? 
sunt  hospitia  tua?  ecclesia?  et  studiorum.  Cum  ideo  genus 
humanum  condideris,  ut  ab  hominibus  agnoscaris  et  invo- 
ceris,  quare  et  illustribus  testimoniis  te  patefecisti  non 
sinas  deleri  haec  agmina,  in  quibus  doctrina  tua  sonat. 
Cumque  Filius  tuus  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  adi- 
turus  agonem  suum  precatus  sit  pro  nobis;  "  Pater,  sanc- 
tifica  eos  in  veritate ;  sermo  tuus  est  Veritas."  Ad  hujus 
Dostri  sacerdotis  precatiouem,  nostra  vota  adjungimus  et 
petimus  una  cum  ipso,  ut  tua  doctrina  semper  luceat  in 
genere  humano,  et  nos  gubernet.  Ha?c  quotidie  precan- 
tem  et  Lutherum  audiebamus,  et  inter  haec  vota  anima  ejus 
ex  mortali  corpore  placide  evocata  est,  cum  jam  ageret  an- 
num sexagesimum  tertium. 

Habet  posteritas  multa  monumenta  et  doctrina?  et  pietatis 
ipsius.  Edidit  scripta  onSatfxaAixa,  in  quibus  doctrinam 
complexus  est  salutarem  et  necessariam  hominibus,  erudi- 
entem  bonas  mentes  de  pcenitentia,  fide,  et  veris  lructibus 
fidei,  de  usu  sacramentorum,  de  discrimine  legis  et  evan- 
gelii, de  discrimine  evangelii  et  philosophic,  de  dignitate 
politici  ordinis,  denique  de  prascipuis  articulis  doctrina?, 
quam  in  ecclesia  extare  necesse  est.  Deinde  addidit 
iXsyxTixa,  in  quibus   refutavit  multos   errores   perniciosos 


372  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

hominibus.  Ediclit  et  s^y^nxa,  id  est,  enarrationes  plu- 
rimas  in  prophetica  et  apostolica  scripta,  quo  in  genere 
etiam  inimici  fatentur  eum  superare  omnium  enarrationes 
quae  extant. 

Haec  merita  esse  magna,  omnes  piae  mentes  intelligunt. 
Sed  profecto  utilitate  et  labore  aequat  haec  opera,  interpre- 
tatio  veteris  et  novi  Testamenti,  in  qua  tanta  est  perspicui- 
tas,  ut  vice  commentarii  esse  possit  ipsa  Germanica  lectio; 
quae  tamen  non  est  nuda,  sed  habet  adjunctas  eruditissimas 
annotationes,  et  singularum  partium  argumenta,  quae  et 
summam  doctrinae  ccelestis  monstrant,  et  de  genere  ser- 
monis  erudiunt  lectorem,  ut  ex  ipsis  fontibus  bonae  mentis 
firma  testimonia  doctrinae  sumere  possint.  Volebat  enim 
Lutherus  non  detinere  in  suis  scriptis,  sed  ad  fontes  dedu- 
cere  omnium  mentes.  Ipsam  vocem  Dei  audire  nos  voluit, 
hac  voluit  in  multis  accendi  veram  fidem  et  invocationem, 
ut  Deus  vere  celebraretur,  et  multi  fierint  haeredes  vita? 
asternae. 

Hanc  voluntatem  et  hos  tantos  labores  et  grata  mente 
praedicare  decet,  et  exempli  causa  meminisse,  ut  nos  quo- 
que  pro  suo  quisque  modo  ornare  ecclesiam  studeat.  Nam 
ad  hos  duos  fines  praecipue  tota  vita,  et  omnia  vitae  studia 
et  consilia  referenda  sunt ;  primum  ut  Dei  gloriam  illus- 
tremus;  deinde,  ut  ecclesiae  prosimus.  De  quorum  altero 
dicit  Paulus,  "  Omnia  ad  gloriam  Dei  facite:"  De  altero 
Psalmus  cxxn.  "  Rogate  quae  ad  pacem  sunt  Jerusalem." 
Et  additur  dulcissima  promissio  in  eodem  versu,  "  Eos, 
qui  diligunt  ecclesiam,  felices  et  beatos  fore."  Haec  coe- 
lestia  mandata  et  hae  promissiones  invitent  omnes,  ut  ec- 
clesiae doctrinam  recte  discant,  ament  ministros  evangelii, 
et  salutares  doctores,  et  conferant  studium  et  operam  ad 
verae  doctrinae  propagationem,  et  ad  vera?  ecclesiae  con- 
cordiam  tuendam.  Bene  vale  Lector,  Wittebergae,  Ca- 
lendis  Junii. 

Anno  M.D.XLVI. 


CHARACTER  OF  LUTHER.      373 


OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  CHARACTER  OF 
LUTHER,  BY  CAMERARIUS, 

IN  HIS  LIFE  OF  MELANCTHON. 

Erat  Martini  Luteri  ingenium  acre  et  sagax,  erat  animus 
ingens  et  excelsus.  Nunquam  enim  in  timiditate  et  socor- 
dia,  vel  etiam  fortitudine  et  solertia  mediocri,  ea,  quae  agit, 
susciperentur.  Excellentes  autem  homines  sicubi  incur- 
runt,  non  fieri  id  sine  quasi  fragore  quodam  potest.  Sane 
lubricum  esse  hoc  loco  veluti  iter  expositionis  video.  Nam 
apud  quosdam  Martini  Luteri  nomen  adeo  odiosum  est,  ut 
auditum  execrentur;  contra  nonnulli  in  illius  dictis  aut  fac- 
tis  aliquid  argui  omnino  pati  nequeant,  et  si  quis  hoc  fa- 
cere  audeat,  eum  statim  impietatis  reum  declamitando  pe- 
ragunt.  Ego,  quae  comperi  et  vera  esse  scio  ea  corn- 
memoranda  duxi,  neque  invidiam  veritus  neque  gratiam 
aucupatus.  Qui  quidem  Martini  Luteri  auctoritatem  et 
nomen  ita  celebrant,  ut  supra  conditionem  et  modum  ge- 
neris humani  non  dubitent  extollere,  iis  videndum,  ne  pra3- 
stantissimi  atque  summi  viri  bonam  existimationem  tribu- 
endo  nimium  diminuere,  et  suas  audacias  ab  ilia  excellentia 
preesidium  quairere  videantur.  At  isti  insectatores,  qui  non 
modo  omnia  scripta  illius  damnant  ut  impia  et  turbulenta, 
sed  nomen  etiam  auditum  tanquam  ominis  mali  detestantur, 
nunc  etiam  si  quid  cordis  haberent  poterant  reminiscendo 
considerare,  quid  acerbitate  odii  et  contumacia  pervica- 
ciaque  adversandi  et  clamoribus  vesanis  eftectum  sit.  Quo- 
rum enim  vulnera  sanandi  causa  attrectantur,  eos  cla- 
mando  et  obnitendo  sibi  ipsis  nocere  constat.  Possitque 
his  narrari  iEsopica  apud  Aristophanem  fabula  : 

j?Esopus  a  coena  redibat  vesperi, 
Hunc  allatrabat  improba  et  petulans  canis. 
At  ille  ad  banc  conversus,  O  Canis, 
Hac  si  repressa,  ait,  lingua  tua  mala, 
Panes  coemeres,  cor  tibi  esse  crederem. 

Et  isti,  si  quanta  inopia  laborarent  eorum,  quibus  reli- 
giosam  pietatem  abunclare  necesse  est,  revocarent  ad  ani- 


374  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

mum  suum,  sique  eis  curae  esset,  ut  sibi  ac  aliis  ea  copia 
pararetur,  quam  requirit  vitae  salutisque  conservatio,  sa- 
perent  profecto  et  rebus  communibus  ac  privatis  consule- 
rent  rectius.  Sed  (incidit  enim  aetas  nostra  in  fatalis  cu- 
jusdam  conversionis  quasi  articulum,  cum  neque  admoni- 
tiones  quicquam  proficiant,  et  querelis  inanibus  dolor 
tantum  augeatur)  orationem  nostram  ab  instituta  narra- 
tione  recedentem  non  sinemus  excurrere  longius.  Et  de 
his  rebus  silentes,  una  cum  caeteris  eventus  et  ipsos  fatales, 
ut  mulierculae  apud  iEschylum  se  facturas  aiunt,  perfere- 
mts.  Martinus  Luterus,  quo  tempore  diximus,  mortem 
obiit,  praesente  infracloque  animo  et  constante  in  sanctitate 
religiosae  pietatis,  reliquitque  et  suis  et  alienis  desiderium 
sui  ingens,  quamvis  aetate  gravi  decessisset  (nam  annum 
omnino  LXIII.  vivendo  eum  confecisse  compertum  puta- 
tur),  qui  lugentes  et  ita  tunc  exequias  funeris  conhonestan- 
das  curaverunt,  ut  his  memoria  nominis  ipsius  quam  stu- 
diosissime  et  officiosissime  eelebraretur,  et  magnitudinem 
doloris  sui  gemitibus  et  lacrimis  testati  sunt.  In  quibus 
Philippi  Melancthonis  studia  atque  officia  eximiae  caritatis 
facile  eminuerunt. 


Mite 


BULLA  LEONIS  X.     1520. 

The  following  extract  from  this  celebrated  document  con- 
tains the  Preamble,  and  the  substance  of  the  Charges 
against  Luther : 

Leo  Episcopus,  Servus  servorum  Dei.  Ad  perpetuam 
rei  memoriam.  ExsurgeDomine,  et  judica  causam  tuam; 
memor  esto  improperiorum  tuorum,  eorum  quae  ab  insipien- 
tibus  fiunt  tota  die.  Inclina  aurem  tuam  ad  preces  nostras, 
quoniam  surrexerunt  vulpes  quaerentes  demolire  vineam, 
cujus  tu  torcular  calcasti  solus,  et  ascensurus  ad  Patrem, 
ejus  curam,  regimen  et  administrationem  Petro  tanquam 
Capiti,  et  tuo  Vicario,  ejusque  successoribus,  instar  tri- 
umphantis  ecclesiae,  commisisti,  exterminare  nititur — earn 
aper  de  silva,  et  singularis  ferus  depascitur  earn. 

Exsurge  Petre,  et  pro  pastorali  cura  praafata  (ut  prae- 


BULLA  LE0N1S  X.  375 

fertur,  tibi  divinitus  demandata,  intende  in  causam  sanctae 
Rom.  ecclesias  matris  omnium  ecclesiarum,  ac  fidei  ma- 
gistral, quam  tu,  jubente  Deo,  tuo  sanguine  consecrasti. 
Contra  quam,  sicut  tu  praemonere  dignatus  es,  insurgunt 
magistri  mendaces,  introducentes  sectas  perditionis  sibi  ce- 
lerem  interitum  superducentes,  quorum  lingua  ignis  est, 
inquietum  malum  plena  veneno  mortifero,  qui  zelum  ama- 
rura  habentes,  et  contentiones  in  cordibus  suis  gloriantur, 
et  mendaces  sunt  adversus  veritatem. 

Exsurge  tu  quoque,  quaesumus,  Paule,  qui  earn  tua  doc- 
trina,  ac  pari  martyrio  illuminasti  atque  illustrasti.  Jam 
enim  surgit  novus  Porphyrius,  qui  sicut  ille  olim  sanctos 
Apostolos  injuste  momordit,  ita  hie  sanctos  Pontifices  prae- 
decessores  nostros,  contra  tuam  doctrinam  eos  non  obse- 
crando,  sed  increpando  mordere,  lacerare,  ac  ubi  causae 
suae  diffidit  ad  convicia  accedere  non  veretur,  more  haere- 
ticorum,  quorum  (ut  inquit  Hieronymus)  ultimum  praesi- 
dium  est,  ut  cum  conspiciant  causas  suas  damnatum  iri, 
incipiant  virus  serpentis  lingua  diffundere,  et  cum  se  victos 
conspiciant  ad  contumelias  prosilire.  Nam  licet  haereses 
esse  ad  exercitationem  fidelium,  tu  dixeris  oportere,  eas 
tamen  ne  incrementum  accipiant,  neve  vulpeculae  coales- 
cant,  in  ipso  ortu,  te  intercedeute  et  adjuvante,  extingui 
necesse  est. 

Exsurgat  denique  omni  sanctorum  ac  reliqua  universalis 
ecclesia,  cujus  vera  sacrarum  literarum  interpretatione 
posthabita,  quidam  quorum  mentem  pater  mendacii  exece- 
cavit,  ex  veteri  haereticorum  instituto,  apud  semetipsos  sa- 
pientes,  scripturas  easdem  aliter  quam  Spiritus  Sanctus 
flagitet,  proprio  duntaxat  sensu,  ambitionis,  auraeque  po- 
pularis  causa  (teste  Apostolo)  interpretantur,  imo  vero  tor- 
quent,  et  adulterant,  ita  ut,  juxta  Hieronymum,  jam  non 
sit  Evangelium  Christi,  sed  hominis,  aut  quod  pejus  est, 
diaboli.  Exsurgat,  inquam,  praefata  sancta  ecclesia  Dei, 
et  una  cum  beatissimis  apostolis  prsefatis  apud  Deum  omni- 
potentem  intercedat,  ut  purgatis  ovium  suarum  erroribus, 
eliminatisque  a  fidelium  finibus  haeresibus  universis  eccle- 
siae  suae  sanctae  pacem  et  unitatem  conservare  dignetur. 

Dudum  siquidem,  quod  prae  animi  angustia  et  mcerore 
exprimere  vix  possumus,  fide  dignorum  relatu,  ac  fama 
publica  referente,  ad  nostrum  pervenit  auditum,  imo  vero, 
proh  dolor,  oculis  nostris  vidimus,  ac  legimus,  multos  ac 
varios  errores,  quosdam  videlicet  jam  per  concilia,  ac  prae- 
decessorum  nostrorum  constitutiones  damnatos,  haeresim 


376  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

etiam  Graecorum  et  Bohemicam  expresse  continentes,  alios 
vero  respective  vel  hasreticos,  vel  falsos,  vel  scandalosos, 
vel  piarum  aurium  offeusivos,  vel  simplicium  mentium  se- 
ductivos,  a  falsis  fidei  cultoribus,  qui  per  superbam  curiosi- 
tatem,  mundi  gloriam  cupientes,  contra  apostoli  doctrinam, 
plus  sapere  volunt  quam  oporteat,  quorum  garrulitas  (ut 
inquit  Hieronymus)  sine  Scripturarum  auctoritate  non  ha- 
bere fidem,  nisi  viderentur  perversara  doctrinam,  etiam 
divinis  testimoniis,  male  tamen  interpretatis,  roborare.  A 
quorum  oculis  Dei  timor  recessit,  humani  generis  hoste 
suggerente,  noviter  suscitatos,  te  nuper  apud  quosdam  le- 
viores  in  inclyta  natione  Germanica  seminatos.  Quod  eo 
magis  dolemus  ibi  evenisse,  quod  eandem  nationem  et  nos 
et  praedecessores  nostri  in  visceribus  semper  gesserimus 
charitatis ;  nam  post  translatum  ex  Graecis  a  Rom.  ecclesia 
in  eosdem  Germanos  Imperium,  iidem  praedecessores  nos- 
tri et  nos,  ejusdem  ecclesia  advocatos  defensoresque  ex  eis 
semper  accepimus.  Quos  quidem  Germanos,  catholicae 
veritatis  vere  Germanos,  constat  hasresium  acerrimos  op- 
pugnatores  semper  fuisse.  Cujus  rei  testes  sunt  laudabiles 
illae  constitutiones  Germanorum  Imperatorum  pro  libertate 
ecclesiae,  proque  expellendis  exterminandisque  ex  omni 
Germania  haereticis  sub  gravissimis  pcenis,  etiam  amissionis 
terrarum  et  dominorum,  contra  receptatores,  vel  non  ex- 
pellentes,  olim  editaa  et  a  nostris  praedecessoribus  conflr- 
matae,  quae  si  hodie  servarentur,  et  nos  et  ipsi  utique  hac 
molestia  careremus.  Testis  est  in  Concilio  Constantiensi 
Hussitarum  ac  Vinclevistarum,  nee  non  Hieronymi  Pra- 
gensis  damnata  ac  punita  perfidia.  Testis  est  toties  contra 
Bohemos  Germanorum  sanguis  effusus.  Testis  denique 
est  praedictorum  errorum,  sen  multorum  ex  eis,  per  Colo- 
niensem  et  Lovaniensem  Universitates,  utpote  agri  Domi- 
nici  piissimas,  religiosissimasque  cultrices,  non  minus  docta 
quam  vera  ac  sancta  confutatio,  reprobatio,  et  damnatio; 
multa  quoque  alia  allegare  possemus,  qua3,  ne  historiam 
texere  videamur,  prasmittenda  censuimus. 

Pro  pastoralis  igitur  officii  divina  gratia  nobis  injuncti 
cura,  quam  gerimus,  praedictorum  errorum  virus  pestife- 
rum  ulterius  tolerare,  seu  dissimulare,  sine  Christianas  re- 
ligionis  nota,  atque  orthodoxae  fidei  injuria  nullo  modo 
possumus.  Eorum  autem  errorum  aliquos  praesentibus 
duximus  inserendos,  quorum  tenor  sequitur  et  est  talis. 
1.  Hasretica  sententia  est,  sed  usitata,  "  Sacramenta  novae 
legis  justificantem  gratiam  illis  dare,  qui  non  ponunt  obi- 


BULLA  LEONIS  X.  311 

cem."  2.  In  puero  post  baptismum  negare  remanens  pec- 
catum,  est  Paulum  et  Christum  simul  conculcare.  3. 
Fomes  peccati  etiani  si  nullum  adsit  actuale  peccatum,  mo- 
ratur  exeuntem  a  corpore  animam  ab  ingressu  coeli.  4. 
Imperfecta  charitas  morituri  fert  secum  necessario  mag- 
num timorem,  qui  se  solo  satis  est  facere  pcenam  purga- 
torii,  et  impedit  introitum  regni.  5.  Tres  esse  partes 
poenitentue,  contritionem,  confessionem,  et  satisfactionem, 
non  est  fundatum  in  Scriptura,  nee  in  antiquis  Sanctis, 
Christianis  doctoribus.  6.  Contritio  quae  paratur  per  dis- 
cussionem,  collectionem,  et  detestationem  peccatorum,  qua 
quis  recogitat  annos  suos  in  amaritudine  auimae  suae,  pon- 
derando  peccatorum  gravitatem,  multitudinem,  feeditatem, 
amissionem  ajternae  beatitudinis,  ac  seternaj  damnationis 
acquisitionem,  base  contritio  facit  hypocritum,  imo  magis 
peccatorem.  7.  Verissimum  est  proverbium,  et  omnium 
doctrina  de  contritionibus  hucusque  data  praestantius,  de 
eaetero  non  facere,  summa  poenitentia,  optima  poenitentia, 
nova  vita.  8.  Nullo  modo  praesumus  confiteri  peccata  ve- 
nalia,  sed  nee  omnia  mortalia,  quia  impossibile  est,  ut 
omnia  mortalia  cognoscas.  Unde  in  primitiva  ecclesia 
solum  manifesta  mortalia  confitebantur.  Callide  decerp- 
tum  hoc,  ut  multa  alia.  9.  Dum  volumus  omnia  pure  con- 
fiteri, nihil  aliud  facimus,  quam  quod  misericordia  Dei  ni- 
hil volumus  relinquere  ignoscendum.  10.  Peccata  non 
sunt  villi  remissa,  nisi  remittente  sacerdote  credat  sibi  re- 
mitti,  imo  peccatum  maneret,  nisi  remissum  crederet ;  non 
enim  sufficit  remissio  peccati,  et  gratiae  donatio,  sed  opor- 
tet  etiam  credere  esse  remissum.  11.  Nullo  modo  confidas 
absolvi  propter  tuam  contritionem,  sed  propter  verbum 
Christi,  "  Quodcunque  solveris,"  he.  Hie,  inquam,  con- 
fide, si  sacerdotis  obtinueris  absolutionem,  et  crede  fortiter 
te  absolutum  et  absolutus  es,  quidquid  sit  de  contritione. 
12.  Si  per  impossibile  confessus  non  esset  contritus,  aut 
sacerdos  non  serio,  sed  joco  absolveret,  si  tamen  credat  se 
absolutum,  verissime  est  absolutus.  13.  In  sacramento 
poenitentiae,  ac  remissione  culpae,  non  plus  facit  papa, 
episcopus,  quam  infimus  sacerdos,  imo  ubi  non  est  sacer- 
dos, seque  tantum  quilibet  Christianus,  etiamsi  mulier  aut 
puer  esset.  14.  Nullus  debet  sacerdoti  respondere,  seesse 
contritum,  nee  sacerdos  requirere.  15.  Magnus  est  error 
eorum,  qui  ad  sacramentum  Eucharistia;  accedunt  huic 
innixi,  quia  sint  confessi,  quod  non  sint  sibi  conscii  alicu- 
jus  peccati  mortalis,  quod  praemiserint  orationes  suas  et 

3B 


378  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

praeparatoria,  omnes  illi  ad  judicium  sibi  manducant  et 
bibunt.  Sed  si  credant  et  confidant  se  gratiam  ibi  conse- 
cuturos,  haec  sola  fides  facit  eos  puros  et  dignos.  16. 
Consultum  videtur,  quod  ecclesia  in  communi  concilio  sta- 
tueret,  Laicos  sub  utraque  specie  communicandos,  nee  Bo- 
hemi  communicantes  sub  utraque  specie  sunt  hajretici,  sed 
schismatici.  17.  Thesauri  ecclesiae,  unde  papa  dat  Indul- 
gentias,  non  sunt  merita  Christi  et  Sanctorum.  18.  Indul- 
gentiae sunt  piae  fraudes  fidelium,  et  remissiones  bonorum 
operum,  et  sunt  de  numero  eorum  quae  licent,  et  non  de 
numero  eorum  quae  expediunt.  Vah,  qui  destruis  Servi 
servorum  mercatum,  illud  singulare  uberrimi  lucri  for- 
mamentum,  ferte  cito  flammas.  19.  Indulgentiae  iis  qui 
veraciter  eas  consequuntur,  non  valent  ad  remissionem 
pcenae  pro  peccatis  actualibus  debitse  apud  divinam  jus- 
titiam.  20.  Seducuntur  credentes,  lndulgentias  esse  sa- 
lutares,  et  ad  fructum  spiritus  utiles.  21.  Indulgentiae 
necessariae  sunt  solum  publicis  criminibus,  et  proprie 
concedunt  duris  solummodo  et  impatientibus.  22.  Sex 
generibus  hominum  Indulgentiae  nee  sunt  necessariae,  nee 
utiles  videlicet,  mortuis  seu  morituris,  infirm  is,  legitime 
impeditis,  his  qui  non  commiserunt  crimina,  his  qui  cri- 
mina  commiserunt  sed  non  publica,  his  qui  meliora  ope- 
rantur.  23.  Ex  communicationes  sunt  tantum  externae 
pcenae,  nee  privant  hominem  communibus  spiritualibus  ec- 
clesiae  orationibus.  24.  Docendi  sunt  Christiani  plus  dili- 
gere  excommunicationem,  quam  timere.  25.  Romanus 
pontifex  Petri  successor,  non  est  Christi  vicarius,  super 
omnes  totius  mundi  ecclesias  ab  ipso  Christo  in  B.  Petro 
institutus.  26.  Verbum  Christi,  "  Quodcunque  solveris 
super  terrain,"  &ic.  extenditur  duntaxat  ad  ligata  ab  ipso 
Petro.  27.  Certum  est,  in  manu  ecclesiae  aut  papae  pror- 
sus  non  esse,  statuere  articulos  fidei,  imo  nee  leges  mo- 
rum,  seu  bonorum  operum.  Si  papa  cum  magna  parte 
ecclesiae  sic  vel  sic  sentiret,  nee  etiam  erraret,  adhuc  non 
est  peccatum  aut  haeresis  contrarium  sentire  praesertim  in 
re  non  necessaria  ad  salutem,  donee  fuerit  per  concilium 
universale  alterum  reprobatum,  alterum  approbatum.  29. 
Via  nobis  facta  est  enarrandi  auctoritatem  conciliorum,  et 
libere  contradicendi  eorum  gestis,  et  judicandi  eorum  de- 
creta,  et  confidenter  confidendi  quidquid  verum  videtur, 
sive  probatum  fuerit,  sive  reprobatum  a  quocunque  con- 
cilio. 30.  Aliqui  articuli  Johannis  Huss  condemnati  in 
concilio  Constan.  sunt  Christianissimi,  verissimi,  et  evan- 


BULLA  LEONIS  X.  379 

gelici,  quos  nee  universalis  ecclesia  posset  damnare.  31. 
In  omni  opere  bono  Justus  peccat.  32.  Opus  bonum,  op- 
time  factum,  est  veniale  peccatum.  33.  Hasreticos  com- 
buri,  est  contra  voluntatem  spiritus.  34.  Praeliari  adver- 
sus  Turcas,  est  repugnare  Deo  visitanti  iniquitates  nostras. 
35.  Nemo  est  certus  se  non  semper  peccare  mortaliter 
propter  occultissimum  superbiae  vitium.  36.  Liberum  ar- 
bitrium  post  peccatum  est  res  de  solo  titulo,  et  dum  facit 
quod  in  se  est,  peccat  mortaliter.  37.  Purgatorium  non 
potest  probari  ex  sacra  Scriptura,  qua?  sit  in  canone.  38. 
Animae  in  purgatorio  non  sunt  securae  de  eorum  salute,  sal- 
tern omnes;  nee  probatum  est  ullis  aut  rationibus  aut  Scrip- 
turis,  ipsas  esse  extra  statum  merendae,  aut  augendae  cha- 
ritatis.  39.  Animas  in  purgatorio  peccant  sine  intermis- 
sione,  quamdiu  quaerunt  requiem,  et  horrent  pcenas.  40. 
Animas  ex  purgatorio  liberatae  suffragiis  viventium,  minus 
beantur,  quam  si  per  se  satisfecissent.  41.  Praelati,  eccle- 
siastici,  et  principes  seculares  non  malefacerent,  si  omnes 
saccos  mendicitatis  delerent. 

Qui  quidem  errores  respective  quam  sint  pestiferi,  quam 
scandalosi,  quam  piarum  et  simplicium  mentium  seductivi, 
quam  denique  sint  contra  omnem  charitatem  ac  S.  Rom. 
ecclesiae  matris  omnium  fidelium  et  magistrae  fidei  reveren- 
tiam,  atque  nervum  ecclesiasticae  disciplinaa,  obedientiam 
scilicet,  quae  fons  est  et  origo  omnium  virtutum  sine  qua 
facile  unusquisque  infidelis  esse  convincitur,  nemo  sanas 
mentis  ignorat. 

Nos  igitur  in  prsemissis  utpote  gravissimis,  propensius 
(ut  decet)  procedere,  nee  non  hujusmodi  pesti,  morboque 
canceroso,  ne  in  agio  dominico  tanquam  vepres  nociva, 
ulterius  serpat,  viam  praecludere  cupientes,  habita  super 
prasdictis  erroribus  et  eorum  singulis  diligenti  trutinatione, 
discussione,  ac  districto  examine,  maturaque  deliberatione, 
omnibusque  rite  pensatis,  ac  saepius  ventilatis  cum  vene- 
rabilibus  fratribus  nostris,  sanctas  Rom.  ecclesiae  cardina- 
libus,  ac  regularium  ordinum  prioi-ibus,  seu  ministris  ge- 
neralibus  pluribusque  aliis  sacrae  Theologiae,  nee  non 
utriusque  juris  professoribus,  sive  magistris,  et  quidem 
peritissimis,  reperimus  eosdem  errores  respective  (ut  prae- 
fertur)  aut  articulos  non  esse  catholicos  nee  tanquam  tales 
esse  dogmatizandos,  sed  contra  catholicas  ecclesias  doctri- 
nam,  sive  traditionem,  tanquam  adeo  veram  divinarum 
Scripturarum  receptam  interpretationem,  cujus  auctoritati 
ita  acquiescendum  censuit  Augustinus,  ut  dixerit,  se  evan- 


389  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

gelio  non  fuisse  crediturnm,  nisi  ecclesise  catholicas  inter- 
venisset  auctoritas.  Nam  ex  eisdem  erroribus,  vel  eorum 
aliquo,  vel  aliquid  palam  sequitur,  eandem  ecclesiam  quee 
Spiritu  Sancto  regitur  errare  et  semper  errasse.  Quod  est 
utique  contra  illud  quod  Christus  discipulis  suis  in  ascen- 
sione  sua  (ut  in  sancto  evangelio  Matth.  legitur)  promisit, 
dicens :  "  Ego  vobiscum  sum  usque  ad  consummationem 
seculi."  Necnon  contra  sanctorum  patrum  determina- 
tiones  consiliorum  quoque  et  summorum  pontificium  ex- 
pressas  ordinationes  seu  canones,  quibus  non  obtemperasse, 
omnium  haeresium  et  schismatum  teste  Cypriano,  fomes  et 
causa  semper  fuit. 

De  eorundem  itaque  venerabilium  fratrum  nostrorum 
consilio  et  assensu,  ac  omnium  et  singulorum  praedicto- 
rum  matura  deliberatione  praedicta  auctoritate  omnipoten- 
tis  Dei,  et  beatorum  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli,  et  nos- 
tra, pra?fatos  et  singulos  articulos  seu  errores  tanquam  (ut 
praemittitur)  respective  haereticos  aut  scandalosos,  aut  fal- 
sos,  aut  piarum  aurium  offensivos,  vel  simplicium  mentium 
seductivos,  et  veritati  catholicaj  obviantes,  damnamus,  re- 
probamus,  atque  omnino  rejicimus,  ac  pro  damnatis,  re- 
probatis,  et  rejectis  ab  omnibus  utriusque  sexus  Christi 
fidelibus  haberi  debere,  harum  serie  decernimus  et  decla- 
ramus.  Inhibentes  in  virtute  sanctee  obedientiae,  ac  sub 
majores  excommunicationes  latae  sentential,  nee  non  quo 
ad  ecclesiasticas  et  regulares  personas,  episcopalium  om- 
nium, etiam  patriarchalium,  metropolitan,  et  aliarum  ca- 
thedralium  ecclesiarum,  monasteriorum,  quoque  et  priora- 
tuum  etiam  conventualium,  et  quorumcunque  dignitatum, 
aut  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum,  secularium,  aut  quo- 
rumvis  ordinum  regularium,  privationis  et  inhabilitatis  ad 
ilia,  et  alia  in  posterum  obtinenda. 

Insuper,  quia  errores  praefati  et  plures  alii  continentur 
in  libellis  seu  scriptis  cujusdam  Martini  Lutheri,  dictos  li- 
bellos,  et  omnia  dicti  Lutheri  scripta,  seu  praedicationes, 
in  Latino,  vel  quocunque  alio  idiomate  reperiuntur,  in 
quibus  dicti  errores,  seu  eorum  aliquis  continentur,  simili- 
ter damnamus,  reprobamus,  atque  omnino  rejicimus,  et  pro 
omnino  damnatis,  reprobatis,  ac  rejectis,  (ut  praefertur,) 
haberi  voluimus.  Mandantes  in  virtute  sanctae  obedientiae, 
et  sub  poenis  praedictis  eo  ipso  incurrendis,  omnibus  et  sin- 
gulis utriusque  sexus  Christi  fidelibus  superius  nominatis, 
ne  hujusmodi  scripta,  libellos,  praedicationes  seu  schedu- 
las,  vel  in  eis  contenla  capitula,  errores  aut  articulos  supra 


MONASTIC  VOWS.  381 

dictos  continentia,  legere,  asserere,  pra?dicare,  laudare, 
imprimere,  publicare,  sive  defendere,  per  se,  vel  alium,  seu 
alios,  directe  vel  indirecte,  tacite  vel  expresse,  publice  vel 
occulte,  aut  in  domibus  suis,  sive  aliis,  publicis  vel  pri- 
vatis  locis  tenere  quoquo  modo  prsesumant,  quinimo  ilia 
statim  post  harum  publicationem  ubicunque  faerint,  per 
ordinarios,  et  alios  supradictos  diligenter  quassita  publice, 
et  solenniter  in  prjesentia  cleri  et  populi,  sub  omnibus  et 
singulis  supradictis  poenis  comburant. 


LUTHER  ON  MONASTIC  VOWS. 

This  treatise  is  deserving  of  attention  in  several  respects. 
It  contains  a  course  of  reasoning  on  a  subject  affecting  the 
fundamental  establishments  of  the  Catholic  church,  and  it 
comprehends  topics  on  which  Luther's  sentiments  had,  in 
the  course  of  years,  undergone  a  total  change.  The  dedi- 
cation of  this  work  to  his  father,  the  reason  for  which  we 
shall  see  presently,  is  calculated  to  show  that  Luther,  how- 
ever irritable,  had  nothing  vindictive  in  his  disposition. 
We  give  the  dedication  in  English,  and  subjoin  several 
passages  from  the  body  of  the  book  in  the  original  lan- 
guage : 

DEDICATION. 

MARTIN  LUTHER  TO  HIS  FATHER  JOHN  LUTHER,  GREETING, 
DEAR  FATHER, 

It  has  for  a  considerable  time  been  my  intention  to  de- 
dicate the  present  publication  to  you  in  the  most  affection- 
ate manner;  not  from  a  vain  wish  to  give  publicity  to  your 
name,  but  with  a  view  to  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity, 
which  an  address  to  you  afforded,  of  explaining  to  pious 
readers  the  nature  of  my  book. 

You  are  well  aware  how  deeply  I  have  been  impressed 
with  the  belief,  that  nothing  could  be  more  important  or 
more  sacred  than  to  yield  obedience  to  the  impulse  of  the 
divine  command.     And  here  you  may  be  disposed  to  ask, 


382  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

"  Have  you  ever  had  doubts  on  such  a  subject,  and  is  it 
but  lately  that  you  have  learned  the  true  state  of  the  case?" 
It  is  so,  I  confess Until  lately  I  have  not  only  enter- 
tained doubts,  but  have  been  grossly  ignorant  of  the  true 
"  state  of  the  case."  Let  me  add,  with  all  due  respect, 
that  I  believe  I  could  prove,  that,  like  myself,  you  were 
greatly  deficient  in  this  respect.  It  is  now  nearly  sixteen 
years,  since,  without  your  knowledge,  I  ventured  to  make 
myself  a  monk.  With  the  warmest  parental  affection,  you 
felt  alarmed  on  my  account,  because  you  knew  beforehand 
the  various  privations  and  disadvantages  of  that  mode  of 
life.  Your  object  was  to  connect  me  by  marriage  with  a 
respectable  and  affluent  family;  and  your  anger  at  the 
course  I  had  taken,  was  for  some  time  exceedingly  great. 
The  words  of  the  Psalmist,  "  God  knoweth  the  thoughts 
of  man  that  they  are  vain" — These  words  occurred  to  you, 
but  without  producing  a  full  effect.  At  length  you  de- 
sisted and  consented  that  yonr  wishes  should  give  way  to 
what  was  the  will  of  Heaven.  My  fears,  however,  were 
not  then  terminated,  for  I  well  remember  that  when  you 
conversed  mildly  with  me,  and  heard  my  declaration  that 
I  had  become  a  monk  not  from  partialit}'  to  the  mode  of 
life,  but  from  the  apprehension  of  divine  wrath,  your  ob- 
servation was  "  I  wish  that  it  may  not  prove  a  vain  illu- 
sion." These  words  sounded  in  my  ears  as  if  they  had 
proceeded  from  the  voice  of  God. — At  no  subsequent  pe- 
riod have  I  forgotten  them  ;  nor  have  any  words,  which  I 
have  ever  heard,  made  so  lasting  an  impression  on  me. 
Still  I  heard  you  only  as  a  man,  and  persisted  in  adhering 
to  what  I  regarded  in  the  light  of  divine  inspiration.  Had 
it  been  in  your  power,  you  would  certainly  have  prevented 
me  from  becoming  a  monk ;  but  as  to  me,  had  I  even  known 
what  I  now  know,  I  should  have  pursued  the  same  course, 
and  have  suffered  death  rather  than  have  been  stopped  in  it. 
Of  the  propriety  of  my  conduct  at  that  time,  my  opinion 
has  certainly  undergone  a  change;  but  God,  by  his  infinite 
wisdom  and  mercy,  has  been  pleased  to  produce  great  good 
out  of  evil.  Would  you  not  rather  have  lost  one  hundred 
sons  than  not  have  seen  these  happy  effects  arise  .?  Satan 
seems  to  have  anticipated  in  me,  from  my  infancy,  some  of 
those  qualities  which  have  since  appeared;  and  to  prevent 
the  progress  of  the  cause  in  which  they  have  been  instru- 
mental, he  affected  my  mind  to  such  a  degree  as  to  make 
me  often  wonder  whether  I  was  the  only  human  creature 


MONASTIC  VOWS.  383 

whom  he  tormented.*  Now,  however,  I  perceive  that  God 
directed  that  I  should  acquire,  by  personal  experience,  a 
knowledge  of  the  constitution  of  universities  and  monas- 
teries, that  my  opponents  might  have  no  handle  to  boast 
that  I  pretended  to  condemn  things  of  which  I  was  igno- 
rant. It  was  ordained  therefore  that  I  should  pass  part  of 
my  life  in  a  monastery. 

Let  me  proceed  to  ask  what  is  the  nature  of  your  pre- 
sent opinions  and  feelings?  Your  are  still  my  father;  I 
am  still  your  son ;  and  vows,  we  are  now  satisfied,  have 
ceased  to  be  binding.  The  right  of  paternal  authority  was 
on  your  side  when  you  opposed  my  change  of  life — in 
mine,  there  was  a  wish  to  obey  the  command  of  God — Had 
it  depended  on  you,  would  you  not  ere  this  have  taken  me 
from  the  monastery  ?  But  lest  you  should  imagine  that 
God  has  only  anticipated  you  by  taking  me  himself  from 
it,  let  me  ask  what  if  I  should  persist  in  wearing  the  mo- 
nastic garb  and  tonsure  ?  Are  then  the  cowl  and  tonsure 
sufficient  to  constitute  a  monk  ? — My  conscience  is  now 
freed — I  am,  and  I  am  not  a  monk — a  new  creature,  not 
of  the  pope,  but  of  Christ.  The  monks  created  by  the 
pope  are  the  mere  fictions  of  temporal  authority. — Of  that 
number  I  was  one,  but  from  that  bondage  I  am  now  deli- 
vered by  the  grace  of  God.  It  may  be  asked  why  I  do  not 
ascribe  my  removal  to  the  influence  of  your  authority. 
God,  who  moved  me  to  withdraw,  has  a  more  powerful 
claim  on  my  acknowledgment.  "  He  who  loves  his  father 
or  mother  more  than  me,"  (said  our  Saviour,)  "  is  not 
worthy  of  me."  By  this  Christ  did  not  mean  to  set  aside 
the  authority  of  parents,  but  to  express,  by  a  familiar  illus- 
tration, that  when  their  orders  came  in  competition  with 
those  of  our  Saviour,  the  latter  ought  always  to  be  pre- 
ferred. These  things  I  recapitulate  merely  to  show  that  I 
could  not  obey  you  otherwise  than  at  the  hazard  of  my 
conscience.  At  that  time  neither  of  us  knew  from  Scrip- 
ture that  the  impulse  of  God  was  to  be  accounted  superior 
to  any  human  orders. — I  now  dedicate  this  book  to  you 
that  you  may  see  how  remarkably  Christ  hath  enabled  me 
to  relinquish  the  profession  of  a  monk,  and  hath  given  me 
so  much  liberty,  that  although  I  am  become  the  servant  of 
all,  I   am  subject  to  him  alone.     He  is  to  me,  "  bishop, 

*  Ut  sapius  fueriin  admiratus,  egone  solus  essem  inter  mortales,  quern 
jjeteret. 


384  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

abbot,  prior,  Lord,  father,  and  master." — I  know  none 
but  him — Let  me,  therefore,  hope  that  he  may  have  taken 
one  son  from  you  to  make  him  instrumental  in  the  salvation 
of  many  of  his  other  sons.  This,  I  am  fully  persuaded, 
you  are  prepared  to  receive  not  only  willingly,  but  with 
great  joy.  Nor  have  you  reason  to  do  otherwise — What 
though  the  pope  should  be  the  cause  of  putting  me  to 
death  ?  He  cannot  raise  the  dead  and  make  them  suffer  a 
second  time.  The  day,  I  trust,  is  approaching,  when  that 
kingdom  of  abomination  and  perdition  shall  be  destroyed. 
Would  to  God  we  were  the  first  who  were  reckoned  worthy 
to  be  burned  or  put  to  death  by  the  pope,  that  our  blood 
might  be  the  means  of  accelerating  his  condemnation. 
But  if  we  are  not  worthy  to  show  our  sincerity  by  our 
blood,  let  us  at  least  pray  and  entreat  that  God  may 
show  us  this  mercy,  that  we  be  enabled  to  testify  by  our 
life  and  conduct  that  Jesus  Christ  alone  is  our  Lord  God 
blessed  for  ever.  Amen. — Farewell,  and  salute  my  mo- 
ther, your  Margaret,  with  all  those  who  are  in  Christ. 

Ex  Eremo,  XXI.  Novr.  Anno  MDXXI. 

Having  seen  the  manner  in  which  Luther  thinks  fit  to 
address  his  father,  we  are  now  to  observe  his  language  to 
other  persons.  The  work  is  introduced  by  what  he  calls  a 
protestation,  or  opinion  concerning  monastic  vows. 

"  In  the  first  place,"  he  says,  "  I  wish  those  who  have 
discovered  such  inveterate  hatred  to  me  to  be  informed 
that  I  do  not  address  the  work  to  them — they  would  con- 
demn on  my  account  the  plainest  truths — because  I  am  un- 
willing to  '  give  what  is  holy  to  dogs,  or  to  throw  pearls 
before  swine.'  My  object  is  to  serve  those  persons  who 
are  suffering  under  the  tyranny  of  conscience  and  sin." 

After  mentioning  the  injury  which  Christianity  had  sus- 
tained from  monastic  vows,  Luther  proceeds  to  state  that 
he  does  not  mean  to  discuss  the  question  whether  a  vow 
ought  to  be  performed,  but  to  inquire  "  what  vows  are  real 
vows."  He  next  enters  on  a  long  course  of  argument,  of 
which  it  would  be  difficult  to  exhibit  an  analysis  within  mo- 
derate compass.  This,  like  his  other  works,  seems  to  have 
been  composed  in  great  haste,  and  the  collateral  illustra- 
tions are  so  numerous,  that  to  form  an  adequate  idea  of 
them,  it  is  necessary  to  travel  through  the  whole  work. 
He  lays  down,  clearly  and  explicitly,  that  in  Scripture 


MONASTIC  VOWS.  385 

there  is  neither  precept  nor  example  for  monastic  vows. 
Certain  passages  brought  forward  by  the  abettors  of  mo- 
nastic establishments,  he  subjects  to  a  scrutiny  and  pro- 
nounces to  have  no  application  to  their  argument.  He 
enters  also  on  an  examination  of  the  reasons  alleged  in 
support  of  celibacy,  and  does  not  hesitate  to  affirm  that 
his  opponents  have  completely  failed  in  making  good  their 
case.  The  monastic  life  he  represents  as  a  tissue  of  errors, 
falsehoods,  ignorance,  foil}',  deceit,  and  confusion.  The 
nature  of  the  vow  is  inconsistent,  he  maintains,  with  the 
true  faith,  and  hostile  to  Christian  liberty.  He  next  gives 
an  account  of  the  origin  of  vows,  which  we  transcribe  in 
his  own  words : 

Humanum  inventum  est  votum,  humanum  inventum 
manet.  Sed  non  in  to  turn  tamen  ridiculum  est,  nam  vo- 
vere  subjectionem  istam  liberam  ad  tempus,  non  est  inu- 
tile. Videmus  enim  primitivae  ecclesiae  institutum  fuisse  et 
morem  plane  saluberrimum,  ut  juventutem  seniores  sibi  ad 
tempus  commendatam,  instituerent  in  fide  et  disciplina, 
quod  et  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  epistolaj  indicant,  ubi 
juniores  volunt  subdi  senioribus.  Hinc  primum  natse 
scholae  Christiana}  in  quibus  et  puellae  quoque  erudieban- 
tur,  ut  sanctae  Agnis  habet  historia.  Ex  his  tandem  col- 
legia et  monasteria  pullulaverunt,  propter  eos,  qui  perpe- 
tuo  et  libere  in  scholis  istis  manere  volebant. 

Ubi  autem  coeperunt  ii,  qui  juventutem  instituendam 
susceperunt,  segnes  fieri  et  sua  curare,  aucti  opibus  et  otio, 
et  juventus  rebellior  facta,  turn  voti  laqueos  invenerunt 
quibus  conscientias  alligatas  tenerent  sub  disciplina,  ut 
quisque  seipsum  metu  peccati  cohiberet,  et  otium  fieret  cu- 
ratoribus.  Sicut  et  nunc  mos  est  furiosus  academiarum, 
juventutem  irretire  juramentis,  et  conscientias  eorum  ex- 
carnificare,  ne  sit  necesse  illis  vigilare  et  solicitos  esse  in 
utramque  aurem  secure  dormiant.  Sic  ex  liberis  et  Chris- 
tianis  scholis  servilia  et  Judaica  monasteria  verae  que  sy- 
nagogae  impietatis  facta  sunt.  Si  igitur  votum  hodiernum 
ad  priscum  ilium  morem  revocatur,  et  ita  servaretur,  nihil 
ibi  periculi  esset,  et  absque  dubio  apud  Deum  aliter  non 
agnoscitur,  quam  ad  ilium  morem  servandum  temporaliter, 
tantum  ut  institutionem  Christianam  infirmiores  et  rudiores 
animi  imbibant,  et  postea  rursum  liberi  dimittantur,  id 
quod  infra  etiam  operibus  Dei  tcstibus  probabimus. 

Without  expressing  any  opinion  on  the  accuracy  of  this 
passage,  we  proceed  to  the  part  of  the  work  which  con- 

3C 


386  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

tains  an  account  of  the  habits  of  the  monks  and  of  their 
manner  of  conducting  public  worship.  After  alleging  the 
inconsistency  of  monastic  vows  with  the  commands  of  God, 
and  accusing  those  who  take  them,  of  no  less  crimes  than 
sedition  and  blasphemy,  Luther  adds — 

Primum  amiulantur  hodie  lectionibus  matutinalibus,  epis- 
tolis,  evangeliis,  et  singularibus  cantibus ;  alterum  homi- 
liis  ;  tertium,  responsoriis,  antiphonis,  gradualibus,  et  quae- 
cunque  communiter  leguntur  vel  cantantur,  sed  infeliciter 
omnia,  non  enim  docendi  aut  exhortandi,  sed  operandi 
tantum  studio  omnia  fiunt,  sic  enim  legisse,  sic  cantasse, 
sic  boasse,  illis  satis  est;  hoc  opus  quaeritur,  et  vocatur 
cultus  Dei,  quid  autem  legatur  et  cantetur,  aut  cur  legatur 
et  cantetur,  ne  in  men  tern  quidem  venit,  nee  est  propheta 
qui  interpretetur  et  doceat.  Proinde  ne  sint  otiosi  in  hoc 
mirabili  cultu  Dei,  dedunt  sese  curae  et  solicitndini  praele- 
gendi,  praecantandi,  recte  distinguendi,  pausandi,  termi- 
nandi,  attendendi,  hoc  unum  spectantes,  ut  bene,  devote 
et  laudabiliter  legatur  et  cantetur.  Hie  est  finis  ultimatus 
hujus  cultus  divini,  ibi  disciplinae,  poenae,  articuli,  statuta, 
peccata  et  merita  hoc  cultu  dignissima.  Dicas  hunc  gra- 
vissimum  cultum  Dei  in  hoc  exerceri,  ut  viri  illi  magni  et 
graves  saltern  particulam  aliquam  grammatical  et  musicae 
toto  vitae  tempore  discant.  Quid  enim  aliud  quasrere  pos- 
sunt  judicari  ?  Si  intret,  ut.Paulus  ait,  aliquis  infidelis  in 
medium  horum  mugientium,  murmurantium,  boantium,  vi- 
dens  eos  neque  prophetare,  neque  orare,  sed  tantum  suo 
more  sonare,  ceu  fistulas  illas  organorum,  (quae  sibi  optimo 
consilio  sociaverunt,  et  simile  juxta  simile  suum  posue- 
runt,)  nonne  optimo  jure  dicet :  "  Quid  insanitis  ?"  Quid 
enim  sunt  nisi  fistula?  aut  tibiae  illoe,  quas  Paulus  dicit,  nul- 
lam  vocum  distinctionem  dare,  sed  tantum  in  aera  sonare, 
non  aliter,  quam  si  quis  declamaturus  suggestum  conscen- 
dat,  et  horam  totam  sonet  verba  peregrina  in  populum, 
quae  nemo  intelligat.  Nonne  hie  in  aera  loquitur  ?  Nonne 
insanus  judicabitur  ?  Scilicet  talis  cultus  decebat  sacri- 
legos  et  blasphemos  adversarios  Christi,  ut  essent  nihilo 
meliores  mutis  illis  et  ligneis  fistulis,  multo  labore  sonantes, 
nihil  docentes,  nihil  discentes,  nihil  orantes,  et  tamen  hoc 
opus  insaniae  pro  summa  latria  jactarent,  omnium  opes 
illius  meritis  ad  sese  corrivarent,  et  banc  quidem  domum 
talis  decet  sanctitudo. 

By  this  time,  Luther,  we  perceive,  was  fully  satisfied  of 
the_aburdity  of  monastic  regulations.     In  the  fifth  section 


MONASTIC  VOWS.  387 

of  this  book  he  endeavours  to  show  their  inconsistency  with 
charity,  with  obedience  to  parents,  and  with  the  love  of 
our  neighbour.  The  following  passage  is  marked  by  his 
usual  decision  of  language,  and  contains  an  account  of  his 
own  feelings  when  a  member  of  a  monastery. 

Eadem  obedientia  pulchre  sese  exoneraverunt  operibus 
illis  misericordiae,  quae  Christus,  Matth.  25.  in  judicio  sese 
exacturum  minatur.  Videat  monachus  famelicum,  sitibun- 
dum,  nudum,  vagum,  captivum,  he.  sed  caveat  ne  egre- 
diatur  monasterium,  ne  visitet  infirmum,  ne  consoletur 
tristem,  sed  sinat  ire  et  perire,  quidquid  perierit,  claudat 
viscera  sua,  etiamsi  possit  ilium  juvare.  Postea  dicat,  ideo 
sese  omisisse  charitatem,  quia  noluerit  victimam  offerre  prae 
obedientia.  Idem  faciat,  si  pater  aut  mater  opera  ejus 
coeperint  opus  habere,  ut  vel  pascat,  vel  serviat  iis.  O 
furorem  inauditum  !  Ego  sane  in  meo  monachatu,  quan- 
quam  hebes  sum  et  rudis,  nihil  tamen  asgrius  tuli,  quam 
banc  crudelitatem,  et  negatae  charitatis  sacrilegium.  Ne- 
que  potui  unquam  persuaderi,  ut  quietus  crederem  rectam 
et  licitam  esse  obedientiam  istam  monasticam  adversus 
charitatem,  tam  impudenter  saevientem.  Dicent  vero  hie: 
Si  ista  monachis  detur  licentia  vagandi,  peribit  universum 
institutum  monasticum,  desolabuntur  monasteria,  ruet  cul* 
tus  Dei,  singulis  euntibus,  ut  parentibus  et  proximis  egen- 
tibus  ministrent.  Pulchre.  Ut  ergo  stent  lapides  et  ligna, 
ut  perseveret  fistularum  ululatus  et  murmur  in  choro,  ut 
rasura  capitis  et  longa  tunica  non  deponatur,  mandatum 
Dei  deserendum  est,  pro  quo  etiam  sanguis  fundendus,  ani- 
raa  et  omnia  ponenda  sunt.  Quam  sapienter,  quam  seque 
judicant  isti  viri  de  mandatis  Dei  ?  Nonne  hoc  est  quod 
dixi,  monasticum  institutum  et  divinum  mandatum  ex  dia- 
metro  natura  sua,  pugnare  ?  Si  enim  divinum  mandatum 
servare  voles,  votum  perpetuum  servare  non  potes :  elige 
utrum  volueris. 

Luther  was  so  much  accustomed  to  make  his  writings 
the  vehicle  of  his  feelings,  that  we  have  little  reason  to  ex- 
pect exaggeration  in  his  picture  of  monkish  privations, 
however  much  at  variance  with  the  habits  of  the  present 
age.  He  represents  the  monks  to  have  been  frequently  in 
want  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  as  suffering  both  from 
hunger  and  deficiency  of  clothing.  In  this,  as  in  his  other 
works,  we  meet  with  frequent  repetitions  in  the  leading  to- 
pics of  discussion  between  him  and  the  Catholics.  Per- 
haps in  none  of  his  publications  is  there  a  more  lavish  in- 


388  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

troduction  of  extraneous  illustration.  A  similar  remark 
may  be  made  in  regard  to  the  confidence  of  his  tone,  and 
his  remarkable  characteristic  of  never  doubting  that  an 
honest  inquirer  would  go  along  with  him  in  his  conclu- 
sions. We  close  our  extracts  with  the  passage  which  forms 
the  termination  of  the  work. 

Ha;c  pro  tempore  de  monastica  volui  dicere,  plura  dic- 
turus,  si  quis  ea  impetierit,  quanquam  sic  arbitror  omnia 
scripturis  et  rationibus  evidentibus  munita,  ut  non  solum 
possint  adversariorum  os  oppilare,  (quod  parum  spectavi,) 
sed  etiam  conscientias  fideliter  erga  Deum  erigere  et  secu- 
ras  facere,  id  quod  maxime  spectavi.  Illaqueatis  enim  diu- 
turnis  legibus,  consuetudinibus,  propriis  pavoribus  et  scru- 
pulis,  deinde  sanctitatis  auctoritate,  multitudine  et  magni- 
tudine  hominum,  maxime  vero  divinis  Scripturis  erroneo 
sensu  altissime  imbibitis,  certe  dimcillimum  est  mederi  et 
libertatem  tarn  laetam,  tam  desperatis  et  jamdudum  in  in- 
ferno deploratis  persuadere. 

Nam  ut  hasc  pugnent  et  triumphent  adversus  papam  et 
suas  synagogas,  infinitum  illud  academiarum,  monasterio- 
rum,  collegioruin  vulgus,  non  magnopere  gaudeo,  quid 
enim  ad  nos,  quid  sapiat  perditum  hoc  papae  et  pejorum 
Turcarum  regnum,  quod  jamdudum  contempsi?  Nobis 
hoc  curae  est,  ut  conscientias  roboremus  adversus  Satanam 
in  hora  mortis,  et  securas  reddamus  ante  Filium  hominis. 
Insaniant  homines,  utvolunt,  in  morte  saltern  nos  relinquent 
sive  victi  sive  victores.  At  coram  Satana  et  judicio  Dei 
quis  subsistet,  nisi  certissimis  et  evidentissimis  verbis  Dei 
munitus,  steterit  supra  petram  et  custodiam  suam,  audi  tu- 
rns quid  contradicatur  ei,  qui  possit  dicere  Deo  sine  haesi- 
tatione  et  trepidatione  cordis.  Haec  tu  dixisti,  qui  mentiri 
non  potes.  Unde  et  ego  per  Christum  oro  omnes,  qui  meo 
voluerint  hoc  consilio  uti,  et  deserto  monasterio  libertati 
sese  reddere,  ut  ante  omnia  suam  conscientiam  probent,  ne 
forte  hoc  tentent  novitate  rei  allecti,  aut  solo  hominum  con- 
temptu  vel  odio.  Nam  ii  in  morte,  suscitata  et  vexata  per 
Satanam  conscientia  de  apostasia,  de  soluto  voto,  &tc.  non 
subsistent,  sed  ad  sacrilegam  pcenitentiam  spectabunt, 
fientque  novissima  pejora  prioribus.  Opus  est  enim  hie 
solis  verbis  Dei  puris  fortiter  inniti,  et  ne  judicio  quidem 
Dei  cedere,  cum  sciamus  veracem  eum  esse,  sese  negare 
non  posse.  Verba  autem,  quae  hue  valeant,  ea  sunt,  qua; 
supra  posuimus,  in  quibus  solus  Christus  nobis  lux  et  dux 
praeficitur.  et  quidquid  est  ab  hominibus  inventum,  damna- 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  389 

tur.     Ipse  igitur  dulcis  dux  et  lux  nostra  Jesus  Christus 
illustret  et  roboret  cor  nostrum,  in  virtute  sua  propria  et 
verbo  salutari  in  vitam  asternam,  cui  est  gloria,  et  impe- 
riuin  in  secula  seculorum.     Amen. 
M.D.XXII.  Mense  Januario. 

1  Petri  ii. 
Quasi  liberi  et  non  quasi  velamen  habentes  maliciae  li- 
ber tatem,  sed  sicut  servi  Dei. 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE  TO  HIS  TRANSLATION 
OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

This  composition  is  of  considerable  length,  and  consists 
chiefly  of  an  exposition  of  the  intimate  connection  subsist- 
ing between  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  The  following 
are  extracts  from  the  introductory  and  concluding  passages. 

INTRODUCTORY    PART. 

Multi  sunt,  qui  veteris  Testamenti  libros  non  satis  magni 
faciunt,  quod  putent  illos  Judaeis  tantum  scriptos  esse,  nee 
porro  aliquem  eorum  esse  usum,  cum  nihil  contineant  pras- 
ter  quasdam  veterum  historias;  sic  enim  sentiunt,  suflicere 
sibi  Novum  Testamentum,  in  veteri  nihil  quaerendum  prae- 
ter  allegorias.  Atque  hsec  fere  Origenis  et  Hieronymi  sen- 
tentia  est,  et  aliorum  multorum.  Verum  Christus  Johan. 
v.  aliter  sentit,  sic  enim  inquit :  "  Scrutamini  Scripturas, 
illae  enim  de  me  testantur;"  et  Paulus  monet  Timotheum, 
ut  sit  sedulus  sacrarum  literarum  lector.  Et  ad  Rom.  i. 
gloriatur  evangelium  in  scripturis  a  Deo  promissum  esse. 
Item,  1  Corinth,  xv.  dicit,  Christum,  sicut  in  scriptura 
praedictum  est,  ex  semine  Davidis  natum,  mortuum  esse  et 
resurrexisse.  Et  Petrus  quoque  sa?pius  lectorem  ad  scrip- 
turam  remittit.  Docent  autem  nos  omnes  hi  loci,  quam 
non  contemnendi  sint  veteris  Testamenti  libri,  sed  quod 
summo  studio  sint  legendi  cum  ipsi  apostoli  testimonia  suae 
doctrines  ex  veteri  Testamento  accersant  illiusque  auctori- 
tate  evangelium  confirment.  Sicut  S.  Lucas  quoque  scri- 
bit,  Act.  xvii.  quod  Thessalonicenses  quotidie  scrutabantur 


390  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Scripturas,  nura  cum  Pauli  doctrina  convenirent.  Magni 
igitur  aestimandi  sunt  veteris  Testamenti  libri,  quod  sint 
ceu  fundamentum  quoddam,  quo  novum  Testamentum  ni- 
titur,  unde  certa  argumenta  novi  Testamenti  peti  possint. 
Et  novum  Testamentum  quid,  quaeso,  aliud  est,  quam 
aperta  qusedam  prsedicatlo  sententiarum  et  promissionum 
veteris  Testamenti,  qua?  per  Christum  sunt  completae. 
Volui  igitur  breviter  in  libros  veteris  Testamenti  praefari, 
ut  simplicioribus  viam  quandam  aperirem  quam  secuti, 
majore  cum  fructu  hos  libros  legerent.  Ac  principio  qui- 
dem  omnes  pios  diligenter  admonitos  volo,  ne  offendantur 
simplicitate  orationis,  item  absurdis  in  speciem  historiis, 
qua3  saepius  lectori  occurrent.  Sint  enim  quantumvis  sim- 
plicia  et  stulta,  qua?  hie  scribuntur,  tamen  sunt  divinee  raa- 
jestatis,  potential  et  sapientiae  divinae  verba,  opera,  judi- 
cia,  et  facta.  Ha?  enimillae  sunt  literae,  quae  ex  sapientibus 
et  prudentibus  stultos  faciunt  quas  non  nisi  parvvdi  et  stulti 
assequuntur,  sicut  Christus  quoque  Matth.  ii.  Ergo  cum 
hos  libros  legis,  non  tuum  judicium  nee  rationem  tuam  se- 
queris,  sed  sic  senties,  te  omnium  maximas  ac  pretiosissi- 
mas  res  tractare,  te  in  possessionem  amplissimi  cujusdam 
thesauri  venisse,  cujus  pretium  nemo  unquam  aestimare 
queat,  ex  quo  divina  sapientia  hauriatur.  Ideo  autem  sim- 
plicius  et  stultius  sapientiam  suam  nobis  in  his  libris  pro- 
posuit  Deus,  ut  superbiam  et  arrogantiam  nostram  penitus 
retunderet.  Hae  enim  sunt  illae  fasciae,  hoc  praesepe  illud 
est,  in  quo  Christus  jacet,  ad  quod  pastores  remittit  An- 
gelus ;  tenues  quidem  et  viles  sunt  fasciae,  verum  thesaurus 
involutus  maximi  est  pretii,  Christus  scilicet.  Hoc  igitur 
primum  scias,  hunc  librum  esse  librum  legis,  in  quo  doce- 
mur,  quid  faciendum,  quid  non  sit  faciendum ;  praeterhaec 
adduntur  quoque  exempla  et  historiae  servatae  et  non  ser- 
vatae  legis.  Et  quemadmodum  evangelium  gratiae  est  liber, 
qui  docet  unde  ea  facultas  petenda  sit,  ut  legi  satisfacia- 
mus.  Sunt  autem  praeter  illam  gratiae  doctrinam,  multa 
alia  praecepta  de  mortificando  vetere  homine  addita  (illis 
enim  praeceptis  opus  est  cum  semper  in  nobis  haereant  re- 
liquiae peccati,  neque  quisquam  hominum  perfectus  sit)  sic 
in  veteri  Testamento  legibus  quaedam  promissiones  et  sen- 
tential de  Christo  intertextae  sunt,  quibus  servati  sunt 
sancti  Patres  qui  sub  lege  ante  revelatum  Christum,  in  fide 
tamen  promissi  liberatoris  vixerunt,  et  quemadmodum  No- 
vum Testamentum  hoc  prascipue  agit,  ut  gratiam  et  pacem 
per  remissionem  peccatorum  in  Christo  nobis  annunciet. 


LUTHER'S  PREFACE.  391 

Sic  vetus  Testamentum  hoc  praecipue  agit,  ut  proponat 
leges,  peccata  ostendat  et  arguat,  exigat  quoque  a  nobis 
bona  opera.  Atque  hunc  veteris  Testamenti  scias  esse 
scopum. 

CONCLUSION  OF  THE  PREFACE. 

Hactenus  dixi,  diligenter  cogitandum  esse  piis  omnibus, 
ac  praecipue  docentibus,  ut  recte  de  Mose  judicent,  et  dis- 
cernant,  quid  ad  Judaeos  pertineat,  et  quid  nobis  prosit, 
videlicet  utcum  leges  tradit,  ne  judicemus  nos  obligari,  nisi 
quatenus  cum  notitia  legis  naturae  congruit,  et  earn  decla- 
rat,  Sit  Moses  sui  populi  doctor  et  legislator,  nos  alium 
magistrum  habemus,  Christum,  qui  nobis  abunde  tradidit 
omnia,  quae  nobis  discenda  et   facienda  sunt,    confirmat 
illam  ipsam  doctrinam  legis  divinse  quae  in  Mose  exposita 
et  illustrata  est,  sicut  inquit,  Non  veni  solvere  legem  et 
prophetas,  &.c.  et  addit  evangelii  doctrinam  de  suo  bene- 
ficio.     Sed  tamen  et  Mosi  libros  propter  has,  quas  dixi, 
utilitates  retineamus,  et  studiose  legamus,  quod  decalogi 
doctrinam  diligenter  et  copiose  enarrat  et  illustrat,  quod 
plenus  est  exemplorum  et  de  pcenis  impiorum  et  de  fide  et 
obedientia,  et  giorificatione  sanctorum;  quod  collegit  dul- 
cissimas  promissiones  de  Christo,  quas  proprie  etiam  ad  nos 
pertinent,  itaque  sic  legamus  Mosen,  ut  etiam  ipsam  evan- 
gelii historiam  legimus,  in  qua  etsi  multa  sunt,  ut  sic  dicam, 
personalia,  quae  ad  alios  nihil  pertinent,  ut  quod  leprosos 
Christus  mittit  ad  sacerdotes  cum  sacrificiis,  et  similia,  ta- 
men exemplum  fidei  et  obedientiae  ad  omnes  pertinet.    Haec 
copiosius  luerunt  dicenda,  propterea  quod  saepe  multi  in 
ecclesia  in   hoc  errore  fuerunt,  de  legibus  Mosaicis,  nee 
viderunt,  quid  nobis  ex  Mose  praecipue  dicendum  sit,   aut 
quomodo  discernendum  inter  legem  moralem  seu  decalo- 
gum,  et  alias  politicas  seu  forenses  leges,  ut  et  Origenes  et 
alii  eum  secuti  hie  hallucinati  sunt,  et  nostra  astate  multi 
contenderunt  etiam  forenses  controversias  ex  Mose  dijudi- 
candas  esse;  extiterunt  interdum  etiam  Anabaptistae  et  ho- 
rum  similes  fanatici,  qui  circumcisionem  et  Sabbata  Ju- 
daica  contenderent   observanda  esse.     Simus  igitur  cauti 
et  de  Mose  ex  Christiana  doctrina  judicemus,  quae  mon- 
strat,  quomodo  utiliter  legendus  sit,  et  quae  copia  salutaris 
doctrinae  ex  ipso  peti  possit,  quae  nos  erudire  potest  ad  sa- 
lutem    (ut  Paulus  2  Timoth.  iii.  de  lectione  sacrarum  li- 
terarum  loquitur)  et   confirmare  fidem  nostram  in  Jesum 
Christum,  qua  similiter  patres.  ut  nos,  Deo  accepti  et  salvi 
facti  sunt. 


392  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 


PARTICULARS  RELATIVE  TO 

CAROLOSTAD,  SPALATIN,   JUSTUS  JONAS, 
AND  CRUCIGER. 

CAROLOSTAD, 

Being  of  a  respectable  family,  had  the  benefit  of  good 
education  at  an  early  age.  The  places  where  he  studied 
have  not  been  accurately  ascertained,  but  it  is  certain  that 
he  resided  some  time  at  Rome.  On  returning  from  Italy, 
he  fixed  his  residence  at  Wittemberg,  where  he  took  his 
degree  of  doctor  of  divinity,  and  became  one  of  the  ear- 
liest professors  in  that  university;  he  was  the  first  who 
came  forward  to  advocate  Luther's  cause  by  his  writings — 
a  priority  in  the  lists  of  controversy,  which  may  perhaps 
be  ascribed  as  much  to  his  characteristic  enterprise  and 
ambition  for  distinction,  as  to  motives  of  friendship.  He 
was  likewise  the  first  Catholic  in  the  station  of  priest,  who 
took  the  decisive  step  of  entering  on  the  married  state,  in 
defiance  of  the  long  established  prohibition  of  the  head  of 
the  church.  Unfortunately  his  prudence  was  not  equal  to 
his  zeal,  and  he  was  deficient  in  the  respect  due  to  the 
judgment  and  the  attainments  of  Luther.  In  his  latter 
years  he  went  to  Basil,  and  died  there  in  1541,  after  hav- 
ing filled  the  station  of  a  public  teacher  during  ten  years. 
The  testimony  of  Zwinglius  in  regard  to  him  is  favourable, 
that  eminent  reformer  considering  him  as  possessed  both  of 
knowledge  and  energy,  although  unskilful  in  the  manner 
of  bringing  his  powers  to  bear  on  the  particular  subject 
under  discussion. 


SPALATIN. 

To  the  particulars  already  mentioned  (p.  313)  about  this 
meritorious  person,  it  is  proper  to  add,  that  on  his  con- 
sulting Luther  in  regard  to  the  course  of  study  which  was 
most  likely  to  afford  him  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
sacred  Scriptures,  the  latter  recommended  the  writings  of 
Erasmus  next  to  those  of  Jerome,  Ambrose,  and  Augus- 
tine. Above  all,  he  advised  his  friend  to  drink  at  the 
fountain-head,  and  to  obtain  a  familiar  acquaintance  with 
Scripture  itself.     Spalatin  continued  throughout  life  a  zea- 


JUSTUS  JONAS.  393 

lous  friend  of  Luther  and  the  Reformation,  and  the  access 
which  his  official  situation  gave  him  to  correspondence  with 
the  leading  men  in  Germany,  was  of  the  greatest  use  to  the 
cause.  He  wrote  a  book,  called  "  Chronicon,"  containing 
an  account  of  Saxony;  and  he  translated,  from  Latin  into 
German,  the  work  of  Erasmus  "  De  lnstitutione  Prin- 
cipis,"  prefixing  to  his  version  a  dedication  to  the  emperor 
Charles  V. 


JUSTUS   JONAS. 

In  addition  to  his  professorship  at  Wittemberg,  Jonas 
was  one  of  the  clergymen  of  that  city,  and  appears  from 
the  suavity  of  his  manners  and  the  extent  of  his  informa- 
tion, to  have  been  a  great  favourite  with  many  of  his  co- 
temporaries.  Among  those  who  have  left  ample  testimo- 
nies to  his  good  qualities,  we  find  the  names  of  Melancthon, 
Stigelius,  Camerarius,  and  Siberus.  According  to  them 
he  was  not  only  animated  by  cordial  attachment  to  his 
friends,  but  conspicuous  for  piety,  industry,  and  erudition. 
His  writings  are  not  numerous,  and  relate  principally  to 
topics  connected  with  his  course  of  teaching.  He  pub- 
lished an  answer  to  Wycelius  on  the  death  of  Luther,  in 
which  he  brought  forward  an  ample  vindication  of  the  me- 
mory of  his  friend. — At  the  same  time,  his  attachment  to 
Luther  did  not  interrupt  his  good  understanding  with 
Erasmus. — The  following  account  of  Justus  Jonas  is  taken 
from  Melchior  Adam : 

"  Northusae  imperiali  Cheruscorum  oppido,  Justus  Jonas 
in  lucem  editus  est,  anno  Christi,  millesimo,  quadringen- 
tesimo,  nonagesimo  tertio,  die  quinto  Junii.  Inciderunt 
autem  studia  ejus  Theologica  in  ipsa  initia  mutatse  religio- 
nis  fuitque  Jonas  hie  non  tantum  auditor  et  spectator,  sed 
etiam  actor,  approbatorve  eorum,  qua;  in  religionis  ne- 
gotio  tunc  gesta.  Sub  annum  Christi  millesimum,  quin- 
gentesimum,  vicesimum  primum,  mortuo  Henningo  Goe- 
den  jurisconsulto  celeberrimo,  reique  ecclesiasticae  in  col- 
legio  omnium  sanctorum  Wittembergae  praeposito,  Jonas, 
in  locum  ejus  est  surrogatus,  doctorque  theologize  die  de- 
cimo  quarto  Octobris  ejusdem  anni  renunciatus.  Ubi, 
cum  variae  exorirentur  quzestiones,  presertim  super  missa 
privata,  et  ejus  abrogatione,  ac  princeps  elector  Saxoniae, 
ne  ea  res  motus  excitaret  majores,  metueret,  ipse  cum  col- 
legis  ac  delectis  electori  rationem  ejus  rei  reddidit,  utque 
in  ipsorum  facto,  quamvis  tunc  insolenti   et   periculoso. 

3D 


394  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

princeps  acquiesceret,  effecit.  Interfuit  etiam  postea  pie- 
risque  omnibus,  qui  religionis  causa  instituti,  conventibus, 
suoque  loco  et  veritatem  tueri  et  pacem  stabilire,  si  qua 
posset  prudenter  annisus  est.  Nam  cum  sacrarum  litera- 
rum  peritus,  et  juris  etiam  civilis  non  plane  hospes  esset, 
negotia  ecclesiastica,  quibus  politica  ssepe  immixta,  dex- 
terius  aliis  administravit.  Itaque  anno  undetrigesimo,  cum 
Luthero  et  Melancthone  ad  colloquium  Marpurgi  indic- 
tum  venit :,  et  anno  sequenti  celeberrimis  illis  comitiis  Au- 
gusta? celebratis  cum  eodem  Melancthone  adfuit :  et  nego- 
tium  religionis  adjuvit." 


CRUCIGER 

Was  full  twenty  years  younger  than  Luther,  and  had 
the  advantage  of  acquiring  Greek  and  Latin  at  an  early 
age.  Leipsic  was  the  scene  of  his  first  studies,  but  on 
reaching  the  time  when  it  became  proper  for  him  to  learn 
Hebrew,  he  repaired  to  the  more  celebrated  seminary  of 
Wittemberg.  Few  of  the  Reformers  possessed  more  mis- 
cellaneous attainments  than  Cruciger.  At  the  diet  of 
Worms  he  attended  in  the  capacity  of  notary,  and  was  af- 
terwards of  much  assistance  to  Luther  in  the  great  work 
of  translating  the  Scriptures.  He  was  so  indefatigable  a 
scribe,  that  it  was  to  him  the  public  owed  copies  of  the 
chief  part  of  the  expositions  and  sermons  delivered  by 
Luther  in  the  university  and  church  of  Wittemberg.  He 
was  appointed  rector  of  the  school  of  Magdeburg,  and 
gave  great  satisfaction  in  the  discharge  of  the  office;  but 
the  thirst  of  information  was  all  powerful  with  him,  and 
induced  him  to  return  to  the  university  of  Wittemberg. 
The  same  passion  led  him  to  add  the  study  of  mathematics 
and  even  of  medicine  to  his  theological  labours.  For  se- 
veral years,  in  the  latter  part  of  life,  he  held  the  station  of 
rector  of  the  university;  but  his  career  was  not  of  long  du- 
ration, for  he  died  in  1548. 

FUNERAL  VERSES  ON  LUTHER. 

The  best  scholars  in  Wittemberg  were  anxious  to  testify 
their  regard  for  the  man  who  had  lived  so  long  among 
them,  and  had  rendered  such  distinguished  service  to  the 
cause  of  religion. 


FUNERAL  VERSES  ON  LUTHER.  395 

The  inscription  on  his  tomb-stone  deserves  to  be  re- 
corded. 

Continet  hie  tumulus  Martini  membra  Lutheri : 
Nosse  sat  hoc  fuerat :  sed  tamen  ista  lege. 

Near  the  statue  are  the  following : 

Hie  prope  Martini  rursus  victura  Lutheri 

In  parvo  tumulo  molliter  ossa  cubant; 
Qua?  prius  horrendis  errorum  pressa  tenebris, 

Atque  operum  obscura  nube  sepulta  fuit. 
Hoc  monstrante  iterum  patefacta  est  gratia  Christi 

Qua?que  Deo  acceptos  nos  facit  esse,  fides. 
Namque  superstitio  cum  regnum  cceca  teneret : 

Et  premeret  longo  dogmata  vera  situ  : 
file  Dei  afflatu  monitus,  verboque  vocatus, 

Lucem  evangelii  sparsit  in  orbe  novam. 
Instructusque,  tuba?  Paulinae  et  fulmine  lingua?, 

Exploso  coepit  vera  docere,  dolo. 
Utque  agnum  in  media  Baptista  ostendit  eremo, 

Qui  pia  pro  populi  victima  labe  foret : 
Sic  quoque  monstravit  te,  maxime  Christe,  Lutherus  ; 

Cum  totus  tenebris  obrutus  orbis  erat. 
Et  legis  tabulae,  quas  in  Sinaide  Moses 

Allisas  fregit  rupe,  proplieta  Dei ; 
Quid  distent  Evangelio  :  quod  pectora  sanet ; 

Conscia  qua?  culpa?  terruit  ira  Dei ; 
Hoc  prias  amissum  discriinen  reddidit  orbi, 

Essent  ut  Christi  munera  nota  magis. 
Arguit  Ausonii  fraudes  atque  impia  regna 

Pontificis,  populo  qua?  nocuere  Dei. 
Pollutasque  monens  vitare  idola  per  aras, 

Ad  verum  adduxit  corda  levata  Deura. 
Magnaniruusque  Deo,  cursum,  servante  peregit, 

Insidias  contra  multiplicesque  minas. 
Tandem  ex  hac  vita  tranquilla  morte  vocatus, 

Ardua  propitio  venit  ad  astra  Deo. 
Sentit  ubi  coram  felicia  gaudia  Christi 

Veraque  post  obitum  praemia  vivus  habet. 
Grata  Deo  tanto  sit  pro  doctore  futura 

iEtas  ;  qua?  Christi  dogmata  vera  sciet : 
Atque  oret  precibus,  Deus  hanc,  quam  prabuit  orbi 

Lucem  evangelii  servet  ut  ipse  sui. 

Decessit  in  patria  sua  Isleben. 

Anno  a  natali  Christi  M.D.XLVI. 

Die  Februarii  XVIII. 

Anno  a?tatis  sua?  LXIII. 

Acidemia  Witteberg.  ul  filia  patri  dilecto. 

E.  C. 

On  the  Stone : 

Martini  Lutheri  S.  Theologia? 
D.  Corpus  H.  L.  S.  E.    Qui  anno 
Christi  M.D.XLVI.  XII. 
CAL.  MARTII  EISLEBII 
IN  PATRIA  S.M.O.C.V. 
\NNO  LXIII.  M.  III.  D.  X. 


396  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Other  epitaphs  and  inscriptions  are  extant,  from  which 
we  select  the  following: 

PHILIPP.  MELANCTHON. 

Occidit  omnigena  venerandus  laude  Lutherus, 
Qui  Chrisftm  docuit  non  dabitante  fide. 
Ereptum  deflet  vero,  hunc  ecclesia  luctu 
Cujus  erat  doctor,  verius,  imo  pater. 
Occidit  Israel  praestans  auriga  Lutherus, 
Quem  mecum  sanus  lugeat  omnis  homo. 
Nunc  luctumque  suum  lacrymoso  carmine  prodat 
Hoc  etenim  orbatos  flere,  dolore  decet. 

THEOD.  BEZA. 

Roma  orbem  domuit,  Romam  sibi  papa  subegit, 

Virions  ilia  suis,  fraudibus  iste  suis. 

Quant5  isto  major  Lutherus,  major  et  ilia ; 

Istum,  illamque  uno  qui  domuit  calamo. 

I  nunc !  Alciden  memorato  Grsecia  mendax, 

Lutheri  ad  calamum  ferrea  clava  nihil. 

JOANN.  MAJOR. 

Lutherus  decimum  confecit  strage  Leonem  ; 
De  clava  noli  qurerere  ;  penna  fuit. 

JOACHIM  A  BEUST. 

In  sua  concessit  quo  tempore  fata  Lutherus, 

Mortuus  est  purre  religionis  apex. 
Mens  it  ad  astra,  die  cui  dat  Concordia  nomen, 

Lutherum  in  coelum  qua?  comitata  redit. 
Huic  quia  successit  lacera  discordia  veste, 
Da  populo  Eliffi  pallia,  Christe  tuo. 


MELANCTHON'S   OBSERVATIONS    ON   THE 
CONFERENCE  AT  WORMS. 

The  following  Observations  on  the  Conference  at  Worms 
held  in  1540,  are  given  in  the  words  of  Melancthon. 

Renovat  mihi  colloquii  Wormaciensis  recordatio  acerbum 
luctum  et  verum  dolorem,  quem  cepi  ex  interitu  duorum 
quorum  ibi  recens  consuetudo  mihi  dulcissima  fuit,  D.  Ca- 
pitonis  videlicet  et  Simonis  Grynsei,  qui  cum  ambo  propter 
excellentem  eruditionem,  virtutem,  et  pietatem  magno  or- 
namento  ecclesiae  Christi  fuerint,  publica  jactura  et  agno- 
scenda  et  deploranda  est.  Nihil  enim  dicam  hoc  loco  de 
privata  nostra  amicitia,  qua  fruemur  aliquanto  post  multo 


ON  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  WORMS.      397 

suavius,  cum  una  cum  Christo,  prophetis  et  aposlolis  con- 
versabimur.     Grynaeus  cum  videret  magnum  decus  esse 
ecclesise  eruditionem,  magno  labore  accendere  omnium  ho- 
nestarum  artium  studia  conabatur,  optimos  auctores  veteres 
edebat  ac  enarrabat.     Erat  ingenium  capax  omnium  bo- 
narum  artium,  sed  haec  major  laus  est,  quod  non  fastidit 
doctrinam  ecclesiae,  sed  semper  ad  philosophica  studia  lec- 
tionem  adjunxit  prophetarum  et  apostolorum.     Capito  ec- 
clesiam  et  voce  et  perpetuis  monumentis  erudiit. — Sed  ut 
de    Wormaciensibus    coiigressibus   dicam.      Erasmus    eo 
missi  ut  amanter  et  piacide,  sed  tarnen,  sicut  praesertim  in 
ecclesia  decet,  publice  de  controversiis,  inquisita  veritate, 
dirimendis,  conferremus.     Ac  sperabamus  ad  futuros  gu- 
bernatores  colloquii  et  fipaQswrug,  non  mutos,  sed  qui  con- 
tentionem  moderarentur,  et  eligerent  sententias  veras  ac 
concordias  utiles.     Sed  dum  adversarii  defugiunt  publicam 
collationem  et  inter  se  aliquot  insulsos  et  flexiloquos  articu- 
los  componunt,  nobis  postea  obtrudendos,  nos  otiosi  fere 
quotidie  conveniebamus  omnes,  ac  de  singulis  controversiis 
suinmo  candore  acerrime  disserebamus.     Ibi  memini  multa 
singulorum  pie  dicta,  quae  a  multis  in  commentaries  relata 
sunt.     Sed  ut  caetera  omittam  :  ventum  erat  ad  controver- 
siam  de  auctoritate  episcoporum  et  legibus,  quas  in  ecclesia 
hum  an  a  auctoritate  conditas  sunt.     Ibi  cum  mentio  fieret 
decreti  apostolici,  quod  est  in  Actis  capite  15.  audiebamus 
et  D.   Andrcam,   Osiandrum,  et  D.  Capitonem   historica 
quadam  recitantes  ex  Judaeorum  monumentis,  quae  quia 
nonnihil  lucis  addunt  decreto  apostolico,   duxi  hie  corn- 
memoranda  esse.       Scio    prudentibus    omnibus    historica 
grata  esse.      Et  narratio   ilia   continet  exemplum   erudi- 
tionis,  ortum  baud  dubie  a  summis  prophetis,  itaque  mag- 
no me  munere  judicabam  ab  utroque  ab   Osiandro   et  a 
Capitone  donari  cum  veterem  ilium  ritum  nobus  ignotum 
exponerent ;  dicebant  enim  Judfeos  veteres,  florente  adhuc 
eorum  politia,  siquando  vicinam  aliquam  civitatem  Ethni- 
cam  hello  ceperant,  aut  fcedere  sibi  adjunxerant,  non  soli- 
tos  imponere  victis  legem  Mosaicam  aut  circumcisionem, 
sed  tantum  \v<ec  in  conditionibus  pacis,  seu  formula  foede- 
ris prascipere,  ut  deletis  idolis,  unum  ac  verum  Deum,  con- 
ditorem    omnium   rerum,    qui  se  patefecit  in  verbo  dato 
populo  Israel  colerent ;  deinde  quia  ethnici  scortationem 
non  solebant  prohibere,   et  nimiuin  laxarent  frenum  vaga3 
libidini,  addebatur  hoc,  ut  prohiberent  scortationem.    Ad- 
debantur  et  reliqua  capita  qua3  in  decreto  apostolico  recen- 
sentur,  ne  rebus  immolatis  idolo,  ne  sanguine  et  suffocatif 


398  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

vescerentur.     Nee  obscura  est  ratio  de  immolatis  ;  nolue- 
runt  enim,  pios  ad  convivia  et  pompas  festis  diebus  eorum, 
qui  idola  colebant,  accedere,  ne  societate  sua  confirmarent 
impia  sacrificia,  quae  tunc  fiebant.     De  sanguine  et  suftb- 
cato  sumptum  est  praeceptum   ex  historia  Nohae.      Nam 
hunc  ritum  vetusliorem  Moisae  tradi  vicinis  Judaei  victores 
voluerunt,  ut  esset  monumentum  severissimi  praecepti,  quod 
Deus  Nohae  commendavit,  de  privata  caede.     Ergo  etiam 
veteres  gubernatores  populi  Judaici  intellexerunt  ceremo- 
nias  Mosaicas  ad  suam  tantum  politiam  pertinere,  nee  esse 
justitiam,  promissionem  verae   salutis  pertinere  etiam   ad 
gentes  et  has  ita  placere  Deoetjustas  esse,  si  verum  Deum, 
qui  promiserat  semen,  in  quo  benedicendae  essent  omnes 
gentes,  agnoscerent,  et  fide  invocarent,  et  in  moribus  iis 
legibus  obtemperarent,  quas  omnium  hominum  mentibus 
Deus  impressit.    Quare  apostoli,  quod  proprium  erat  mune- 
ris  ipsorum,  initio  pronunciarunt  de  ceremoniarum  abroga- 
tione,  et  Judasos  ac  Gentes  hoc  onere  levaverunt.    Deinde 
praecepta  de  idolis  et  de  scortatione  adjici  necesse  fuit,  ut  fa- 
cile intelligi  potest,  quae  cum  essent  addenda,  usi  sunt  for- 
mula usitata  veterum  gubernatorum  ejus  populi,  a  qua  mi- 
nus abhorrebant  vicini.     Haec  si  quis  expendet,  intelliget 
longe  discrepare  exemplum  apostolorum,   a  consilio  epis- 
coporum,  qui  postea  a  se  excogitatas  ceremonias,  cceliba- 
tum,  et  ciborum  discrimina  et  quidem  tanquam  cultus  ec- 
clesia?  imposnerunt.     Haec  historiola  ostendit  hanc  partem 
in  decreto,  nee  novam  nee  ingratam  fuisse  vicinis.     Haec 
ut  recenserem,  admonitus  sum  recordatione  Capitonis,  cu- 
jus  memoria  studiosis  commendanda  est,  ut  talis  viri  mores, 
pietatem,   et    studia   imitentur.     Nee    profecto    quicquam 
habeo,  quod  de  eo  conventu  relatu  dignius  judico.     Nam 
publicae   tridui  declamationes,  verius  quam  disputationes, 
quales  fuerint,  lector  ex  hac  editione  cognoscet.     Fortasse 
prodest  extare  IwXoxgatfiav  Eccianam  eo,  ut  boni  et  graves 
palam  videant,  sophistas  illos  nee  candorem  nee  studium 
veritatis  ad  has  tantas  deliberationes  adferre.     Audivi  Ec- 
cium  gloriose  jactitantem  posse  se  utramque  partem  tueri. 
Putat  de  laude  ingenii  certari ;  non  quaerit  veritatem,  non 
studet  consulere  ecclesiae;  denique  in  hac  causa  deploranda 
erat  omnium  lacrymis  humani  generis  miseria,  quod  prop- 
ter malum  originis,  haec  praestans  natura,  primum  horri- 
bili  ira  Dei,  deinde  ingenti  mole  calamitatum  hujus  vita?, 
et  morte  ipsa  oppressa  est  praeterea  imagine  Dei  in  nobis 
deformata,  nunc  in  tenebris  et  contumacia  perpetua  contra 
legem  Dei  versatur.     Hoc  tantum  malum  isti  Epicurei  ex- 


ON  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  WORMS.       399 

ten  u  ant.  Sed  heec  relinquo  cogitanda  pio  lectori,  cum 
conferret  utriusque  conciones.  Non  arbitror  autem  quen- 
quam  pium  adeo  lentum  esse,  xai  a^oXov,  ut  sine  fremitu 
Eccii  sophismata  et  ineptas  verborum  praestigias  legere 
possit.  Ludit  vocabulis  criminis,  culpae,  peccati  papi talis; 
converrit  testimonia,  quae  fecit  nihil  contra  nos  facere,  de- 
nique  Socraticus  disputator  est,  perpetuo  suam  sententiam 
occultat,  tantum  hoc  agitat,  ut  oppugnet  adversarium.  In- 
genue dicam  quod  sentio,  saepe  mihi  et  stomachum  et  bilem 
hae  insidiosae  tergiversationes,  captiones  yor\rua.s  moverunt, 
quae  Phormionem  aut  Pseudolum  in  comcediis,  non  theo- 
logum  in  explicatione  doctrinae  decent.  Haec  eo  cora- 
memoro,  ut  cogitent  studiosi,  quantum  sit  periculi  cum 
his  sycophantis  congredi  :  seque  ad  similia  certamina  ma- 
jore  cura  praeparent,  ac  primum  quidem  vera  et  salutaria 
ecclesiae  dicere  studeant,  deinde  luceat  in  oratione,  tan- 
quam  in  vultu  ingenuitas  dicentis,  sitque  propria  et  simplex 
orationis  forma,  qualis  Apelleis  est  color  in  tabulis.  Haec 
ut  efficiam  conniti  me  non  exigua  animi  contentione,  multi 
norunt.  Eccii  vero  voluntatem  longe  aliam  in  hoc  ipso 
congressu  fuisse,  ipsius  declamationes  ostendunt,  qui  de 
industria  quaedam  involvit,  deinde  aperte  falsa  et  impia  at- 
texit.  Nam  in  postrema  peroratione,  cum  multa  insulsa 
cumulasset,  quae  indigna  erant  responsione,  tandem  sten- 
torea  voce  clamitans,  confirmabat  vulgatam  sui  gregis 
opinionem,  quae  agentes  pcenitentiam  jubet  dubitare,  an 
Deo  reconcilientur,  jubet  hos  invocantes  Deum  dubitare 
an  placeant,  an  Deus  eorum  preces  accipiat,  ac  detorque- 
bat  eo  dictum  Salomonis.  Nescit  homo  an  amore  vel  odio 
dignus  sit.  Illi  vero  doctores  odio  digni  sunt,  qui  Salo- 
monis dicto  affingunt  ethnicam  sententiam.  Sic  Epicurii 
aut  Pyrrhonii  loquuntur,  odium  et  amorem  Dei  incertum 
esse.  Est  ne  incertum  displicere  Deo  Neronem  ?  Sic  in 
ecclesia  loqui  furor  est,  in  qua  et  conscius  sibi  sceleris  ex- 
pavescere  iram  Dei  debet,  et  agens  pcenitentiam  certo  sta- 
tuere  se  in  gratiam  recipi  et  exaudiri  propter  filium  Dei. 
Extat  vox  evangelii,  qua?  est  promissio  condonationis. 
Additum  est  jusjurandum :  "  Vivo  ego,"  inquit  Deus, 
"  nolo  mortem  peccatoris."  Extat  mandatum  ut  promis- 
sioni  credamus.  Et  nominatim  fides  toties  postulatur. 
Haec  omnia  simul  obruit  et  delet  opinio  Ecciana,  quae  ju- 
bet dubitare.  Quid  dicat  et  velit  Salomon  non  est  obscu- 
rum,  modo  dextre  accipiatur  ejus  dictum.  De  variis  even- 
tibus  in  hac  vita  disserit,  ut  doceat  nos  nee  efferri  blan- 
diente  fortuna,  nee  frangi  animis  in  rebus  adversis;  ac  de 


400  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

voluntate  Dei,  non  ex  his  eventibus,  sed  ex  aliis  testimo- 
niis  judicare.  Eruditissimum  et  plenum  pietatis  praecep- 
tum  est,  sed  accidit  Salomoni  idem  quod  ille  dicebat;  dex- 
tra  se  praecepta  tradere  sed  quosdam  auditores  sinistra  ac- 
cipere.  Haec  eo  recito,  ut  qui  legent  has  Eccii  pagellas, 
admoniti  citius  deprehendant  errorem,  ac  simul  deplorent 
ecclesiae  tenebras,  in  qua  tales  Pyrrhoniae  sententiae  ab  ad- 
versariis  nostris  defenduntur  et  confirmantur,  quae  Filium 
Dei  manifesta  contumelia  adficiunt.  Cogitent  etiam  omnes 
pios  et  ex  animo  debere  execr.ari  tarn  absurdos  errores,  et 
quaerere  melius  doctrina?  genus.  Hoc  studium  etiamsi  in 
odio  est,  tamen  et  Deo,  et  ecclesia?  et  nobis  ipsis  debemus. 
Scio  frustra  haec  dici  iis,  qui  religiones  judicant  fabulosas 
esse,  et  ecclesiae  certamina  tanquam  facem  dissidiorum 
publicorum  execrantur.  Et  hac  ultima  aetate  mundi  vide- 
mus  hanc  Cyclopicam  philosophiam  late  vagari,  et  multos 
habere  adplausores.  Sed  ut  Maccabaeorum  tempore  non 
deleta  est  ecclesia  funditus,  ita  scimus  et  nunc,  quanquam 
atrociter  grassantibus  Turcis  et  domesticis  hostibus,  reli- 
quias  ecclesiae  Deum  servaturum  esse,  apud  quas  has  pias 
cohortationes  de  puritate  evangelii  inquirenda  et  propa- 
ganda valere  speramus.  Erat  exigua  Ecclesia,  cum  Filius 
Dei  penderet  in  cruce,  et  subitae  tenebrae  medio  die  coelum 
ac  terras  involverent,  nee  tamen  funditus  deleta  est.  Sed 
jam  et  latro  et  centurio  agnoscunt  et  praedicant  Christum. 
Ita  nos  in  hac  mundi  senecta,  cum  propter  sicJwXo^avia  et 
alia  scelera  mundum  oppressit  ira  Dei,  tamen  clamore  nos- 
tro  adversus  dSeous  laudes  Dei  et  Filii  ejus  Jesu  Christi  so- 
nemus.  Irascamur  Epicureis  sapientibus,  qui  derident  no- 
men  Dei :  dimicemus  cum  Turcis  qui  Filio  Dei  maledi- 
cunt;  refutemus  impios  sacrificulos  et  monachos,  qui  idola 
colunt,  nee  tribuunt  Filio  Dei  justos  honores,  non  agnos- 
cunt esse  mediatorem,  non  volunt  cum  fide  invocari.  Mag- 
num et  multiplex  bellum  jam  ecclesia  Dei  gerit.  Sed 
scriptum  est  de  hoc  tempore,  tunc  stabit  pro  filiis  populi 
sui  dux  magnus,  qui  est  Filius  Dei  victor  et  triumphator. 
Huic  nos  piis  et  ardentibus  votis  commendemus,  et  ab  eo 
auxilium  et  salutem  perpetuam  expectemus.  Ego  hac  me 
consolatione  et  alias  saepe,  et  adhuc  sustento,  quod  ex  Deo 
est,  non  delebitur.  Nee  vero  dubito  divinitus  patefactum 
esse  genus  doctrina?,  quod  fulget  in  nostris  ecclesiis,  nee 
sum  adeo  ferreus,  ut  solus  non  adficiar,  vel  publicis  Ger- 
maniae  periculis,  cui  jam  adversus  externum  hostem  con- 
sensu principum  opus  est,  vel  domesticis  vulneribus  nos- 
trarum  ecclesiarum,  quae  regi  melius  tranquillis  temporibus 


CONFERENCE  AT  SMALCALD.     401 

possent,  nam  discordia  etiam  in  parte  saniore  disciplinam 
impediit.  Haeret  autem  discordia  in  republica  adversario- 
rum  culpa,  quorum  durities  asperimos  scopulos,  et  Caucasi 
rupes  vincet.  Negant  enim  pacem  fore,  nisi  oppresserint 
veritatem.  Nostras  vero  sententias  fuisse  moderatas,  acta 
publica  ad  omnem  posteritatem  testabuntur,  toties  flagita- 
vimus  veram  dijudicationem,  toties  ipse  supplex  oravi  po- 
tentes,  ut  saluti  ecclesiag  consulerent;  sed  plane  visus  sum, 
ut  in  Graeco  versu,  ut  navis  quassata  procellis  supplicare 
scopulis.  Quare  ecclesias  nostras  Deo  commendemus,  et 
nostrum  officium  bona  conscientia  faciamus,  ac  precemur 
Deum,  ut  et  principum  mentes  gubernet,  qui  utrumque 
curare  debent,  ut  et  de  Deo  ac  Filio  ejus  Jesu  Christo, 
recte  doceantur  homines,  et  armis  patria  adversus  barba- 
rum  hostem  defendatur,  qui  saevitiam  suam  non  tantum  in 
vulgus  exercet;  sed  multo  crudelius  in  ipsos  principes. 
Neque  tamen  sinet  Deus  hac  barbaria  deleri  funditus  eccle- 
sias, nee  quinta  monarchia  futura  est.     Bene  vale. 


9000i 


LETTER  FROM  MELANCTHON  TO  LUTHER, 

CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF 

THE  CONFERENCE  AT  SMALCALD, 

in  1540. 

S.  D.  scripserat  Lundensis  rediens  ex  Hispania,  impera- 
torem  Corolum  venturum  in  Germaniam,  non  ut  bellum 
civile  moveret,  sed  ut  de  concordia  ecclesiarum  delibera- 
ret,  sarcienda  moderatis  rationibus.  Ideo  hortatus  est 
Lundensis  nostros  principes,  ut  et  ipsi  deliberarent  quid  de- 
fensuri  essent,  aut  largituri  adversariis.  Hanc  ob  causam 
indictus  est  conventus  Smalcaldensis.  Allatae  sunt  delibe- 
rationes,  quarum  consensus  summus  fuit,  non  posse  abjici 
eos  articulos  quos  in  confessione  et  Apologia  confitemur. 
Constituto  doctrinae  consensu  de  adiaphoris  non  odiose 
pugnandum  esse.  Deliberatio  nostra,  cui  caetera  subscrip- 
serunt,  accurate  et  erudite  videtur  scripta,  ut  Paulus  nar- 
rare  poterit.     Haec  dum  aguntur  in  conventu,  allatum  est 

3E 


402  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

responsum  imperatoris  Caroli,  in  quo  narrat  imperator,  se 
in  Germaniam  venisse  non  hostili  animo,  sed  acturum  esse 
de  concordia  ecclesiarum,  et  spem  ostendit,  se  dalurum 
pacem,  eaque  de  re  dixit,  se  paulo  post  responsurum  esse. 
Hoc  dictum  satis  quidem  diviy^aruSsg  est,  sed  nos  tamen 
interpretamur  esse  ligyjvixov.  Aliquanto  post  venit  comes 
novae  aquilae ;  is  adfert  deliberationem  de  concordia,  cui 
additae  erant  quaedam  imperatoris  expostulationes.  Erat 
legatio  quaedam  aulica  ironia  instructa,  comites  Mander- 
schid,  et  nova?  aquilae  prae  se  ferebant,  se  non  esse  missos 
ab  imperatore,  sed  tamen  consilium  suum  imperatori  pla- 
cere.  Summa  consilii  haec  erat.  Cum  malit  imperator 
publicas  controversias  componi  sine  majore  tumultu,  Gran- 
vellano,  et  his  duobus  comitibus  videri  consultum,  ut  pe- 
tamus  banc  rem  privatim  peti  ab  imperatore,  eum  quasi 
arbitrum  faciamus  harum  controversiarum  privatim.  Quod 
si  faceremus,  imperatorem  adhibiturum  esse  Granvellanum 
et  paucos  alios,  et  delecturum  utrinque  eruditos,  qui  dog- 
mata judicarent  et  moderarentur.  Contentiones  vero  de 
praediis  ecclesiarum  imperatoris  judicio  permittendas  esse : 
petitum  et  hoc  est  ut  diserte  et  plane  dicamus  quid  largiri 
aut  defendere  ad  extremum  velimus.  Erant  adjectae  satis 
durae  expostulationes.  Nam  imperator  ait  se  aegre  ferre, 
quod  hactenus  simulantes  concordiae  studium  hoc  egerimus 
ut  rem  extraheremus,  ut  paulatiin  nostra?  partes  confirma- 
rentur,  non  vere  voluisse  nos  discordias  tolli,  quod  nihil 
concessimus  adversaries.  Narrat  quam  diligenter  Augustae 
egerit  de  concordia.  Ac  tota  querela  eo  spectat,  non  videri 
nos  appetere  concordiam  nisi  abjiciamus  totum  doctrinae 
genus,  quod  profitemur.  Nos  verecunde  et  vere  respondi- 
mus  de  nostra  voluntate  erga  rempublicam  et  studio  pacis, 
purgavimus  objecta  crimina,  et  ingenue  diximus,  non  velle 
nos  conciliationem  intelligi  confirmationem  veterum  er- 
rorum,  et  projectionem  piae  doctrinae.  Ostendimus  clare, 
quos  articulos  non  posse  abjici  censebamus,  et  petivimus, 
ut  res  non  privatim,  sed  in  publico  conventu  ageretur,  ut 
anno  superiori  promisit  imperatoris  legatus  Francofordia? ; 
ostendimus  etiam  nos  nequaquam  de  praediis  ecclesiarum 
pugnare.  Exempla  responsionis  habent  principum  et  ci- 
vitatum  legati.  Fortassis  erunt  varia  judicia  de  nostra 
responsione.  Non  multa  sunt  <po£<nxw<rsga,  caetera  verecunde, 
ingenue,  graviter,  ac  sine  sophistica,  scripta  sunt.  Et  si 
vult  imperator  pie  consulere  ecclesiis,  occasionem  aliquam 
praebuisse  videmur,    Utinam  Deus  excitet  animum  impera- 


CONFERENCE  AT  RATISBON.  403 

toris,  ut  vere  velit  inquisitis  foniibus,  et  fundamentis  de 
doctrina  agi,  sicut  toties  in  hac  narratione  scriptum  est. 
Habes  historiam  hujus  conventus  praecipuam.  Nam  caetera 
sunt  communia,  in  quibus  et  pleraque  sunt  quae  Demos- 
thenes nominat,  xoiva  tfoXirsiwv  ajaa|rr)jxara  de  quibus  coram 
loquemur.     Vale. 


LETTER  FROM  MELANCTHON  TO  LUTHER, 

ON  THE  SUBJECT  OP 

THE  CONFERENCE  AT  RATISBON, 

IN    MARCH    1541. 

S.  D.  initio  conventus,  postquam  imperator  Carolus  ex- 
posuit,  se  deliberationes  instituere  velle  de  controversiis 
ecclesiasticis  dirimendis,  conjuncti  Augustinae  confessioni 
petiverunt  pertexti  disputationem  Wormaciensem,  ut  ex  ea 
explicatione  imperator  et  principes  cognoscere  possent,  et 
quae  res  veniant  in  controversiam,  et  qui  sint  fontes.  Quo- 
modo  enim  eligi  verae  sententiae  a  principibus  possunt,  nisi 
res  hoc  modo  collatae,  et  diserte  explicatae  eis  proponantur? 
Sed  hoc  consilio  repudiate,  ostendit  imperator,  se  paucos 
quosdara  delecturum  esse,  non  ut  sententiae  inter  se  pug- 
nantes  defenderentur,  sed  ut  quaereretur,  qua?  dogmata 
conciliari  possint.  Ac  ne  quid  periculi  esset  ex  hac  delibe- 
ratione  partibus  praefatus  est,  velle  se  non  teneri  quenquam 
his  deliberatis,  nee  ea  vim  praejudicii  habere,  sed  omnia 
rursus  ad  consilia  principum  referenda  esse.  Postulavit 
item,  ut  sibi  permitteretur,  ut  suo  judicio  quos  vellet,  delige- 
ret.  Nihil  enim  mirum  esse,  in  re  tanta  dissimiles  esse  ho- 
minum  voluntates,  dissimilia  studia  et  judicia.  Sed  erant 
quidam,  qui  ab  hoc  toto  consilio  conciliationem  abhorre- 
bant,  propter  magnitudinem  periculi.  Multa  enim  sunt  et 
Vetera  et  recentia  exempla,  quae  admonent,  in  talibus  con- 
ciliationibus  plerumque  decurri  ad  ambiguos,  flexiloquos, 
fucosos,  et  fallaces  articulos,  quibus  Veritas  obruitur,  et 
non  sanantur  ecclesiae  sed  dissipantur.  Alii  contra  dispu- 
tabant,  hanc  viam  etiam  profuturam  esse  ad  declarandas 
sententias,  quas  profiterentur  ecclesiae,  quae  amplexae  sunt 


404  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

Augustanam  confessionem :  prassertim  si  interfuturi  essent 
boni  viri,  qui  imperatori  recitarent  ut  res  posceret,  dispu- 
tationum  summas.  Et  imperator  clixerat  velle  se  inquiri 
veritatem.  Futurum  autem  animum  imperatoris  mitiorem, 
si  intelligeret  non  tarn  absurd  a  esse  dogmata  ecclesiarum 
nostrarum,  ut  a  pontificibus,  monachis,  et  aliis  sycophantis 
traducuntur.  Addebant  item  si  colloquii  hujus  deliberata 
referrentur  ad  principes  quosdam,  dicturos  eos  liberas  et 
honestas  sententias.  Tandem  igitur  eo  decurritur  :  assen- 
timur  imperatori,  ut  hoc  loco  colloquium  instituatur :  sed 
ita  ne  condantur  flexiloqui  articuli,  sed  ut  simplex  Veritas 
patefiat.  Et  testatus  est  imperator  velle  se  inquiri  verita- 
tem: ac  in  delectu  usus  est  hac  aequitate.  Ex  pontiflciis 
tres  delegit,  Julium,  Eccium,  et  Gropperum.  His  addidit 
ex  altera  parte  Phillippum,  Bucerum,  et  Nidanum  pasto- 
rem.  Petitum  est,  ut  addantur  principes  seu  gubernatores 
colloquii,  et  aliqui  auditores  seu  testes,  ut  acta  cum  impe- 
ratori, turn  aliis  principibus  fidelius  recitari  possint.  De- 
lecti  sunt  gubernatores,  dux  Fredericus,  Palatinus,  et  Gran- 
vellus.  Adjuncti  auditores,  comes  de  Manderscheit,  Eber- 
hardus  Ruede,  consiliarius  Moguntini,  cancellarius  Pala- 
tini electoris,  Saxonicus  cancellarius,  cancellarius  Hassi- 
cus,  Jacobus  Sturmius  Argentinensis. 

Initio  congressus  dux  Fredericus  rursus  adhortatur  de- 
lectos,  ut  sedatos  ac  piosanimos,  ad  tantam  deliberationem 
adferant,  et  dirimere  controversias  studeant.  Narrat,  ipsi 
imperatori  tot  jam  annos  earn  rem  maximas  curse  fuisse, 
eoque  multorum  doctorum  et  bonorum  explorasse  senten- 
tias. Cum  igitur  quidam  exhibuerint  ipsi  scriptum,  quod 
propter  aliorum  immoderationem  consiliis  durioribus  ante- 
tulerint:  velle  imperatorem,  ut  delectis  liber  ille  propona- 
tur,  qui  quasi  viam  monstret  ad  dirimendas  controversias. 
Liber  est  exhibitus  asquissima  conditione,  ut  quae  non  pro- 
barentur,  nobis  dicere  liceret,  et  censuram  adderemus. 
Etsi  autem  tutius  videbatur  nonnullis  ex  delectis,  percur- 
rere  Augustanam  confessionem :  tamen  cum  alii  librum 
anteferrent  et  incivile  videretur,  nolle  inspicere  scriptum 
propositum  ab  imperatore,  sine  iniquis  conditionibus:  con- 
venit,  ut  liber  legeretur,  et  ordine  dicerentur  sententiae. 
Initio  non  habebant  controversias,  de  conditione  hominis, 
de  lapsu,  de  libero  arbitrio,  de  causa  peccati,  de  vitio  ori- 
ginis.  De  his  locis  tunc  quidem  rixa?  nullae  fuerunt.  Se- 
cutus  est  locus  de  reconciliatione  hominis,  seu  justifica- 
tione,  de  quo  farrago  ilia  neutri  parti  satisfaciebat,  et  quia 


CONFERENCE  AT  RATISBON.  405 

novas  quasdam  sententias  continebat,  et  pleraque  erant 
obscura,  impropria  et  flexiloqua  :  ut  alias  videretur  recte 
dicere  fide  propter  Christum  justi  sumus;  alias  contra 
propter  donatas  virtutes  sumus  justi:  ut  Thomas,  seu  ut 
Plato  loquitur. 

Seposito  igilur  libro,  de  summa  rei  libere  disputatum  est: 
et  tandem  ad  formulam  reversum,  in  qua  recepta  et  expli- 
cata  senteutia  est,  fide  propter  Christum  gratis  justifica- 
mur,  uon  propter  virtutes  nostras.  Cum  de  hoc  loco  con- 
venisset,  redire  ad  librum  jussi  sumus.  Lectus  est  locus 
sequens  de  ecclesia,  ut  facilius  obtineri  sequeutia  possent; 
insidiose  addita  est  hypothesis,  commuuem  consensum  et 
s}nodos  legitimas  non  errare.  Hie  magnum  certamen 
ortum  est.  Cumque  per  aliquot  dies  de  hoc  loco  diligenter 
disputassemus  jussi  sumus  rejicere  hanc  partem  in  aliud 
tempus.  Lectus  est  locus  de  sacramentis,  in  quo  cum  ven- 
tum  esset  ad  coenam  Domini,  ortae  sunt  rixa3  de  conversione 
substantia?  panis.  Rejecta  est  et  base  disputatio  in  aliud 
tempus.  Postea  acerrima  contentio  de  re  non  magna  se- 
cuta  est,  "  an  in  confessione,"  ut  vocant,  "  sit  necessaria 
delictorum  enumeratio."  Defendebatur  regnum  confes- 
sionis  a  nonnullis,  vel  propter  auctoritatem  ordinis  sacer- 
dotum,  vel  propter  culinas  monachorum.  Sed  ab  aliis  ex- 
hibita  est  contraria  sententia,  explicata  copiose.  Agitata 
est  et  qua?stio  de  "  satisfactionibus,"  de  quibus  formula  pro- 
positi est  a  pontificiis  brevis :  ut  et  moderate  videretur 
ambigua.  Sed  concessum  est,  ut  et  altera  pars  suam  ex- 
hiberet  sententiam.  Ventum  est  ad  locum  de  gradibus  et 
poteslate  episcoporum,  ubi  aliquid  de  potestate  Romani 
pontificis  significatum  fuit.  Adjecta  erant  et  alia  quae  vo- 
cabantur  in  quaestionem.  Tribuebat  enim  scriptum  aucto- 
ritatem episcopis  ceremonias  divinitus  constitutas  mutandi. 
Id  quidam  interpretabantur  de  parte  ccenae Domini  adempta 
populo.  Secuta  sunt  certamina  de  invocatione  divorum, 
qui  ex  hac  vita  discesserunt,  de  applicatione  missae,  de 
privata  missa,  de  usu  iutegrae  ccenae  Domini.  In  his  ma- 
teriis  cum  ii,  qui  Augustanam  confessionem  amplectuntur, 
dissiderent  a  libro  illo,  et  a  pontificiis ;  concessum  est,  ut 
contraria;  sententias  exhiberentur.  Reliqua  erat  in  libro 
longa  recitatio  veterum  canonum,  de  conjugio  sacerdotum. 
Etsi  autem  liber  earn  causam  rejiciebat  ad  deliberationem 
summorum  gubernatorum:  tamen  significabat,  conjugium 
sacerdotibus  concedendum  esse  juxta  normam  veterum  ca- 
nonum.    Hie  adjecta  est  Jiberior  sententia  a  nobis.     Tan- 


406  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

dem  igitur  percurso  libro,  jussi  summus  acta  referre  im- 
peralori:  ac  reddito  libro  ostendere,  de  quibus  locis  con- 
venerit,  et  quas  controversial  non  sint  diremtae.  Etsi  fui- 
mus  delecti,  ut,  inquisita  veritate,  dissidia  tolleremus,  ta- 
men  ut  studinm  concordias  ostenderent  hi,  qui  Augustanam 
confessionem  amplectuntur,  de  libro  non  acerbam  censu- 
ram  egerunt,  multa  improprie  dicta  dissimularunt,  quae- 
clam  donarunt  adversariis,  qua?  tamen  digna  erant  repre- 
hensione,  sed  semper  ita  sensimus,  non  propter  leves  causas 
alenda  esse  dissidia:  tan  turn  de  magnis  et  necessariis  rebus 
pugnandum  esse  duximus.  Postquam  imperatori  liber  red- 
ditus  est,  tentatae  sunt  per  marchionem  Joachimum  et  com- 
positiones  reliquarum  controversiarum,  de  quibus  articuh 
a  nobis  exhibit!  erant.  Cumque  csetera  communia  de  uti- 
litate  concordiae  et  pacis,  de  ingentibus  malis,  quas  civile 
bellum  cbmitarentur,  longa  oratione  commemorata  essent: 
illud  tandem  adjectum  est,  moliri  imperatorem  novam  ec- 
clesise  reformationem,  et  doctrinam  de  justitia  fidei  propa- 
gaturam  etiam  esse  in  caeteras  regiones.  Haec  tanta  bona 
impediri,  si  casteros  articulos  mordicus  retineremus,  nee 
regrederemur  aliquantulum,  cessuri  non  hostium  improbi- 
tati,  sed  piorum  in  aliis  regionibus  utilitati.  Multi  priore 
ratione  movebantur;  bellum  civile,  quo  nihil  injustius  in 
hac  vita  cogitari  potest,  non  stulte  formidantes :  nonnulli 
et  altera  parte  orationis  moveri  se  significabant,  et  cense- 
bant  nostra  moderatione  invitandam  et  confirmandam  esse 
voluntatem  imperatoris,  universo  orbi  consulere  cupientis, 
et  quasi  quoddam  aureum  seculum  promittentis.  Ac  dis- 
putabant,  cum  singuli  quaedam  dissimulemus  amicorum 
vitia,  cum  celebratissimis  auctoribus  Augustino  et  aliis, 
errores  quosdam  condonemus:  posse  etiam  hoc  tempore 
aliqua  sen  remitti  seu  involvi  ac  tegi,  cum  propter  nostras 
civitates  et  ecclesias  in  quibus  vastitas  futura  esset:  turn 
propter  gentium  quas  tanquam  infirmae  invitandae  essent, 
utilitatem.  Nee  leve  fuit,  cum  de  re  tantae  sententiae  dice- 
rentur.  Nam  alii  contra:  etsi  publica  ecclesiarum  et  scho- 
larum  excidia  metuerent,  ipsi  tamen  doctrinae  corruptelas 
fugiendas  esse  sentiebant.  Nee  hi  tantum  eo  movebantur, 
quod  omnibus  periculis  anteferenda  sit  Veritas :  sed  etiam 
hoc  considerabant.  Primum  moderatores  pacem,  quam 
ostendebant,  non  impetraturos  esse,  nisi  totum  purae  doc- 
trinae genus  abjiceremus.  Deinde  domesticum  consensum 
tuendum  esse,  cum  constet  plerosque  domi  pacificationem 
banc  vel  cum  paucorum  articulorum  corruptelis  conjunctam 


CONFERENCE  AT  RATISBON.  407 

asperrime  reprehensuros  et  improbaturos  esse.  Postremo, 
secuturas  esse  magnas  in  nostris  ecclesiis  discordias.  Ilia 
vero  promissa  de  aureo  seculo,  et  de  reform atione,  non 
magni  faciebant :  quod  viderentur  esse,  ut  inquit  Thiicy- 
dides  rf^M-a  *oXitixov  Xoyou.  Tandem  igitur  Marchioni  re- 
spondetur  yerecunde,  has  de  reliquis  controversiis  delibe- 
rationes  differendas  esse,  donee  a  principibus  in  utraque 
parte  sententiae  de  prioribus  articulis  dictae  essent,  de  qui- 
bus  fortassis  collocutorum  judicium  neutris  satisfaciet.  Etsi 
autem  multae  controversial  nondum  erant  diremptse,  tamen 
Caesar  jubet  in  senatu  principum  sententias  dici  de  libro. 
Hie  dux  Bavariae  Gulielmus,  recitat  de  scripto  longam  cri- 
minationem  eorum,  qui  amplexi  sunt  Augustanam  confes- 
sionem;  deinde  et  hunc  librum  a  Cassare  oblatum  prorsus 
rejicit.  Censet  nullam  ullius  opinionis  correctionem  aut 
moderationem,  nullam  legura  pontificiarum  mitigationem 
admittendam  esse:  nihil  concedendum  adversariis  quam 
discrepet  ab  usitatis  opinionibus  aut  ceremoniis  cseterarum 
nationum.  Haec  summa  fuit  orationis  Bavarica>,  cui  assen- 
tiebantur  plerique  episcoporum.  Hos  ut  confirmaret  Ec- 
cius,  misit  ad  senatum  principum  brevein  epistolam  in  qua 
improbat  librum;  ac  testatur  nunquam  sibi  placuisse,  prop- 
terea  quod  errores  non  ferendos  contineret,  nee  in  loquendo 
sequeretur  theologorum  phrasin  et  consuetudinem.  Dicun- 
tur  sentential  moderatiores  a  legatis  Coloniensis  episcopi,  a- 
legatis  Palatini,  et  a  marchione  Brandenburg  electore:  ut 
conciliati  articuli  comprobentur.  Ca3teri  rejiciantur  ad  sy- 
liodum,  aut  alium  conventum.  Hi  enim  disputabant,  paula- 
tim  coituras  in  concordiam  ecclesias,  si  asquitas  adhibere- 
tur:  et  conscientiis  piorum,  qua;  desiderent  quorundam 
rituum  vitiosorum  emendationem,  consulendum  esse.  Ter- 
tia  fuit  sententia  nostrorum,  non  reprehendi  articulos  con- 
cihatos,  si  tamen  in  his  quaedam  ambigua  diserte  explica- 
rentur.  Addebant  et  de  controversiis  non  diremptis:  se 
judicare  articulos  a  nostris  in  colloquio  exhibitos  veros,  et 
ita  moderate  scriptos  esse,  ut  sperent  sanis  judiciis  sa'tis- 
facturos  esse.  Et  quia  jusserat  imperator  exliiberi  delibe- 
rationem  de  reformatione  ecclesiae,  adjecti  sunt  libelli  de 
gubernatione  ecclesiarum.  Cum  vero  principum  senten- 
tiae inter  se  non  congruerent,  imperator,  ne  de  summa  rei 
ipse  statuere  videretur,  cardinalem  Contarenum  adhibet. 
Hie  ut  honesto  praetextu  certamina  finirentur,  proponit 
senptam  sententiam,  in  qua  jubet  totam  vel  integram  cau- 
sam  servari  Romano  pontifici,   ac  vetat  in  conventu  de 


408  APPENDIX  PAPERS. 

his  rebus  iterum  disputari.  Et  quia  fuerat  contentio  de 
conciliatis  articulis  recipiendis,  quos  visus  est  antea  Con- 
tarenus  non  improbare  ;  adductus  est  importunitate  Eccii 
ut  alterum  scriptum  proponeret,  in  quo  diserte  iuquit,  se 
de  conciliatione  non  pronunciare,  nee  probare  eos,  sed  re- 
linquere  judicium  Romano  pontifici.  Mirabantur  multi 
Contarenum,  cum  et  doctrinae  Christiana?  peritissimus  esse 
diceretur,  et  singulari  gravitate  et  virtute  praeditus,  non 
libere  profiteri  quod  sentiret.  Nam  cum  omnes  Christiani 
et  intelligere  communem  evangelii  doctrinam  debent ;  turn 
vero  maxime  illis,  qui  primas  in  ecclesia  tenent,  et  guber- 
natores  doctrines  esse  volunt,  convenit  aperte  suam  senten- 
tiam  ostendere.  Nee  continent  articuli  conciliati  inanes 
argutias,  sed  res  magnas,  et  ecclesiae  necessarias :  ut  de 
morbo  originis,  de  libertate  voluntatis  humanae,  et  fide 
justificante  propter  Christum,  de  retinendis  officiis  episco- 
porum  et  aliorum  graduum  ecclesiasticorum.  Sed  quo 
concilio  suam  sententiam  Contarenus  occultavit,  nihil 
ad  nos  attinet :  sed  eventus  satis  ostendit,  eos  qui  spe- 
rarunt  initio  adversarios  nostros  aliquam  moderationem 
aut  emendationem  suarum  opinionum  admissuros,  non  satis 
perspexisse  eorum  voluntates ;  tentandos  putarunt  animos 
nostros,  ut  sen  inclinatio  quaedamj  seu  distractio  fieret, 
posteaque  suum  odium  declarerent.  Alii  meliores  qui  se- 
rio  moderationem  aliquam  expetunt,  cum  viderent  nee  ani- 
morum  concordiam  vere  coituram  esse,  nee  semina  odio- 
rum  tolli,  etsi  receptae  essent  hae  moderationes,  minus  suc- 
censebant  nobis  quod  repugnaveramus.  Audio  et  cum 
videret  frustra  tentatas  esse  has  conciliationes,  dixisse  De- 
ura  fortassis  hos  conatus  impedivisse,  qui  arcano  et  mirabili 
consilio  regit  ecclesiam  :  quod  his  moderationibus  receptis, 
mala  quaedam  confirm ata  fuissent  et  eorum  stabilita  poten- 
tia,  qui  errores  praecipue  defendunt. — Deum  vero  orandum 
esse  ut  ipse  ecclesiae  opem  ferat,  et  pios  cultus  ac  veram 
doctrinam  restituat. 


THE    END. 


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